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University  of  California. 

FROM    THE    UISRARY    OF 

I)  R  .     F  R  A  N  C  I  S     LI  E  B  E  R , 
Professor  of  History  and  Law  in  Columbia  College,  New  York. 

THE   GIFT  OF 

MICHAEL     REESE, 

Of  San  Francisco. 
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LIFE    AND    TIMES 


SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  BART., 


WILLIAM  L.  STONE. 


VOL.  II. 


ALBANY: 

J.  MUNSELL,  78  STATE  STREET. 

1865. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1864, 
By  William  L.  Stone, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the 
Southern  District  of  New  York. 


- 


CONTENTS. 


VOL.  II. 

CHAPTER  I. 

1756. 

The  winter  wears  away  in  gloomy  inactivity.  Capture  of  Fort  Bull  by  De 
Levy,  1 — Orange  and  Ulster  counties  ravaged  by  the  enemy.  Apparent 
indifference  of  the  assembly.  Explanation,  2 — Victory  of  the  people 
over  the  crown  on  privilege.  The  instructions  of  the  crown  to  Sir  Deli- 
vers Osborn  virtually  repealed.  The  Newcastle  administration  still  hope 
for  peace,  3 — The  Earl  of  Loudon  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the 
British  forces  in  North  America.  Major  General  Abercrombie,  with 
General  Webb,  sails  from  England  for  America.  Arrival  of  Governor 
Shirley  at  Albany,  4 — The  expedition  against  Crown  Point,  under  Gen- 
eral Winslow,  is  delayed.  Shirley  improves  the  delay  by  throwing  provi- 
sions into  Oswego,  5 — Abercrombie  sows  discord  among  the  troops,  and 
disgusts  the  people  of  Albany,  6 — Sir  William  Johnson  holds  an  import- 
ant council  at  Onondaga,  with  the  Confederate  and  Delaware  Indians. 
Its  object,  and  the  causes  which  led  to  it,  7 — Singular  conduct  of 
Governor  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Baronet  placed  in  an  embarras- 
ing  situation,  10 — His  views  respecting  the  conduct  of  Governor  Morris, 
11 — Important  points  gained  at  the  council  at  Onondaga,  12 — Treaty  of 
peace  concluded  between  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  13 — Indian 
council  held  at  Easton,  between  Governor  Denny  and  Teed}ruscung,  14 — 
Teedyuscung  enumerates  the  wrongs  done  to  his  nation  in  the  purchase 
of  lands,  15 — Through  the  exertions  of  Governor  Denny,  the  Delawares 
of  the  Susquehanna  become  reconciled  to  the  English,  16 — Brilliant  ex- 
ploit of  Colonel  Bradstreet.  He  throws  into  Oswego  six  months'  provi- 
sions for  five  thousand  men,  17 — Captain  Rogers  and  his  rangers  destroy 
two  of  the  enemy's  vessels  on  Lake  Champlain.  20 — Lord  Loudoun  arrives 
at  Albany.  Refuses  to  grasp  the  exigences  of  the  occasion.  Noble  con- 
duct of  the  New  England  officers,  21 — Marquis  de  Montcalm  invests 
Oswego.  Surrender  of  the  garrison.  Massacre  of  the  garrison  by  the 
Indians  prevented  by  the  prompt  action  of  the  French  general,  22 — He 
levels  the  forts  at  Oswego  to  the  ground.  Sir  William  Johnson  sent  to 
the  support  of  Webb  at  the  German  Flats.  Abject  terror  of  Webb.  He 
flies  in  wild  consternation  to  the  German  Flats,  23 — Loudoun  abandons 
offensive  operations  against  Canada.  He  arrives  in  New  York  city,  and 
quarters  his  troops  upon  the  inhabitants,  who  protest  without  avail, 
Quarrels  with  Oliver  De  Lancey,  24 — Goes  to  Boston,  25. 

CHAPTER  II. 
1757. 
The  storm,  predicted  by  the  Baronet,  bursts  upon  the  frontier  settlements, 
The  Six  Nations  boldly  declare  in  favor  of  making  peace  with  the  French, 
and  send  a  deputation  to  Montreal.  A  messenger  from  Johnson  to  Webb 
waylaid  and  scalped,  26 — The  Six  Nations  remain  firm  in  their  attach- 
ment to  Sir  William.     The  latter  summons  the  Confederacy  to  a  meeting 


IV  CONTENTS. 

at  Fort  Johnson.  Sends  Captains  Butler  and  Fonda  through  the  differ- 
ent cantons,  27 — Active  exertions  of  the  Superintendent  to  arrest  the 
disaffection.  Extracts  from  his  journal,  28 — Attack  upon  Fort  William 
Henry  by  the  French  repulsed,  30 — The  Baronet  arrives  at  Fort.  Edward 
with  Indians  and  militia.  Returns,  and  establishes  his  head  quarters  at 
Burnet's  Field.  Despatches  a  body  of  Mohawks  to  Swegatchie  for  intel- 
ligence, 82 — Difficulty  between  the  garrison  at  Fort  Hunter  and  a  party 
oi  Mohawks.  The  Baronet  requests  Abercrombie  to  remove  the  garrison, 
33 — The  Indian  council  assemble  at  Fort  Johnson,  34 — The  good  effects 
of  the  meeting  communicated  to  Peter  Wraxall  in  a  letter  from  the 
Baronet,  36 — Governor  Hardy  convenes  his  assembly.  His  message,  38 
— Trouble  with  the  Stockbridge  Indians  prevented  by  the  interference  of 
the  Baronet,  39 — The  governor  desires  the  assembly  to  appoint  commis- 
sioners to  settle  the  boundaries  between  New  York  and  New  Jersey  and 
Massachusetts,  39 — Also,  at  the  suggestion  of  Johnson,  recommends  the 
passage  of  an  act  annulling  fraudulent  grants  of  land,  40 — Answer  of 
the  assembly.  It  refuses  to  vacate  the  land  patents.  The  ostensible, 
and  the  true  reason  of  this  refusal.  An  appropriation  made  for  raising 
one  thousand  men  to  act  in  concert  with  Massachusetts.  Sir  Charles 
resigns  the  government,  and  sails  to  take  command  of  the  expedition 
against  Louisburg,  42. 

CHAPTER  III. 
1757. 

ijord  Loudoun  sails  for  Halifax,  having  laid  an  embargo  upon  all  the  sea 
ports  from  Virginia  to  Massachusetts.  Is  joined  by  Admiral  Holburn 
and  George  Viscount  Howe.  Inactivity  of  the  viceroy  and  failure  of  the 
expedition,  43 — General  Montcalm  plans  a  descent  upon  Fort  William 
Henry.  Exploits  of  the  French  partizans,  Marin,  andCorbiere,  upon  Lake 
George,  44 — Preparations  of  the  French  General,  45 — He  invests  Fort 
William  Henry  and  summons  Colonel  Monro  to  surrender.  Poltroonery 
of  Webb,  46— Sir  William  Johnson  hastens  to  Fort  Edward  and  begs  to 
be  sent  to  the  relief  of  Monro.  Sets  out,  and  is  ordered  back.  Colonel 
Monro  forced  to  surrender,  47 — The  captured  garrison,  disregarding 
Montcalm's  orders,  supply   the  Indians  with  rum.     The  latter,  inflamed 

v  with  liquor,  begin  a  general  massacre  of  the  prisoners,  48 — Heroic  efforts 
of  Montcalm  and  his  officers  to  stop  the  carnage.  The  survivors  are 
sent,  under  a  strong  escort,  to  Fort  Edward.  Montcalm  exonerated  from 
all  blame,  49— Shameful  conduct  of  Webb.  Lord  Howe  arrives  with 
reinforcements,  and  ealms  his  fears.  The  morale  of  the  army  destroyed. 
Johnson  returns  in  disgust  to  Albany.  Desertion  of  the  militia,  50— 
Governor  De  Lancey  receives  the  news  of  the  capitulation  in  Albany,  and 
hastens  to  New  York  to  vindicate  his  conduct  to  the  assembly,  51 — His 
explanations  received  in  silence.  Reason  for  this  given  in  a  letter  from 
the  speaker  to  the  agent  in  London,  52 — Destruction  of  the  Palatine  vil- 
lage, and  massacre  of  its  inhabitants,  by  a  large  force  of  French  and 
Indians,  54 — Sir  William  unable  to  l«ave  his  bed  through  illness,  sends 
George  Croghan  to  the  scene  of  the  massacre,  55 — Upon  the  return  of 
Croghan,  the  Baronet  writes  Abercrombie  a  sharp  letter  of  remonstrance, 
56 — Loudoun  meditates  a  declaration  of  war  against  the  Six  Nations,  but 
is  dissuaded  from  it  by  Johnson,  57— Confidence  reposed  in  the  latter  by 
Governor  Denny,  58. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

1758. 

The  campaign  agadnst  Canada  opens  with  great  spirit.     Three  formidable 

expeditions  projected,  59 — Loudoun  is  superseded  by  Abercrombie.  The 

British  cabinet  resolve  to  send  a  large  force  to  America.     The  colonists 

enter  into  the  work  of  cooperation  with  alacrity,  60 — Capture  of  Louis- 


CONTENTS.  V 

burg  by  Admiral  Boscawen  and  Generals  Amherst  and  Wolfe,  61 — 
Destruction  of  Burnet's  Field  by  a  party  of  Swegatchie  Indians.  Sir  Wil- 
liam orders  the  militia  into  the  field,  and  repairs  to  Canajoharie.  The 
French  continue  their  efforts  to  win  over  the  Confederacy,  62 — Extracts 
from  Sir  William's  journal,  63 — The  Mohawks  assure  the  Baronet  of  their 
willingness  to  join  the  expedition  against  Ticonderoga.  Abercrombie 
resolves  to  lead  the  expedition  in  person,  67 — The  army  rendezvous  at 
the  head  of  Lake  George.  Description  of  the  flotilla  on  its  passage 
down  the  lake,  68 — Landing  of  the  troops,  70 — Death  of  Lord  Howe. 
Gallant  conduct  of  Bradstreet  and  Rogers,  71 — Johnson  joins  the  army 
with  three  hundred  Indians.  Letter  from  Johnson  to  Abercrombie,  72 — 
Preparations  of  Montcalm  to  meet  the  English,  78 — The  latter  are 
repulsed  with  great  slaughter.  Disgraceful  retreat  of  Abercrombie. 
Consternation  among  the  Colonists,  74 — Rogers  and  Putnam,  with  a  party 
of  raugers,  waylaid  and  defeated  at  Half-way  Brook.  Colonel  Bradstreet 
asks,  and  obtains  leave  to  lead  an  expedition  against  Fort  Frontinac,  75 
— The  success  of  this  expedition  communicated  to  Sir  William  Johnson  in 
a  letter  from  Captain  Thomas  Butler,  76 — Brigadier  General  Forbes 
entrusted  with  the  command  of  the  forces  destined  against  Fort  Du  Quesne. 
He  proposes  holding  a  council  with  the  Six  Nations,  77 — Sir  William 
successfully  opposes  the  project.  Bouquet  is  sent  forward  to  occupy 
Loyal  Hanna.  Defeat  of  Major  Grant,  78 — Washington  pushes  forward, 
and  takes  possession  of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  which  receives  the  name  of 
Pittsburgh,  79 — -The  Delawares  and  Shawanese  again  on  the  war  path. 
Christian  Fredei'ick  Post  undertakes  a  mission  to  the  Shawanese,  80 — 
His  success  in  bringing  about  a  peace.  Greatly  aided  by  Sir  William 
Johnson,  82 — Circumstances  which  prepared  the  way  for  Post  and  John- 
son, 83 — Delawares  and  Shawanese  send  a  message  of  peace  to  the  super- 
intendent. Indian  council  at  Easton.  Conspicuous  part  assumed  by 
Teedyuscung.     Object  and  result  of  the  treaty,  85. 

CHAPTER  V. 
1759. 
A  new  assembly  meets.  The  power  of  the  De  Lancey  party  in  the  house 
ceases,  86 — The  spirit  of  faction  in  the  present  assembly  not  rife,  87 — The 
minister  plans  the  reduction  of  Quebec.  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst  assumes  com- 
mand of  the  forces  in  America.  His  character,  88 — Exertions  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson  to  secure  a  large  number  of  Indians  for  the  summer's  cam- 
paign. Holds  a  conference  at  the  Canajohai-ie  castle,  89 — Proceedings  of 
the  council,  anc  speeches  of  different  chiefs,  90 — Johnson  joins  Prideaux 
at  Oswego  with  seven  hundred  braves,  95 — Importance  of  Niagara  as  a 
military  and  trading  post  urged  upon  the  lords  of  trade  by  the  Baronet. 
General  Prideaux,  accompanied  by  Johnson,  sails  for  Niagara,  and 
invests  that  fortress,  96 — Death  of  General  Prideaux.  Johnson  assumes 
command,  and  defeats  a  body  of  the  enemy  under  D'Aubry,  97 — Cap- 
tain Pouchet  surrenders  the  fort,  98 — The  Baronet's  praise  upon  all  lips. 
Effect  of  the  fall  of  Niagara,  99 — Johnson  having  repaired  the  works 
returns  to  Oswego.  Brigadier  General  Gage  arrives  at  Oswego  and 
takes  command.  Johnson  urges  an  attack  upon  La  G alette.  Vascillating 
conduct  of  Gage,  as  shown  in  the  extracts  quoted  from  the  Baronet's 
private  diary,  100 — Johnson  returns  to  Fort  Johnson,  105 — General 
Amherst  takes  possession  of  Ticonderoga.  Captain  Loring  destroys  two 
of  the  enemy's  vessels  on  Lake  Champlain.  Amherst  cuts  a  road  through 
to  New  England,  106 — Major  Rogers  destroys  the  Indian  settlement  of 
St.  Francis,  107 — Preparations  of  General  Wolfe  for  the  capture  of  Que- 
bec. Montcalm  prepares  for  defence.  Description  of  the  difficulties  to 
be  surmounted  by  the  English,  108 — Progress  of  the  siege,  109 — Wolfe 
calls  a  council  of  war,  110 — The  heights  of  Quebec  scaled.  Astonish- 
ment of    Montcalm.     The   two    armies    join  in  battle,   111 — Death   of 


VI  CONTENTS. 

Wolfe,  112 — Death  of  Montcalm      Reception  of  the  news  of  the  fall  of 
Quebec  in  England  and  America,  113 — Character  of  Wolfe,  114. 

CHAPTER  VI. 
j  1759-1760. 

General  Amherst  requests  that  the  troops  may  be  kept  in  the  field  two 
months  longer,  115 — Mr.  De  Lancey  announces  to  the  assembly  the 
important  acquisitions  gained  from  the  enemy,  116 — The  governor  far- 
ther announces  to  the  assembly  the  determination  of  the  parent  govern- 
ment to  prosecute  the  war  with  rigor.  The  house  work  harmoniously, 
117 — Heavy  loans  voted  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  ;  also  twenty-five 
hundred  pounds  to  assist  the  people  of  Boston,  who  had  suffered  from 
an  extensive  conflagration.  Death  of  James  De  Lancey,  118 — His  charac- 
ter, 119 — De  Levy  sent  by  De  Vaudreuil,  invests  Quebec  with  leu  thou- 
sand men.  General  Murray  attacks  the  French  under  De  Buerlamarque 
before  Quebec,  and  is  defeated.  De  Levy  raises  the  siege  and  returns  in 
haste  to  Montreal,  120 — Johnstown  founded  by  Sir  William  Johnson,  120 
— Officious  interference  of  Governor  Hamilton  in  Indian  affairs.  John- 
son holds  a  council  with  the  Six  Nations  at  Fort  Johnson.  Its  object, 
121— The  proceedings  of  the  council  enclosed  by  the  Baronet  in  a  letter 
to  Amherst,  122 — Reply  of  Amherst,  123 — He  approves  of  the  Baronet's 
course  with  Teedyuscung,  124 — Trouble  between  the  Illinois  and  Miss- 
issippi Indians  anticipated.  Johnson  writes  to  Gage  in  relation  to  it,  125 
— Croghan,  at  the  request  of  the  superintendent,  holds  an  Indian  con- 
ference at  Fort  Pitt,  with  satisfactory  results,  126 — Plan  of  the  campaign. 
Montreal  to  be  attacked  from  three  points.  Amherst  is  joined  by  John- 
son with  six  hundred  Indian  warriors,  127 — Amherst  embarks  at  Oswego. 
The  posts  of  Oswegatchie  and  La  Galette  fall  successively  into  his  hands, 
128 — Desertion  of  some  of  his  Indian  allies.  The  Baronet  at  Fort  Levy 
ratifies  a  treaty  of  peace  with  several  hostile  tribes,  129 — Capitulation 
of  Montreal  to  the  English.  Testimony  of  General  Amherst  to  the 
humanity  of  Johnson,  130 — Major  Rogers  sets  out  to  take  possession  of 
Detroit  and  the  remote  western  posts,  131 — His  perilous  journey,  132 — 
Interview  with  Pontiac ;  his  kindness  to  the  rangers.  Rogers  takes  pos- 
session of  Detroit  in  the  name  of  his  majesty,  133 — Pontiac  sees  in  this 
act,  the  downfall  of  Indian  supremacy  in  America,  134. 

CHAPTER  VII. 
1761. 
The  political  influence  of  the  Indian  race  begins  to  wane.  Reasons  for  it, 
135 — Some  Christian  Oneidas  desire  that  the  English  forts  may  be 
"  kicked  out  of  the  way."  Shameful  treatment  of  the  Indians  by  unscru- 
pulous traders,  136 — Alexander  Henry  in  his  travels  to  Michilmackinae 
finds  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Indian  tribes  against  the  English  wide 
spread,  137 — The  Ohio  Company  excites  the  suspicions  of  the  Delaware 
and  Ohio  Indians.  The  wrath  of  the  Six  Nations  kindled  at  the  rumored 
settlement  of  Wyoming.  Governor  Hamilton  writes  to  Johnson  upon  the 
subject,  138 — Necessity  of  conciliating  the  North  Western  tribes,  Start- 
ling plot  of  the  Shawanes  to  murder  the  English  garrisons  in  the  west 
discovered  by  Captain  Campbell,  139 — Sir  William  Johnson,  at  the 
request  of  Amherst,  determines  to  visit  Detroit.  Objects  to  be  attained 
by  the  visit,  140 — Memoranda  of  Johnson.  Perils  of  the  journey,  141 — 
The  Baronet  sets  out  from  Fort  Johnson,  accompanied  by  John  and  Guy 
Johnson.  Is  overtaken  at  Fort  Stanwix  by  Colonel  Eyre  with  a  letter 
from  Amherst,  142 — Johnson  holds  a  conversation  with  a  Tuscarora 
sachem,  and  obtains  important  information,  143 — Distributes  silver  med- 
als to  the  Indians  at  Oswego.  Holds  a  small  council  with  the  Onondagas, 
144 — Arrives  at  Niagara,  and  dispatches  a  letter  to  Amherst,  145 — Sends 
a  boat  to  Sandusky,  146— Calls  a  council  of  theSenecas,  and  makes  them 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

a  speech,  147 — Extracts  from  his  private  diary  while  on  his  journey,  149 
— Arrives  at  Detroit  and  is  waited  on  by  deputations  from  different 
tribes.  Decides  upon  the  number  of  men  to  be  stationed  at  the  different 
posts,  150 — Holds  a  grand  council  at  Detroit,  151 — The  White  Mingo 
charged  with  duplicity.  The  answer  of  the  Western  Nations  very  satis- 
factory, 152 — Gives  a  grand  dinner  and  ball  to  the  inhabitants  of  Detroit, 
and  sets  out  on  his  return.  Stops  a  day  at  Sandusky.  Is  confined  to 
his  bed  for  several  days  at  Niagara.  Arrives  at  Fort  Johnson,  163 — 
Johnson's  opinion  of  the  Western  Confederacy,  154. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

1761-1762. 
Death  of  George  Second,  and  accession  of  his  grand-son,  155 — Major  Gen- 
eral Monckton  appointed  governor  of  the  colony  of  New  York.  The 
administration  of  Doctor  Colden  marked  by  no  event  of  special  moment. 
Benjamin  Pratt  receives  the  appointment  of  chief  justice,  156 — James 
Otis  argues  against  "writs  of  assistance,"  157 — Mr.  Adams's  opinion  of 
the  speech  of  Otis.  The  colony  of  New  York  resist  farther  encroach- 
ment upon  their  liberties.  William  Livingston,  Scott  and  Smith  enter  the 
lists  as  champions  for  the  people,  159 — The  Assembly  refuse  to  increase 
the  salary  of  the  chief  justice.  Colden  has  gloomy  forebodings  of  the 
future.  Important  act  passed  during  the  winter  session.  Agency  of 
Johnson  in  it,  160 — He  urges  upon  Colden  the  importance  of  surveying 
accurately  the  lands,  as  the  only  way  to  settle  the  disputes  between  the 
whites  and  Indians,  161 — Monckton  sails  in  command  of  an  expedition 
against  Martinico.  The  Provincials,  commanded  by  General  Lyman,  162 
— M.  de  la  Touche  surrenders  the  island  to  Monckton  who  sends  Gage  to 
England  as  the  bearer  of  dispatches,  168 — Sir  William  Johnson  devotes 
his  spare  moments  to  the  management  of  his  personal  affairs.  Settles  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  Mohawk  over  one  hundred  families.  Gives  the 
Lutherans  and  Calvinists  fifty  acres  of  land  each  for 'a  parsonage  and 
church.  Builds  an  elegant  summer  villa,  in  the  present  town  of  Broad- 
albin,  and  confers  on  it  the  name  of  Castle  Cumberland,  163 — Builds, 
also,  a  rustic  lodge  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Sacondaga — since  called  the 
Fish  House.  Takes  pleasure  in  horticulture,  fine  stock,  and  is  the  first 
to  introduce  sheep  and  Mood  horses  into  the  Mohawk  valley.  Corre- 
sponds with  the  society  for  the  promotion  of  arts,  164 — Public  interests 
again  demand  his  attention.  Appoints  a  meeting  to  examine  into  the 
complaints  of  the  Dela wares,  against  the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania, 
164 — The  Six  Nations  invited  to  Fort  Johnson  to  hear  the  result  of  his 
visit  to  Detroit.  The  Confederacy  regard  with  distrust  the  growing 
power  of  the  English,  165 — The  Baronet  complains  to  the  board  of  trade 
of  the  fraudulent  manner  in  which  the  patent  of  Kayaderosseras  has  been 
obtained.  General  result  of  the  council  as  regards  theSenecas  encourag- 
ing, 166 — The  Baronet  concludes  a  treaty  at  Easton  with  Teedyuscung. 
The  Delaware  king  is  treacherously  burned  to  death  by  a  few  of  the  Six 
Nations,  167 — The  perpetrators  of  this  deed  throw  the  murder  on  the 
white  settlers,  and  the  Delawares,  in  revenge,  massacre  thirty  of  the  set- 
tlers at  noonday,  168 — The  Baronet,  on  his  return,  tarries  in  New  York 
to  take  the  oaths  of  office.  Arrives  at  Fort  Johnson  in  time  to  celebrate 
the  nuptials  of  his  daughter' Nancy,  to  Captain  Claus,  169 — Havana 
surrendered  to  the  earl  of  Albemarle,  by  the  Spanish  governor,  170 — 
Panic  produced  throughout  the  whole  Mohawk  valley  by  a  drunken 
Indian,  171 — Johnson  dismisses  the  militia,  called  out  on  the  occasion, 
to  their  homes,  and  holds  a  small  council  at  Seneca.  The  various  and 
arduous  duties  that  constantly  devolved  upon  the  superintendent,  172 — 
The  Baronet  prepares  the  timber  for  building  Johnson  Hall.  His  time 
greatly  taken  up  in  various  plans  for  the  education  of  the  Mohawks. 
Correspondence  with  Dr.  Wheelock  upon  the  subject,  173 — Dr.  Wheelock 
speaks  in  high  terms  of  Joseph  Brant.     Sir  William  engaged  in  active 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

correspondence  with  Rev.  Mr.  Graves,  of  New  London,  and  Rev,  Dr.  Pome- 
roy,  of  New  Haven.  Is  busily  engaged  during  the  fall  in  getting  out  a 
new  edition  of  the  prayer  book  in  the  Mohawk  tongue,  175. 

CHAPTER  IX. 
1763. 

Johnson  espouses  the  cause  of  the  Mohawks  in  their  land  controversies 
with  William  Livingston.  History  of  the  infamous  manner  in  which  the 
land  was  obtained.  The  moonlight  survey,  176 — Attorney  General  Kemp 
retained  by  the  government  on  behalf  of  the  government,  177 — Rascally 
conduct  of  George  Klock.  Johnson  appoints  a  meeting  at  the  Canajo- 
harie  castle  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  affair,  178 — Prompt 
attendance  of  the  sachems  and  chief  women  of  the  castle.  Proceedings 
of  the  investigation.  Affecting  reply  of  their  speaker,  Cayenguiragoa,  179 
He  produces  the  bottle  of  liquor  with  which  they  were  beguiled  by  Klock. 
John  Duncan,  the  attorney  for  Livingston,  fails  to  establish  his  claim  by 
cross  questioning,  180 — His  attempts  at  pacification  also  fail,  183 — Mr. 
Livingston's  character  does  not  come  out  of  the  affair  entirely  unscathed. 
Johnson  forwards  a  report  of  the  proceedings  to  the  governor  and  council. 
Mr.  Livingston  executes  to  the  Mohawks  a  release  of  all  the  disputed 
lands.  This  result  no  slight  proof  of  the  Baronet's  influence,  184 — He 
adjusts  a  matter  of  difference  between  the  Mohawks  of  the  Lower  Castle 
and  some  people  from  Schenectady,  185 — Colonel  Eliphalet  Dyer  proposes 
to  the  Baronet  to  take  him  into  partnership,  as  the  price  for  his  influence 
in  prevailing  the  Six  Nations  to  part  with  their  Susquehanna  lands.  The 
proposition  indignantly  rejected,  186 — The  Confederacy,  alarmed  at  the 
pertinacity  of  the  Connecticut  people,  send  a  deputation  to  Governor 
Fitch  at  Hartford,  186 — Speech  of  their  sachem,  187 — Governor  Fitch 
disclaims  any  intention  of  settling  on  their  lands,  188 — The  Proprietaries 
of  Pennsylvania  obtain,  in  1768,  a  deed  of  the  disputed  territory. 
Prophecy  of  Sir  William  Johnson  fulfilled  in  the  bloody  massacre  of 
Wyoming,  189 — The  treaty  at  Paris  completes  the  ruin  of  French  power 
in  America,  190 — Dark  clouds  begin  to  obscure  the  western  sky.  Pontiac 
conceives  the  design  of  driving  the  English  from  the  continent.  Forms 
a  league  with  the  great  interior  tribes,  and  plans  the  capture  of  the 
frontier  posts,  191 — Urgent  importance  of  retaining  the  friendship  of  the 
Six  Nations.  Johnson  sends  messages  throughout  the  Confederacy 
inviting  it  to  a  meeting  at  the  German  Flats.  The  Senecas  openly 
espouse  the  cause  of  Pontiac,  192 — The  other  nations  remain  true  to  the 
English.  The  Senecas,  at  the  urgent  solicitation  of  the  Baronet,  agree 
to  remain  neutral.  The  importance  of  neutrality,  thus  obtained,  cannot 
be  too  highly  estimated,  193 — Captain  Claus,  by  the  direction  of  his 
father-in-law,  holds  a  congress  at  the  Sault  St.  Louis  with  the  St.  Fran- 
cis, Swegatchie  and  other  Canadian  tribes.  Sir  William  orders  out  the 
militia,  and  sends  Indian  scouts  to  Crown  Point.  Is  waited  on  by  the 
Mohawks,  who  pledge  themselves  to  protect  his  person.  Arms  his  ten- 
antry ;  and  surrounds  Johnson  Hall  with  a  strong  stockade,  194 — As  a 
result  of  these  measures,  the  province  of  New  York  comparatively  unmo- 
lested during  Pontiac' s  war,  195.  < 

CHAPTER   X. 

1763. 

Detroit  the  most  strongly  fortified  of  the  remote  western  posts.  Its  situation, 
196 — The  intention  of  Pontiac  to  capture  the  town  frustrated.  Fury  of 
Pontiac.  He  lays  siege  to  the  place,  197 — A  reinforcement  sent  to  the  gar- 
rison under  Lieutenant  Cuyler,  attacked  at  the  mouth  of  the  Detroit  river 
and  routed.  The  condition  of  the  garrison  becomes  critical,  198 — The 
route  of  Cuyler's  party  communicated  to  Amherst  by  Sir  William  John- 
son.    Captain  Dalyell   sent  to  the  relief  of  the  place.     Marches  out  tc 


CONTENTS.  IX 

attack  Pontiac,  falls  into  an  ambuscade  and  is  routed  and  slain,  199 — 
Colonel  Bouquet  is  dispatched  by  Amherst  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Pitt,  200 
— Arrives  successively  at  Forts  Bedford  and  Ligonier,  201 — The  savages 
lay  an  ambush  for  him  near  Bushy  Run.  Discovers  it,  and  by  a  success- 
ful strategy  defeats  the  Indians  with  great  slaughter,  202 — Raises  the 
siege  of  Fort  Pitt.  Joy  of  the  garrison.  Receives  the  thanks  of  the 
king  and  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  203 — A  large  deputation  of 
chiefs,  accompanied  by  six  friendly  Senecas,  visit  Johnson  Hall,  and  hold 
a  conference  with  their  Great  Brother,  204 — Proceedings  of  the  Con- 
federacy with  the  recreant  Senecas,  205 — The  Baronet  places  a  "  good 
English  axe"  in  the  hands  of  the  Caughnawagas,  206 — A  party  of  Sene- 
cas lie  in  wait  for,  and  massacre  a  convoy  near  Fort  Schlosser,  207 — The 
schooner  Gladwin  succeeds  in  reaching  Detroit  with  provisions.  The 
Indians  despair  of  capturing  the  place.  The  hopes  of  Pontiac  blasted, 
208 — Pontiac  deserving  of  deep  commiseration.  Deserted  by  his  allies 
he  raises  the  siege  of  Detroit,  and  goes  to  the  tribes  of  the  Maumee,  209 
— The  close  of  the  year  marked  by  a  dark  page  in  the  history  of  Penn- 
sylvania. A  band  of  religious  fanatics  in  the  towns  of  Paxtang  and 
Donnegal  resolve  upon  the  destruction  of  the  whole  Indian  race,  210 — 
They  fall  upon,  and  murder  in  cold  blood  the  Canestogoes,  an  inoffensive 
and  friendly  clan  of  Moravian  Indians.  Horrible  barbarities  perpetrated 
by  them,  211 — The  Pennsylvanian  government  attempt  to  place  the  rem- 
nant of  the  clan  under  the  protection  of  the  Baronet.  Defeated  by  Col- 
den  and  his  council.  Finally  they  remove  to  Wyalusing,  212 — And  ulti- 
mately join  the  Moravian  Indians  beyond  the  Ohio,  213. 

CHAPTER  XI. 
1764. 
Bir  William  Johnson  actively  engaged  in  fitting  out  war  parties  against  the 
Delaware  and  Shawanese  villages.  Captain  Montour  defeats  and  cap- 
tures Captain  Bull,  son  of  Teedyuscung,  214 — Joseph  Brant  surprises  a 
band  of  Delawares  and  kills  their  chief.  These  measures  strike  the 
hostile  Senecas  with  dismay,  215 — They  visit  Johnson  Hall  and  sign  pre- 
liminary articles  of  peace,  216 — General  Gage  fits  out  two  expeditions 
against,  those  tribes  still  hostile  to  the  English,  216 — The  character  of 
Colonel  Bradstreet  as  given  by  Parkinan  eminently  just,  217 — Johnson, 
through  Indian  runners,  invites  the  tribes  coming  under  his  jurisdiction, 
to  meet  him  at  Niagara.  Manner  in  which  the  superstitious  Objibwas 
received  one  of  Johnson's  runners,  218 — Johnson  arrives  at  Niagara,  and 
is  greeted  with  a  peculiarly  gratifying  sight,  219 — An  incident  that  hap- 
pens at  this  time  threatens  to  thwart  all  his  efforts,  220 — Proceedings  of 
the  treaty,  221 — The  Senecas  relinquish  to  the  British  crown  a  tract  of 
land  four  miles  in  width  on  either  side  of  the  river  from  Lake  Ontario  to 
Lake  Erie.  They  make  the  Baronet  a  present  of  all  the  Islands  in 
Niagara  river,  who  in  turn  cedes  them  to  his  sovereign,  222 — He  returns 
home  and  advertises  in  the  newspapers  those  prisoners  whom  he  had 
rescued  from  captivity,  223 — The  peace  thus  made  diffuses  general  joy 
throughout  the  province,  224 — Bradstreet  sets  out  on  his  expedition,  224 
— His  inexcusable  and  singular  conduct,  225 — Captain  Morris  is  saved 
from  death  by  Pontiac,  227 — Bradstreet  oversteps  his  authority  in  con- 
cluding a  peace  at  Detroit,  228 — Is  severely  reprimanded  by  General 
Gage,  and  refuses  to  obey  his  orders,  229 — Unfortunate  termination  of 
the  expedition,  230 — General  Gage  thinks  that  the  Baronet's  time  is  con- 
tinually occupied  in  "patching  up  what  others  have  put  out  of  order," 
231 — History  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants,  231 — Colonel  Bouquet  sets 
off  from  Fort  Pitt  on  his  expedition  into  the  heart  of  the  Shawanese 
country,  234 — Bouquet's  conduct  contrasted  with  that  of  Bradstreet. 
He  accomplishes  the  objeots  of  the  expedition,  and  returns  to  Fort  Pitt, 
236 — The  closing  year  brings  no  relaxation  to  the  labors  of  the  Baronet, 
237. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
1765. 


Indian  hostilities  by  no  means  ended,  238 — A  party  of  Senecas  arrive  at 
the  Hall,  bringing  with  them  Squash  Cutter  and  Long  Coat,  239 — 
Croghan  draws  up  a  plan  for  the  management  of  Iudian  affairs,  and 
submits  it  to  Johnson  for  his  approval.  The  latter  sounds  the  Six 
Nations  in  relation  to  a  lasting  boundary  line,  240 — Having  ascertained 
their  wishes,  he  turns  his  attention  to  the  Ohio  deputies,  and  concludes 
with  them  a  treaty  of  peace,  241 — He  relinquishes  Captain  Bull  to  the 
Ohio  deputies,  242 — Squash  Cutter  falls  a  victim  to  the  small  pox,  242 — 
The  Baronet  entertains  at  the  Hall  Lady  Susan  O'Brian  and  her  hus- 
band, 243 — Molly  Brant  spoken  of  by  Lady  Susan  as  a  "well  bred  and 
pleasant  lady,"  244 — Lord  Adam  Gordon  visits  the  Baronet.  John  John- 
son sent  by  his  father  to  England.  Croghan  is  sent  by  the  Superintend- 
ent into  the  country  of  the  Illinois,  245 — Repulse  of  Major  Loftees  in  his 
attempt  to  occupy  Fort  Chartres,  246 — Lieutenant  Frazer  captured,  and 
rescued  from  death  by  Pontiac,  247 — Croghan  and  his  party  fall  into  an 
ambush,  and  are  taken  prisoners  by  a  war  party  of  Kickapoos  and 
Musquattamies.  Sir  William  Johnson's  opinion  in  relation  to  this  attack, 
248 — Interview  between  Croghan  and  Pontiac.  The  Ottawa  chieftain 
acknowledges  that  he  has  been  deceived  by  the  French,  and  offers  the 
calumet  and  peace  belt  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  249— Croghan  dis- 
patches expresses  to  Fort  Pitt  and  Johnson  Hall,  and  sets  out  for  Detroit. 
Arrives  at  that  post  and  delivered  to  the  Western  Nations  the  road  belt 
of  Sir  William  Johnson.  The  tree  of  peace  is  then  planted  and.  the 
pipe  of  peace  smoked,  250 — Croghan  having  obtained  from  Pontiac  a 
promise  to  meet  Sir  William  Johnson  the  next  spring  at  Oswego, 
arrives  at  the,  Hall,  251— Captain  Sterling  takes  possession  of  Fort 
Chartres,  and  receives  from  St.  Ange  the  last  token  of  French  supremacy 
in  the  country  of  the  Illinois,  252. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

1765. 

George  Grenville  and  Lord  North  devise  a  plan  for  raising  a  revenue  by 
the  sale  of  stamps  to  the  colonists.  The  colonists  receive  the  news  with 
universal  indignation,  253— Otis  advocates  the  views  of  the  people  in  a 
series  of  pamphlets.  Andrew  Oliver  hung  in  effigy  by  a  mob  in  Boston, 
254— Farther  acts  of  the  mob,  255— A  general  congress  of  the  colonies 
held  in  New  York,  which  adopts  a  declaration  of  rights,  256— Formation 
in  New  York  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty.  Their  proceedings.  General  Gage 
orders  down  from  Crown  Point  a  company  of  the  sixtieth  regiment,  and 
Coldcn  shuts  himself  up  in  the  fort,  257— The  common  council  yield  to 
the  mob.  Resolutions  adopted  by  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  259— Sir  Henry 
Moore  arrives  in  New  York  as  the  successor  of  Governor  Monckton.  He 
yields  to  the  wishes  of  the  people.  Meeting  of  the  assembly,  260— 
The  opening  address  of  the  Governor  contains  no  reference  to  existing 
troubles.  The  action  of  the  assembly  fails  to  keep  pace  with  public  sen- 
timent, 261— The  assembly  take  offense  at  a  letter*  sent  into  their  body 
signed  Freedom,  262— The  governor  demands  of  the  assembly  provisions 
for  the  troops.  A  committee  of  the  whole  house  report  against  it,  263— 
An  enumeration  of  the  different  acts  passed  at  this  session.  The  views 
of  Sir  William  Johnson  upon  the  great  questions  of  the  day,  264— His 
letters  at  this  time  cautious  and  non-committal,  265 — The  Sons  of  Lib- 
erty still  in  the  ascendant,  266. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

1766. 

Sir  William  Johnson  presents  a  conspicuous  mark  for  the  shafts  of  malice 
and  jealousy.  Receives  intelligence  that  his  son,  John,  has  been 
Knighted  by  the  King.  Erects  a  grist  mill  for  his  tenantry ;  builds  an 
Episcopal  church  at  Schenectady ;  and  fits  up  a  Masonic  Lodge  at  the 
Hall,  267 — Receives  the  appointment  of  commander  in  chief  of  the 
militia  for  the  northern  district  of  New  York.  Appoints  commissaries 
of  trade  at  Oswego  and  the  different  frontier  posts,  268 — The  good  effect 
of  these  measures  soon  apparent,  269 — Continued  opposition  to  the 
stamp  act.  The  mob  attack  the  house  of  Henry  Van  Schaack,  the 
Albany  post  master,  269 — Parliament,  alarmed,  repeals  the  obnoxious 
act,  270 — Statue  erected  to  William  Pitt.  Opening  message  of  Governor 
Moore,  271 — The  time  for  the  promised  visit  pf  the  Ottawa  King  arrives. 
The  Baronet  sends  Hugh  Crawford  to  Pontiac  with  orders  to  accompany 
the  chieftain  to  Oswego  as  a  body  guard,  273 — Fears  of  Pontiac  for  his 
personal  safety.  Curious  incident  on  his  journey  to  Oswego.  Delay  of 
the  Baronet  in  reaching  Oswego.  The  villainy  of  Klock  the  cause,  274 
— Arrives  at  Oswego,  and  opens  the  council.  Picturesque  appearance 
of  the  assemblage.  Johnson  covers  the  grave  of  a  great  Huron  Sachem 
with  a  black  belt  of  wampum,  275 — Takes  a  whiff  from  the  great  calumet 
of  peace,  and  begins  his  speech,  276 — The  great  Ottawa  chieftain  replies, 
holding  in  his  hand  the  chain  belt.  Satisfactory  termination  of  the 
interview.  Pontiac  launches  his  canoe-  upon  Lake  Ontario,  and  is  soon 
lost  to  sight,  278 — Johnson  receives  the  thanks  of  the  King  in  a  letter 
from  the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  279 — Trouble  in  Dutchess  county.  The 
rioters  quelled  by  the  appearance  of  troops,  289 — Governor  Moore  settles 
the  boundary  line  between  New  York  and  Quebec,  and  pays  a  visit  to 
Johnson  Hall.  Purchases  a  large  tract  of  land  of  the  Oneidas  on  the. 
Mohawk  above  the  German  Flats,  281 — The  declaratory  act  overshadows 
the  colonists  with  gloom.  Animosities  arise  between  the  citizens  and 
soldiery,  283 — The  governor  prorogues  the  assembly,  283 — The  Paxton 
men  continue  their  bloody  work  upon  the  frontiers.  Johnson  fears  that 
an  Indian  war  is  inevitable,  284. 

CHAPTER  XV. 
-  1767. 
The  British  cabinet  regret  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  act,  285 — The  king 
gives  his  assent  to  an  act  for  imposing  a  duty  on  tea,  paper,  &c.  Rich- 
ard Henry  Lee  writes  against  the  act,  286 — The  British  government 
exasperate  the  colonists  with  open  eyes,  as  shown  in  their  directing  Gage 
to  put  Fort  George,  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  on  a  war  footing,  287 
— The  duties  of  the  Indian  department  leave  Sir  William  no  time  for 
relaxation.  He  receives  an  appeal  of  some  Nahantics  of  Rhode  Island, 
287 — His  influence  with  the  Six  Nations  solicited  by  Governors  Sharpe 
and  Penn  in  reference  to  a  boundary  line  over  the  Alleghanies.  Invites 
the  Confederacy  to  meet  him  at  the  German  Flats,  288 — Obtains  permis- 
sion from  the  Six  Nations  for  surveyers  to  run  the  boundary.  Governor 
Fauquier  of  Virginia  desires  the  Six  Nations  to  become  reconciled  to  the 
Cherokees,  -£89 — The  Baronet  is  attacked  by  his  old  complaint,  dysen- 
tery, and  visits  the  High  Rock  spring  in  the  present  town  of  Saratoga 
Springs,  N.  Y.  Returns  home  improved  in  health,  290 — The  popularity 
of  Saratoga  Springs  dates  from  this  visit.  Sir  William  sets  out  for  the 
great  fire  place  of  the  Confederacy  to  condole  the  loss  of  the  chief 
Sachem  of  the  Seneca  nation,  291 — He  draws  up  an  elaborate  review  of 
Indian  relations,  for  the  perusal  of  the  lords  of  trade.  Different  mea- 
sures recommended  in  it,. 292 — Corresponds  with  Dr.  Wheelock  in  relation 
to   moving   the    Moor   charity    school    into    the   Mohawk   Valtey.      The 


Xll  CONTEETS. 

jealousy  of  ecclesiastics  at  Albany  thwart  his  wishes.  The  school 
receives  a  charter  under  the  name  of  Dartmouth  College,  294 — Three 
Cherokee  chieftains,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Philip  Scuuyler,  arrive  at 
the  Hall,  294. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
1708-1769. 

The  borderers  still  bent  on  hostilities.  Murder  of  the  white  Mingo. 
Settlements  in  defiance  of  the  King's  proclamation,  begun  along  the 
Monongahela  and  Red  Stone  creek,  295 — The  Delawares  and  Shawanese 
polish  their  hatchets,  and  prepare  for  war.  Pennsylvania,  alarmed, 
votes  twenty  five  hundred  pounds  for  presents.  Johnson  thinks  good  laws, 
properly  enforced,  a  better  guaranty  for  peace  than  presents,  296 — The 
Six  Nations  come  to  the  council  at  the  Hall  with  scowling  brows.  John- 
son dissipates  their  anger;  and  the  Confederacy  concludes  a  joint  treaty 
with  the  Cherokee  deputies,  297— Through  the  vigilance  of  the  superin- 
tendent the  cengress  of  the  Western  nations  comes  to  nought.  He  takes 
a  violent  cold,  and,  by  the  advice  of  his  physician,  goes  to  the  sea  side, 
•298 — The  history  of  New  York  imperfect  without  an  allusion  to  the  great 
patent  of  Kayaderosseras.  History  of  the  patent  and  the  controversy 
concerning  it,  299— Johnson's  agency  in  it,  300— Procures  a  release  of 
part  of  the  patent  from  the'patentees  to  the  Mohawks,  302— The  delay  in 
settling  the  boundary  a  continual  source  of  irritation  to  the  Six  Nations, 
302 — Cogent  reasons  why  the  boundary  should  be  settled.  Alarm  of 
the  wealthy  trading  companies.  Governor  Franklin  corresponds  with 
Johnson  in  relation  to  the  purchase  of  a  large  tract  of  land  south  of 
the  Ohio,  and  the  forming  of  a  colony,  303— Benjamin  Franklin  applies 
to  the  Crown  for  a  grant  of  the  land,  but  fails,  at  that  time,  to  obtain  it. 
The  company  afterward  formed  under  the  name  of  the  Walpole  Company, 
304— Shelburne  authorizes  the  Baronet  to  adjust  the  boundary  withthe 
Six  Nations  at  once,  304— Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix.  Its  proceedings 
in  detail  ,  305— In  adjusting  the  boundary,  the  Baronet  is  forced  to  devi- 
ate from  the  royal  instructions.  Takes  a  deed  from  the  Six  Nations  to 
the  King  of  the  land  now  known  as  the  states  of  Kentucky  and  Western 
Virginia,  308— The  Six  Nations  give  a  deed  to  the  proprietaries  of 
Pennsylvania  of  the  Wyoming  lands.  Fort  Stanwix,  by  order  of  the 
commander  in  chief,  is  dismantled,  309— A  new  assembly  convened. 
The  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  America  freely  discussed  by  the  colonists, 
310— Sir  Henry  Moore  lays  before  the  assembly  a  letter  from  the  Earl 
of  Hillsborough,  311— The  address  of  the  assembly  gives  little  satisfac- 
tion to  the  representative  of  the  Crown,  who  forthwith  dissolves  that 
body,  312. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
1769-1770. 

Quiet  state  of  the  Six  Nations.  Indian  teachers,  supported  by  the  Baronet 
diffuse  among  the  tribes  a  taste  for  reading  and  peaceful  avocations,  314 
—He  builds,  at  his  own  expense,  a  church  at  Canajoharie  for  the 
Mohawks.  Professors  Danford  and  Willard  of  Cambridge  visit  Johnson 
Hall,  315— Philip  Schuyler  has  a  misunderstanding  with  Johnson ;  writes 
a  letter  of  explanation  which  is  not  satisfactory,  316— Is  reelected  to  the 
assembly.  The  election  in  New  York  city  hotly  contested,  317— In  the 
new  assembly  the  De  Lancey  interest  prevails.  John  Cruger  chosen 
speaker,  318— Governor  Moore  complains  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
colony's  agent  is  appointed,  and  recommends  another.  The  assembly 
decline  to  adopt  his  views,  319— The  division  of  Albany  county  now 
first  contemplated.  Schuyler  proposes  a  plan,  which  is  opposed  by 
Johnson.  Schuyler's  bill  lost,  320— Startling  news  from  Detroit  arrives 
at  Niagara.  Fears  of  the  Detroit  garrison  prove  groundless,  321— John- 
son  sets   out  on  a  tour  of  inspection  through  the  Upper  Castles.     His 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 

canoe  is  upset,  in  Onondaga  lake,  and  he,  himself,  meets  with  a  severe 
accident.  Distributes  large  quantities  of  Indian  corn  to  the  Onondagaa, 
and  returns  home,  322 — The  King  confers  upon  him  the  land  known  as 
the  Royal  Grant.  History  of  the  Royal  Grant,  323 — Death  of  Sir 
Henry  Moore,  325 — The  government  devolves  for  the  third  time  upon  Dr. 
Colden.  Appearance  of  a  stormy  session.  Sir  William  expresses  his 
views  on  the  menacing  aspect  of  affairs.  Debate  in  the  house  of  com- 
mons, 326 — The  Sons  of  Liberty  again  active,  328 — They  are  addressed 
in  the  fields  by  John  Lamb,  329 — Hatred  between  the  Sons  of  Liberty 
and  the  soldiers.  Destruction  of  the  Liberty  pole,  330 — Battle  op 
Golden  Hill,  331 — The  Boston  massacre,  332 — New  York  entitled  to 
the  honor  of  striking  the  first  blow,  333 — The  Cherokees  invite  the  Six 
Nations  to  join  in  a  crusade  against  the  South  Western  tribes.  Sir  Wil- 
liam placed  in  an  embarrassing  position.  Appoints  a  congress  at  the 
German  Flatts,  334 — Writes  to  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  reference  to  Indian 
goods,  335 — Spends  a  portion  of  the  early  Summer  on  the  banks  of  the 
Sacondaga.  Arrives  at  the  German  Flatts.  Object  of  the  council 
attained,  336 — The  effect  of  the  non-importation  acts  productive  of  anxi- 
ety to  the  Confederacy,  337 — The  Earl  of  Dunmore  arrives  in  New  York 
as  the  successor  of  the  late  Sir  Henry  Moore.  His  character;  prefers 
the  delights  of  the  chase,  to  controversies  with  his  legislature,  338 — The 
Baronet  invited  to  take  a  share  in  a  copper  mine,  but  declines.  His 
health  begins  to  fail,  339. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
1771  —  1772. 
Sir  William  Johnson's  new  settlement  becomes  a  flourishing  village.  The 
Baronet  supplies  his  tenantry  with  lumber ;  builds  a  stone  church  for 
their  use,  340  —  Active  in  adorning  his  estate.  The  valley  of  the  Mo- 
hawk, through  his  efforts  assumes  the  appearance  of  a  rich  farming  coun- 
try, 341 — Is  in  constant  corespondence  with  the  Venerable  Society  for 
propagating  the  gospel  in  foreign  parts.  Exercises  a  direct  supervision 
over  the  temporal  and  spiritual  condition  of  the  Mohawks,  342 —  Rev. 
Samuel  Kirkland  receives  his  cordial  sympathy  and  support,  343  —  Is 
confined  to  the  hall  by  ill  health  ;  improves  the  opportunity  to  write  a 
series  of  interesting  letters  to  Arthur  Lee  of  Virginia  upon  the  manners, 
customs  and  government  of  the  Six  Nations.  Spanish  traders  along  the 
Mississippi  endeavour  to  incite  the  western  nations  to  revolt,  844 —  In- 
dian council  at  Johnson  Hall.  The  Baronet  expresses  himself  satisfied 
with  the  conduct  of  the  Six  Nations,  346  —  Sir  William  Tryon,  Bart, 
arrives  in  New  York  as  the  successor  of  Lord  Dunmore,  346  —  Address 
of  the  new  governor.  The  answer  of  the  Assembly  an  echo  to  the  open- 
ing message.  Subserviency  of  that  body,  347  —  Project  of  dividing  Albany 
county  into  two  counties  again  discussed,  348  —  Schuyler  writes  to 
Johnson  upon  the  subject,  349  —  The  plan  proposed  by  the  Baronet  for 
the  division  of  the  new  county  of  Tryon  into  districts  adopted  by  the  As- 
sembly, 350  — Another  county  made  north  of  Saratoga  called  Charlotte 
Johnstown  appointed  by  Tryon  as  the  Shire-town.  All  the  civil  officers 
recommended  by  Johnson,  with  but  one  exception  appointed.  Erection  of 
a  jail  and  court-house,  851  —  Johnson  declines  an  invitation  to  visit  New 
Brunswick,  as  one  of  the  trustees  of  Queen's  College.  Governor  Tyron 
and  wife  visit  the  Hall.  Joseph  Brant  complains  to  the  governor  of  the 
rascality  of  Klock,  352  —  Tryon  reviews  three  regiments  of  militia,  and 
returns  home.  Styles  Johnson  the  slave  of  the  Savages.  The  Baronet 
receives  the  appointment  of  Major  General  of  the  northern  department, 
354  —  Benjamin  Franklin  urges  upon  the  minister  his  favorite  plan  of 
the  Ohio  settlement.  Obtains  for  it  the  Royal  assent.  Dartmouth  desires 
Sir  William  to  inform  the  Six  Nations  of  the  Royal  intentions.  The  lat- 
ter obtains  the  assent  of  the  confederacy  to  the  plan,  355  —  Fort  Pitt 
dismantled  to  conciliate  the  Indian  tribes,  358  —  Rev.  Dr.  Cooper  lays 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

before  Hillsborough  a  memorial  drawn  up  by  Johnson,  setting  forth  the 
spiritual  wants  of  the  Indians,  356  —  Lord  Dartmouth  succeeds  Hills- 
borough. Dr.  Cooper  hopes  much  from  the  piety  of  Dartmouth.  Des- 
cribes his  character  in  a  letter  to  the  Baronet,  357  —  Colonels  Guy  John- 
son and  Hendrick  Frey  elected  representatives  from  the  new  county  of 
Tryon.  Sir  William  Johnson  at  this  time  the  most  influential  man  in  the 
province,  358. 

CHAPTER    XIX. 

1773—1774. 
Guy  Johnson  an  active  member  in  the  Assembly.  Instructed  by  his  father- 
in-law,  he  frames  several  measures  far  the  improvement  of  the  new 
county.  His  bills  all  passed,  369  —  Discussion  in  the  Assembly  on  the 
bill  providing  against  counterfeit  money.  History  of  the  debate  given 
in  a  letter  to  the  Baronet  from  his  son-in-law,  360  —  Philip  Schuyler  pro- 
poses a  substitute  which  is  adopted,  361  —  The  boundary  line  between 
New  York  and  Massachusetts  settled  by  commissioners  appointed  for 
that  purpose.  Marriage  of  Sir  John  Johnson  to  Miss  Mary  Watts  of 
NewYork  city,  362— The  Baronet  goes  to  New  London  for  his  health. 
Affairs  between  the  mother  country  and  her  colonies  again  assume  a 
threatening  hue,  363  — Burning  of  the  Gaspee.  The  tea  thrown  over- 
board in  Boston  harbor.  New  York  not  behind  her  sister  colonies  in 
resisting  ministerial  oppression.  The  Sons  of  Liberty  call  a  public  meet- 
ing, which  is  addressed  by  Whitehead  Hicks,  and  John  Lamb,  365  —  This 
spirit  of  resistance  not  shared  in  by  the  Assembly  which  had  of  late 
grown  very  subservient.  The  session  of  the  Assembly  ends  without 
having,  in  a  single  instance,  come  into  collision  with  the  governor,  366 — 
This  profound  tranquility  very  remarkable  from  the  raging  of  the  politi- 
cal elements  all  around  New  York,  367. . 

CHAPTER    XX. 

1774. 
Sir  William  Johnson  a  close  observer  of  the  signs  of  the  times.  His  sympa- 
thies with  the  people.  If  he  had  lived,  would  probably  have  taken  his 
stand  with  the  people,  369  —  Cresap's  war.  Account  of  the  family  of 
Logan,  370  — Logan's  brother  and  sister  butchered  in  cold  blood.  The 
Bald  Eagle,  an  aged  and  inoffensive  chief,  shot  while  paddling  his  canoe, 
372  — Murder  of  Silver  Heels,  373  —  The  Six  Nations  receive  intelligence 
of  these  wanton  murders,  and  desire  to  hold  a  council  with  the  Baronet 
without  delay.  The  request  is  granted,  and  six  hundred  of  the  Confeder- 
ates assemble  at  the  Hall.  The  efforts  of  Johnson  at  this  crisis  unremit- 
ting, 374  —  Although  suffering  under  his  old  complaint,  yet  he  holds  a 
council  with  the  chiefs,  375  — Addresses  the  Indians  for  over  two  hours 
under  a  burning  July  sun.  The  Sachems  disperse  to  prepare  their  reply 
this  last  effort  of  the  Baronet  was  too  much  for  his  overtaxed  system. 
He  is  carried  to  his  library,  376  —  His  death,  377  —  Stupefaction  of  the 
Indians  upon  hearing  the  sad  news.  They  depart  to  their  encampment 
to  prepare  the  usual  ceremony  of  condolence  for  the  death  of  their 
Great  Brother,  378  —  Obsequies  of  the  late  Baronet.  The  pall  borne  by 
Governor  Franklin,  Goldsbrow  Banyar  and  Stephen  DeLancy.  The 
Indians  attend  the  funeral  in  a  body.  Early  the  following  morning  they 
perform  the  ceremony  of  condolence,  379  —  Sir  William  Johnson  is  suc- 
ceeded in  his  title  and  estates  by  his  son  Sir  John  Johnson.  Col.  Guy 
Johnson,  assisted  by  Colonel  Claus  receives  the  reins  of  authority  as 
Superintendant  of  the  Indian  Department,  381  —  Character  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson,  382. 


APPENDIX. 

I.  Speech  of  Sachem  Abraham,  relating  the  wrongs  to  which  his  nation  had 

been  subjected  by  the  whites,  389. 

II.  Instructions  given  to  Lt.  CoL  Farquahar,  by  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  392. 

III.  Private  manuscript  diary  kept  by  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  at  Niagara  and 

Oswego,  1759,  394. 

IV.  Private  manuscript  diary  kept  by  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  on  his  journey  to 

and  from  Detroit,  1761,  429. 

V.  Sketch  of  Johnson  Hall  (engraving),  478. 

VI.  Manuscript  letter  from  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  to  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  of  the 

Philosophical  Society,  upon  the  language,  customs,  &c,  of  the  Six 
Nations,  481. 

VII.  An  account  of  the  location  of  Indian  tribes,  by  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  488. 

VIII.  Last  Will  and  Testament  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  492. 

IX.  Sketch  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  602. 

X.  Account  of  the  disinterment  and  reburial  of  the  remains  of  Sir  William 

Johnson,  in  the  early  Summer  of  1862,  529. 

XI.  Address  of  the  Field  officers,  Captains  and  Subalterns  of  the  militia,  to 

Sir  John  Johnson,  530. 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


OF 

SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,  BART. 


CHAPTER   I. 

1756. 

The  winter  wore  away  in  gloomy  inactivity;  its  repose  C^AP- 
being   unbroken,    save   by   occasional   skirmishing  with^-v— 
the  enemy  in  the  vicinity  of  Crown  Point,  by  Rogers  and1'06, 
his  rangers.     The  expedition  against  Ticonderoga,  owing 
to  the  unusual  mildness  of  the  season,  was  given  up ;  and 
the  French  were  again  left  to  mature  their  plans  of  conquest 
unmolested. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  March,  De  Levy,  at  the  head 
of  three  hundred  men,  left  Montreal,  and  gliding  swiftly 
over  the  ice  reached  La  Presentation.  Here,  exchanging 
their  skates  for  snow  shoes,  they  left  the  "  ocean  river," 
and  passing  lightly  over  the  winter  snows,  through  dense 
forests,  and  along  paths  known  only  to  Indian  hunters, 
suddenly  appeared  at  the  Oneida  portage,  and  summoned 
Fort  Bull  to  surrender.  The  garrison  were  not,  however, 
taken  wholly  by  surprise.  Sir  William  Johnson,  apprized 
of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  through  Indian  runners 
had  given  the  commander  timely  notice  of  his  danger 
and,  at  the  same  time,  supplied  him  with  a  quantity  of  hand 
grenades  and  ammunition.  The  summons  of  De  Levy 
was  therefore  answered  by  a  shower  of  bullets.  This  so 
exasperated  that  officer,  that  he  forthwith  ordered  a  charge 
and  breaking  down  the  gate,  put  all  but  thirty  of  the  gar- 
rison to  the  sword.  The  French  officer  then  burned  the 
fort,  and  having  destroyed  forty  thousand  pounds  of  pow- 


2  LIFE   OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  der,  returned  with  his  prisoners  into  Canada  with  the  loss 


of  only  three  men. 1 


While  the  French  were  thus  penetrating  into  the  very 
heart  of  the  province,  the  savages  had  resumed  their 
depredations  along  the  frontier.  The  counties  of  Orange 
and  Ulster  especially,  felt  the  ravages  of  the  foe,  but  so 
tardy  was  the  assembly,  in  taking  measures  for  their  pro- 
tection, that  it  was  severely  censured  in  an  article  which 
appeared  in  one  of  the  newspapers  on  the  fifteenth  of 
March.  This  seeming  indifference  of  the  assembly  to  the 
sufferings  of  the  border,  arose  from  no  want  of  energy  on 
the  part  of  Governor  Hardy.  He  had  repeatedly,  by  special 
messages,  implored  the  house  for  a  force  sufficient  to  pro- 
tect the  frontier,  and  had  as  often  been  put  off  with  frivo- 
lous excuses. 2 

The  explanation  of  this  singular  conduct  is,  that  the  assem- 
bly had  sent  up  on  the  thirty-first  of  January  two  bills — one 
for  the  payment  of  the  arrears  due  the  officers  of  government, 
and  another  for  meeting  their  own  salaries  during  the  ensu- 
ing year — in  direct  opposition  to  the  demand  of  the  crown. 
The  latter  bill,  as  might  be  foreseen,  the  governor  refused 
to  pass.  Previous,  however,  to  the  sending  up  of  these  bills, 
Sir  Charles  had  requested  the  levy  of  one  thousand  men  for 
the  expedition  against  Crown  Point,  and  the  house  had 
even  voted  to  raise  that  number ;  but  now  it  refused  to  pro- 
ceed farther  until  the  governor  had  given  his  decision  upon 
the  two  bills  then  in  his  hands.  Sir  Charles  delaying  his 
assent,  the  assembly  artfully  adjourned  from  week  to  week, 
until  his  pleasure  should  be  known.  The  attack,  however, 
upon  it  in  the  public  print,  hastened  its  action ;  and  on 
the  twentieth  of  March,  it  sent  up  a  bill  for  raising  for  the 
Crown  Point  expedition  and  for  the  defense  of  the  western 
frontier,  seventeen  hundred  and  fifteen  men. 3     This  bill, 

1  Journal  from  Oct.  1755  to  June  1756.     Baris  Doe.     Also  Quebec  His. 
Col. 
a  Smith. 
'Smith. 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    LAKT.  3 

after  lying  for  eleven  days  with  the  council  was  passed —  chap. 
Mr.  Kennedy  alone  dissenting,  on  the  ground  that  itw^ 
encroached  upon  the  royal  prerogative,  inasmuch  as  the 1756- 
particular  services  of  the  troops  were  specified,  wrhereas 
they  should  of  right  be  left  to  the  disposition  of  the 
governor. \  Meanwhile  the  money  bill,  which  had  passed 
the  council  under  the  protest  of  Mr.  Golden  and  Mr,  Smith, 
was  still  in  the  governor's  hands.  In  this  posture  of  affairs, 
Mr.  De  Lancey  intimated  to  the  executive  that  provided 
the  money  bill  was  passed,  the  one  for  the  quota  might  be 
so  altered  as  to  meet  the  objections  of  thex  council.  By 
this  course  an  assurance  having  been  obtained  from  Sir 
Charles  that  the  bill  for  the  payment  of  the  public  debts 
should  be  passed,  the  house  privately  took  back  the  quota 
bill  and  so  amended  it,  that  the  council  passed  it  on  the 
thirty-first  of  March ;  and  the  next  day,  the  governor 
yielding  to  the  exigency  of  affairs  on  the  frontier,  passed 
both  bills.2 

Thus  was  again  achieved  a  victory  of  the  people  over 
the  crown  on  privilege ;  and  one  also  which  was  lasting. 
Henceforward  the  ministry  gave  up  insisting  upon  an 
indefinite  support ;  and  in  the  fall  session  the  assembly  had 
the  satisfaction  of  hearing  from  the  governor  himself  that 
the  crown  had  virtually  repealed  its  instructions  to  Sir 
Danvers  Osborn,  which  had  caused  such  intense  indigna- 
tion. 3 

Although  hostilities  upon  land  and  sea  had  been  carried 
on  between  England  and  France  for  the  last  two  years,  yet 
the  vascillating  and  imbecile  Newcastle  administration  had 
continued  to  cling,  with  a  tenacity  that  is  really  astonishing, 
to  the  hope  that  peace  might  be  established  on  an  amicable 
footing.  On  the  other  hand,  the  French  ministry,  scarcely 
believing  that  England  would  dare  to  hasten  a  rupture  that 

1  Manuscript  council  minutes, 

2  Letter  to  a  Nobleman. 
»  Smith. 


4  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.  Would  so  endanger  her  Hanoverian  possessions,  continued 
N— v— '  to  substantiate  by  force  of  arms,  the  claims  of  France  in 
America.  At  length  even  the  English  ministry,  perceiving 
that  nothing  but  the  sword  would  unravel  the  complications 
which  had  arisen,  issued  upon  the  seventeenth  of  May,  a 
formal  declaration  of  war,  which  was  responded  to  by 
France  in  a  counter  declaration  in  June. 

As  a  precursor  to  avowed  hostilities,  the  Earl  of  Loudon 
was  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  British  forces  in 
North  America,  in  place  of  Governor  Shirley,  who  was 
recalled.  At  the  same  time  the  governorship  of  Virginia, 
was  given  to  the  earl  with  full  power  to  promote  a  union 
of  the  colonies.  The  same  want  of  vigor,  however,  still 
characterized  all  the  plans  of  the  ministry ;  and  notwith- 
standing they  had  been  informed  of  the  plan  of  this  year's 
campaign,  and  of  the  necessity  of  an  early  beginning,  if  it 
would  be  successful,  yet  it  was  not  until  late  in  April  that 
Major  General  Abercrombie,  who  was  placed  second  in 
command,  sailed  from  England  with  General  Webb  and 
two  battalions.  Loudon,  also,  infected  with  the  same 
spirit  of  procrastination,  continued  to  busy  himself  about 
nothing,  until  the  transports,  artillery  and  other  munitions 
of  war  should  be  in  readiness ;  finally  sailing  the  latter  part 
of  May,  leaving  them  behind. 

In  the  meantime,  although  it  was  known  in  April  that 
Shirley  had  been  superseded  in  the  command  of  the  forces, 
yet  that  governor,  clinging  tenaciously  to  the  semblance 
of  power,  arrived  in  Albany  on  the  seventh  of  May,  and 
in  his  usual  bustling  manner  continued  his  preparations 
for  the  ensuing  campaign.  Having  called  a  council  of 
war  on  the  twenty-fifth,  he  laid  before  it  the  minutes  of 
the  council  of  December  last,  and  proceeded  to  give  his 
views  respecting  the  manner  in  which  the  approaching 
campaign  should  be  conducted.  Although  Shirley  was 
deficient  in  execution,  yet  in  theory  he  was  generally  cor 
rect;  and  the  plan  which  he  marked  out,  and  the  sugges- 
tions which  he  made,  was,  it  must  be  confessed,  eminently 


BART. 


judicious.  It  was  of  the  greatest  importance,  he  thought,  chap. 
that  the  portages  between  Schenectady  and  Oswego,  by  s-^— > 
way  of  Wood  creek,  should  be  protected  by  forts ;  and 1756- 
that  four  companies  should  be  raised  to  act  as  scouts  along 
the  portages,  and  thus  keep  the  communication  open 
between  Albany  and  the  fort  on  Lake  Ontario.  Sir  Charles 
Hardy  also  laid  before  his  privy  council  information  of  the 
strength  of  the  enemy,  lately  obtained  from  a  French  pri- 
soner taken  by  Captain  Rogers.1  From  this,  it  was  deemed 
impracticable,  with  the  troops  at  their  command,  to  carry 
on  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point  and  Niagara  sim- 
ultaneously; and  the  council  therefore  recommended  that 
a  junction  of  the  troops,  destined  for  each  expedition,  should 
be  effected,  and  that  all  the  available  force  should  at  once 
be  concentrated  upon  Crown  Point.  The  council  more- 
over approved  of  the  governor's  plan  for  fortifying  the 
portages  between  Schenectady  and  Oswego,  and  also 
declared  in  favor  of  a  fort  which,  by  being  located  at  South 
Bay,  would  protect  Fort  Edward. 2 

The  command  of  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point 
was  entrusted  to  General  Winslow ;  but  that  general,  upon 
reviewing  all  his  available  troops,  found  them  to  be  only 
seven  thousand — a  force  which  he  declared  wholly  inade- 
quate to  the  success  of  the  undertaking.  The  expedition 
being  thus  brought  to  a  stand,  until  the  expected  reinforce- 
ments from  England  should  enable  the  troops  to  march 
with  a  prospect  of  success,  Governor  Shirley  improved 
this  interval  by  throwing  into  Schenectady  and  the  differ- 
ent magazines  between  that  place  and  Oswego,  large 
quantities  of  provisions ;  hoping  that  upon  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements,  he  might  be  able  to  prevail  on  his  suc- 
cessor to  undertake  the  western  expedition.  The  arrival, 
however,  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  June,  of  General  Aber- 
crombie  with  the  troops,  while  it  supplied  the  deficiency 
of  men,  soon  dissipated  any  hopes  which  might  have  been 

1  Manuscript  letter:  Captain  Rogers  to  Sir  William  Johnson. 

2  Letter  to  a  Nobleman. 


6  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 


I. 

1756 


chap,  raised  respecting  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war. 
Instead  of  improving  the  opportunity  presented  by  the 
preparations  of  Shirley  and  the  anxiety  of  the  troops  to 
push  forward,  the  newly  arrived  general,  vain  of  his 
authority,  and  anxious  to  show  his  contempt  for  the  Pro- 
vincials, began  his  American  career  by  sowing  discord 
among  the  troops.  His  first  act  was  to  announce  that  all 
the  regular  officers  were  to  be  over  those  in  the  provincial 
service  of  the  same  rank.  Nothing  could  have  been  better 
calculated  to  mar  that  harmony  which  was  so  essential  to 
the  success  of  the  enterprise,  than  such  an  announcement. 
Its  effects  were  soon  seen.  Animosities  arose  in  the  army ; 
many  of  the  men  deserted ;  and  some  of  the  officers  were 
on  the  point  of  throwing  up  their  commissions  and  retiring 
from  the  service.  Finally,  on  being  told  by  General  Wins- 
low  that  any  attempt  to  enforce  such  an  obnoxious  rule 
would  be  productive  of  the  most  disastrous  consequences, 
the  general  yielded  the  point ;  it  being  agreed  that  the 
regulars  should  remain  and  do  garrison  duty  in  the  forts, 
while  the  Provincials  under  their  own  officers  should 
advance  against  the  enemy. 

But  it  was  no  part  of  the  general's  purpose  to  advance. 
The  little  brief  authority,  with  which  he  had  been  invested, 
was  too  dear  to  be  relinquished  so  soon.  Scarcely  were 
the  difficulties  between  the  regular  and  provincial  officers 
adjusted,  when  instead  of  yielding  to  the  judicious  counsel 
of  Shirley,, and  hastening  to  Oswego  in  the  boats  which 
the  latter  had  prepared,  he  ordered  his  troops  to  be 
quartered  upon  the  citizens  of  Albany.  This  order  at 
once  excited  intense  disgust.  The  inhabitants  repenting 
like  the  doves  in  the  fable,  of  their  ever  having  sought  the 
protection  of  the  hawk,  begged  that  they  might  be  delivered 
from  such  protectors.  "Go  back  again,"  said  the  mayor 
of  Albany,  in  behalf  of  the  citizens,  to  the  troops;  "go 
back,  for  we  can '  defend  our  frontiers  ourselves."  But 
Abercrombie  was  not  to  be  shaken  from  his  purpose.  The 
troops,  numbering  ten  thousand  men,  were  billetted  upon 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  7 

the  inhabitants ;  and  the  general,  in  busy  inactivity,  frittered  chap. 
away  the  summer  in  digging  ditches,  and  building  a  useless  w.^ 
stockade  around  the  city.  1756# 

Meanwhile  an  important  council  was  holding  at  Onon- 
daga between  Sir  "William  Johnson  and  the  Confederate 
and  Delaware  Indians.  Although  one  of  the  obj  ects,  which 
the  Baronet  had  in  view  in  calling  the  council  at  this  time, 
was  to  induce  as  many  Indians  as  possible  to  join  the 
expedition  against  the  French  posts  on  Lake  Ontario,  yet 
his  chief  one  was,  to  induce  the  Delawares  to  lay  down 
the  hatchet,  which  they  had  taken  up  against  the  whites 
in  Pennsylvania. 

It  has  been  already  seen  that  the  Delawares  had  begun 
to  waver  under  the  smarting  of  ancient  grievances,  and 
the  artful  appliances  and  appeals  of  the  French;  and  with 
the  fall  of  General  Braddock  and  the  destruction  of  his 
army,  had  revolted  in  a  body  and  gone  over  to  the  common 
enemy.  They  were  immediately  induced  to  change  their 
relations,  by  the  strong  assurances  of  the  latter,  that  the 
war  was  in  fact  undertaken  for  the  purpose  of  driving 
away  the  English,  and  restoring  the  red  man  once  more 
to  the  full  and  entire  possession  of  the  county  of  which 
he  had  been  robbed. * 

The  sanguinary  war,  upon  the  borders  both  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  Virginia,  which  immediately  followed  the 
secession  of  the  Delawares  still  continued ;  and  if  they 
were  "women,"  in  the  popular  Indian  acceptation,  before, 
they  wielded  no  feminine  arms  in  the  new  attitude,  they 
had  so  suddenly  assumed.  Their  blows  fell  thick  and  fast ; 
their  hatchets  were  red ;  and  their  devastations  of  the 
frontier  settlements  were  frequent  and  cruel.  The  storm 
was  as  fearful  as  it  was  unexpected  to  the  Pennsylvanians ; 


1  Chapman.  See  also  an  interesting  journal  of  Christian  Frederick  Post, 
while  on  a  pacific  mission  to  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  which  has  been 
preserved  in  the  appendix  to  Proud.  Also  manuscript  letter  of  Sir  William 
Johnson. 


8  LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  for  however  much  familiarized  Virginia  and  most  of  the 
v-^— •  other  colonies  had  become  to  savage  warfare,  Pennsylvania, 
1756.  unm  now,  had  been  comparatively  and  happily  exempt. 
For  more  than  seventy  years  a  strict  amity  had  existed 
between  the  early  English  settlers  and  their  successors  in 
Pennsylvania  and  "New  Jersey, x  and  the  breaking  forth  of 
the  war  created  the  greater  consternation  on  that  account. 
It  appears  that  the  Quakers, — a  people  who  have  at  all 
times  manifested  a  deep  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the 
Indians,  and  whose  benevolent  principles  and  gentle  man- 
ners have,  in  all  critical  emergencies,  more  than  anything 
else  won  the  red  man's  confidence — had  previously  dis- 
covered some  uneasiness  among  the  Indians,  connected 
with  certain  land  questions,  in  respect  of  which  they  were 
not  quite  clear  that  injustice  had  not  been  done  their  red 
brethren  of  the  forest.  While,  therefore,  the  government 
was  making  such  preparations  as  it  could  for  the  common 
defense,  great  and  persevering  efforts  were  made,  under 
the  urgent  advisement  of  the  Quakers,  to  win  back  the 
friendship  of  the  Delawares,  and  also  that  of  the  Shawnese. 
It  was  the  opinion  of  these  good  people,  as  has  already 
been  intimated,  that  in  their  revolt  the  Delawares  had  been 
moved  by  wrongs,  either  real  or  fancied — and  if  the  latter, 
not  the  less  wrongs  to  their  clouded  apprehensions, — in 
regard  to  some  of  their  lands.  A  pacific  mission  to  the 
Delawares  and  Shawnese  was  therefore  recommended  and 
strongly  urged  by  them,  and  the  project  was  acceded  to  by 
Governor  Morris.  Difficulties  meantime  increased,  and 
the  ravages  of  the  frontiers  were  continued,  until  the  war 
path  flowed  with  blood.  The  influence  of  Sir  William 
Johnson  and  the  Six  ^Nations  with  the  Delawares,  was 
invoked  by  the  Pennsylvanians,  and  Governor  Morris  with 
the  governor  of  New  York,  added  his  solicitations  to 
the  same  purpose. 2     The  parent  government  also  urged 

the  representatives   of    the  Proprietaries   to  renew  their 

— . 

1  Proud. 

'Governor  Hardy  to  the  lords  of  trade,  10th  May,  1756. 


LIFE    OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  9 

Indian  negotiations,  and  if  possible  arrive  at  a  better  chap. 
understanding  with  them,  by  denning  explicitly  the  lands  ^-v-> 
that  had  been  actually  purchased. x  1756- 

It  was  with  a  view  of  influencing  the  Six  Nations  to  inter- 
pose with  their  dependants,  the  Delawares,  that  in  the  early 
part  of  February,  the  Baronet  summoned  the  Six  Nations  to 
a  conference  at  Mount  Johnson.  The  Confederates  were 
at  iirst  indisposed  to  interfere  with  the  affairs  of  the  south- 
ern Indians.  Their  deliberations  were,  also,  according  to 
Indian  ceremonial,  slow.  It  was  not,  therefore,  until  the 
end  of  February,  that  the  influence  of  the  Baronet  pre- 
vailed ;  the  Six  Nations  through  Red  Head,  their  speaker, 
solemnly  promising  to  use  their  utmost  endeavors  "  to  put 
an  end"  as  they  expressed  it — "  to  the  unhappy  proceedings 
of  their  nephews  and  dependants."2 

The  result  was,  that  several  chiefs  of  the  Confederacy, 
at  the  urgent  solicitation  of  the  Baronet,  went  as  delegates 
from  their  people  to  the  Delawares  early  in  the  spring. 
This  mission  was  successful.  The  Delawares  repented  of 
their  conduct,  and  with  the  most  solemn  asseverations 
promised  "  never  again  to  hurt  the  hair  of  any  English- 
man ;"  proposing  at  the  same  time  a  conference  at  Onon- 
daga, naming  even  the  day.  Fearing,  however,  that  the 
southern  Indians  might  be  dilatory,  the  Baronet,  before 
setting  out,  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Onondaga  castle  to  ascer- 
tain if  they  had  been  punctual  to  their  engagement.  The 
messenger  reported  on  his  return,  that  a  full  delegation 
from  the  south  had  not  yet  arrived,  but  brought  at  the 
same  time  such  pressing  solicitations  from  the  Onondaga 
sachems  to  come  up  and  meet  them,  that  Sir  William, 
although  in  poor  health — the  consequence  of  his  wound 
received  at  Lake  George,  from  which  he  had  not  yet 
recovered — resolved  at  once  to  undertake  the  journey. 

Just  as  the  Baronet  was  upon  the  point  of  setting  out, 


1  Chapman. 

a  Minutes  of  the  council  at  Mount  Johnson,  Feb.  1756. 


10  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  and  after  he  had,  as  he  supposed,  arranged  everything  for 
w Y—^an  amicable  adjustment  of  all  difficulties,  he  received 
1756.  intelligence  that  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  had  issued 
a  formal  declaration  of  war  against  the  Delawares  and 
Shawnese,  and  had  offered  a  reward  for  their  scalps.  Sim- 
ultaneously with  this  news,  the  Half  King  and  several  other 
chiefs  of  the  Confederates,  who  had  lately  visited  Philadel- 
phia, accompanied  by  Colonel  Claus  and  Andrew  Montour, 
at  this  time  Sir  William's  secretary  and  interpreter,  for  the 
purpose  of  an  amicable  settlement  with  the  Delawares, 
return  ed  to  Mount  Johnson. *  They  reported  that  Governor 
Morris  had  acquainted  them  with  his  declaration  of  war, 
and  had  given  them  a  war  belt  to  present  to  the  Six  Nations 
in  his  name,  at  the  same  time  allowing  the  Quakers  to 
offer  them  a  peace  be}t  to  be  also  given  to  their  people. 
These  contradictory  measures,  together  with  these  opposite 
belts,  the  Half  King  reported  to  Sir  William,  at  a  small 
conference  of  the  Six  Nations  held  at  Mount  Johnson, 
expressing  his  surprise  that  the  same  province  should 
authorize  such  contradictions. 2 

When  the  Indian  relations  were  in  such  a  critical  state, 
this  declaration  of  war  was,  on  the  part  of  Governor  Morris, 
decidedly  ill-advised.  The  Baronet  not  having  been  con- 
sulted, and  having  arranged  his  plans  predicated  on  an 
amicable  adjustment  of  difficulties,  was  at  a  loss  what 
course  to  adopt.  The  embarrassing  situation  in  which  he 
was  placed,  is  evident  from  the  following  extract  of  a  letter 
written  by  him,  on  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  to 
Governor  Shirley : 

"  Sir  Charles  Hardy  writes  me  that  Governor  Morris, 
by  the  public  prints  had  declared  war  against  the  Delaware 
and  Shawnese  Indians.     I  am  surprised  that  Mr.  Morris, 

i  Memorial  of  the  Quakers  already  cited. 

2  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  28th  May,  1756. 

It  is  true  that  the  council  of  Governor  Morris,  perceiving  the  absurdity 
of  these  two  belts,  countermanded  the  peace-belt  of  the  Quakers,  but 
not  until  it  was  too  late  to  prevent  much  mischief. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BAILT.  11 

whose  province  was  so  much  interested  in  the  result  of  the  chap- 
Six  Nations'  embassy  to  those  Indians,  who  was  a  principal  wy-' 
in  it  and  to  whom  I  sent  a  copy  of  my  late  proceedings,  175s- 
would  not  wait  to  hear  the  effects  of  this  embassy,  before 
he  entered  into  this  consequential  measure. 

"  What  will  theDelawares  and  Shawnese  think  of  such  oppo- 
sition and  contradiction  in  our  conduct  f  How  shall  I  behave 
at  the  approaching  meeting  at  Onondaga,  not  only  to  those 
Indians,  but  to  the  Six  Nations  f  These  hostile  measures 
which  Governor  Morris  has  entered  into,  is  throwing  all 
our  schemes  into  confusion,  and  must  materially  give  the 
Six  Nations  such  impressions,  and  the  French  such  advan- 
tages to  work  against  us,  that  I  tremble  for  the  consequences. 
I  think  without  consulting  your  excellency,  without  the 
concurrence  of  the  other  neighboring  provinces,  without 
my  receiving  previous  notice  of  it,  this  is  a  very  unadvised 
and  unaccountable  proceeding  of  Governor  Morris.  I 
cannot  but  be  of  opinion  that  if  terms  of  good  accommo- 
dation can  be  brought  about,  that  in  the  present  critical 
situation  of  affairs,  it  will  be  far  more  eligible  than  to  enter 
into  hostilities  against  these  Indians,  especially  as  a  few 
days  will  determine  what  part  we  have  to  choose.  I  hope 
your  excellency  will  take  this  interesting  affair  into  your 
consideration,  and  make  use  of  such  interposition  as  you 
shall  judge  necessary  thereupon."1 

On  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  Governor  Shirley  wrote  to 
the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  enclosing  the  letter  from 
which  the  above  extract  is  taken;  and  though  he  was 
unsuccessful  in  effecting  a  withdrawal  of  the  declaration, 
yet  it  was  so  far  modified  as  to  include  only  those  "  impla- 
cable and  obstinate  enemies,  and  not  against  any  that  now 
are  or  hereafter  may  be  disposed  to  hearken  to  the  Six 
Nations  in  our  favor."2 

In  the  face  of  these  untoward  circumstances,  the  Baronet 

1  Manuscript  letter:  Johnson  to  Shirley,  24th  April,  1756. 

2  Manuscript  letter :  Richard  Peters,  by  order  of  the  council,  to  Shirley, 
6th  May,  1756.  " 


12 


BART. 


chap,  set  out  on  the  third  of  June  for  the  congress  at  Onondaga, 
— ^-^  arriving  there  upon  the  fifteenth.  His  arrival  was  none 
x'56-  too  early  to  defeat  the  machinations  of  the  French.  Early 
in  the  spring  there  were  indications  of  a  growing  disaffec- 
tion among  the  Six  Nations,  arising  from  the  want  of  vigor 
which  had  so  characterized  the  military  operations  of  the 
English.  The  wretched  condition  of  the  important  garri- 
son at  Oswego ;  the  thinly  garrisoned  forts  at  the  great 
carrying  place  and  Lake  George  ;  and  the  regiments  lying- 
idle  at  Albany  and  Schenectady,  were  all  pointed  out  by 
the  Confederates  as  indicative  of  weakness  and  bad  man- 
agement. x  These  manifestations  of  ill-feeliDg,  the  French 
did  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of;  and  on  the  Baronet's 
arrival  at  Onondaga,  he  found  his  suspicions — that  the 
Confederates  were  yielding  to  the  arts  of  the  French — 
fully  confirmed.  To  such  an  extent  had.  the  disaffection 
spread,  that  it  required  a  variety  of  arguments,  and  his 
utmost  influence  "  to  expel  the  French  poison  and  reani- 
mate them  to  the  English  interest." 2  His  efforts,  however, 
were  so  far  successful,  that  the  Six  Nations  expressed  them- 
selves as  sincerely  disposed  to  second  any  vigorous  attempts 
wmich  might  be  made  against  the  French.  They  also 
engaged  to  set  on  foot  negotiations  among  their  allies  to 
prevail  upon  them  to  unite  in  favor  of  the  English  interest.3 
But  far  the  most  important  result — considering  the  jealousy 
which  the  Indians  ever  entertained  towards  any  movement 
tending  to  a  permanent  occupation  of  their  land — was  their 
permission  to  lay  out  a  road  to  Oswego  through  their 
country,  and  to  build  a  fort  at  Oswego  Falls.  The  condition, 
however,  upon  which  the  latter  favor  was  obtained  was, 
that  in  case  an  accommodation  with  France  should  ensue, 
the  fort  should  either  be  utterly  destroyed  or  delivered  over 
into  the  hands  of  the  Six  Nations. 4 

These  important  points  being  gained,  the  attention  of 

1  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  28th  May,  1756. 

2  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  17th  July,  1756. 

3  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade  last  cited. 
*  Id«m. 


BART.  13 

the  Baronet  was  next  turned  to  effecting  a  treat/  of  peace  CI*AP* 
with  the  Delawares  and  Shawn ese.  Owing  to  his  con- v— v~ ' 
tinued  ill  health,  the  congress  was  adjourned  on  the  fifth 
of  July  to  Mount  Johnson  ;  and  on  the  seventh  he  again 
met  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  together  with  the  kings 
of  the  Delaware  and  Shawn  ese  Indians.  During  this  treaty 
the  Shawnese  chieftain  denied  that  either  himself  or  his 
followers  had  ever  warred  upon  the  Southern  provinces 
though  he  admitted  that  some  of  his  nation  on  the  Ohio 
had  been  seduced  from  their  allegiance  by  the  French — 
to  which  breach  of  faith,  however,  he  protested  that  his 
influence  and  that  of  his  chief  men,  had  always  been 
opposed.  The  Delaware  king  was  still  more  frank  in  his 
admissions.  He  confessed  that  many  of  his  people  had 
been  deceived  and  caught  by  the  snares  of  the  French,  but 
said  that  a  message  which  he  had  sent  to  them  the  last 
winter  in  consequence  of  the  delegation  from  the  Six 
Nations,  had  opened  their  eyes.  He  then  in  the  most 
solemn  manner  renewed  the  covenant  chain  of  peace  and 
friendship,  and  with  the  Shawnese  king  accepted  the  war 
belt,  at  the  same  time  singing  and  dancing  the  war  song. 
The  treaty  was  then  concluded  by  Sir  William  "taking 
off  from  the  Delawares  the  petticoat" — or  in  other  words, 
declaring  that,  in  consideration  of  the  solemn  promises 
which  they  had  made,  they  were  to  be  henceforward  con- 
sidered by  all  their  English  brethren  as  men  and  no  longer 
as  women.  The  Baronet  having  then  decorated  the  necks 
of  the  Delaware  and  Shawnese  kings  with  a  medal,  the 
council  was  broken  up  on  the  twelfth  of  July  with  the 
favorite  war  dance,  which,  lasted  the  greater  portion  of  the 
night. l 

These  pacific  dispositions  on  the  part  of  the  Baronet 
were  so  far  attended  with  success,  that  through  his  influence 
two  Indian  councils  were  held  at  Easton,  in  the  summer 
and  autumn  of  this  year.  The  first,  however,  was  so  small, 
that  it  broke   up  without  proceeding  to  business.     The 

'Minutes  of  council  at  Mount  Johnsons  July  1756. 


1756. 


14  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  second,  which  was  holden  in  November,  was  more  suecess- 
-  ful,  although  it  appears  to  have  been  confined  to  the  Dela- 
wares  of  the  Susquehanna — those  of  that  nation  who  had 
previously  emigrated  to  the  Ohio,  and  the  Shawnese,  not 
being  represented.  The  council  was  conducted  by  Governor 
Denny  on  the  part  of  the  colony,  and  by  Teedyuscung,  the 
Delaware  king,  on  behalf  of  the  Indians ;  and  he  appears 
to  have  managed  his  cause  with  the  energy  of  a  man  and 
the  ability  of  a  statesman.  If  his  people  had  cowered  like 
cravens  before  the  rebukes  of  the  Six  Nations,  in  the 
council  of  1742,  their  demeanor  was  far  otherwise  upon 
this  occasion. l  Having  been  relieved  of  the  petticoat  by 
Sir  William,  they  had  no  intention  of  again  resuming  it. 
Bj  joining  the  Shawnese  and  the  French,  moreover,  they 
had  thrown  off  the  vassalage  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  had 
become  an  independent  as  well  as  a  belligerent  power,  and 
they  now  met  the  pale  faces,  and  a  deputation  of  the  Six 
Nations  who  were  present,  with  the  port  and  bearing  of 
men. 

On  being  requested  by  the  governor  to  state  the  causes 
of  their  uneasiness  and  subsequent  hostilities,  Teedyuscung 
enumerated  several.  Among  them  were  the  abuses  com- 
mitted upon  the  Indians  in  the  prosecution  of  their  trade, 
being  unjustly  deprived  of  portions  of  their  lands ;  and 
the  execution,  long  before,  in  New  Jersey,  of  a  Delaware 
chief,  named  Wakahelah,  for,  as  the  Indians  alleged,  acci- 
dentally killing  a  white  man — a  transaction  which  they 
said  they  could  not  forget.     "When  the   governor   desired 

1  At  this  council.  Teedyuscung  insisted  upon  having  a  secretary  of  his- 
own  selection  appointed,  to  take  down  the  proceedings  in  behalf  of  the 
Indians.  The  demand  was  considered  extraordinary,  and  was  opposed  by 
Governor  Denny.  The  Delaware  chief,  however,  persisted  in  his  demand, 
and  it  was  finally  acceded  to.  Teedyuscung  therefore  appointed  Charles 
Thompson,  master  of  the  Free  Quaker  School  in  Philadelphia,  as  the  secre- 
tary for  the  Indians.  This  was  the  same  Charles  Thompson  who  was  after- 
wards secretary  to  the  old  congress  of  the  revolution — who  was  so  long 
continued  in  that  station — and  who  died  in  the  year  1824,  aged  94  years — 
full  of  years  and  honors.  The  Indians  adopted  him  and  gave  him  a  name 
signifying— "The  Man  of  Truth." 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  15 

specifications  of  the  alleged  wrongs  in  regard  to  their  chap. 
lands,  Teedyuscung  replied : — "  I  have  not  far  to  go  for  an  n-v— * 
instance.  This  very  gronnd  that  is  under  me,  (striking  it  17°6- 
with  his  foot,)  was  my  land  and  inheritance ;  and  is  taken 
from  me  by  fraud.  "When  I  say  this  ground,  I  mean  all 
the  land  lying  between  Tohiccon  creek  and  Wyoming,  on 
the  river  Susquehanna.  I  have  not  only  been  served  so  in 
this  government,  but  the  same  thing  has  been  done  to  me 
as  to  several  tracts  in  New  Jersey,  over  the  river."  When 
asked  what  he  meant  by  fraud,  Teedyuscung  gave  him 
instances  of  forged  deeds,  under  which  lands  were  claimed 
which  the  Indians  had  never  sold.  "  This,"  said  he,  "  is 
fraud."  "Also,  when  one  chief  has  land  beyond  the  river, 
and  another  chief  has  land  on  this  side,  both  bounded  by 
rivers,  mountains  and  springs,  which  cannot  be  moved,  and 
the  Proprietaries,  ready  to  purchase  lands,  buy  of  one  chief 
what  belongs  to  another.  This  likewise  is  fraud."  He 
said  the  Delawares  had  never  been  satisfied  with  the  con- 
duct of  the  latter  since  the  treaties  of  1737,  when  their 
fathers  sold  them  the  lands  on  the  Delaware.  He  said  that 
although  the  land  sold  was  to  have  gone  only  "  as  far  as  a 
man  could  go  in  a  day  and  a  half  from  Nashamony  creek" 
yet  the  person  who  measured  the  ground  did  not  walk  but 
ran.  He  was,  moreover,  as  they  supposed,  to  follow  the 
winding  bank  of  the  river,  whereas  he  went  in  a  straight 
line.  And  because  the  Indians  had  been  unwilling  to  give 
up  the  land  as  far  as  the  walk  extended,  the  governor  then 
having  the  command  of  the  English,  sent  for  their  cousins 
the  Six  Nations,  who  had  always  been  hard  masters  to 
them,  to  come  down  and  drive  them  from  their  land. 
When  the  Six  Nations  came  down,  the  Delawares  met  them 
at  a  great  treaty  held  at  the  governor's  house  in  Philadel- 
phia, for  the  purpose  of  explaining  why  they  did  not  give 
up  the  land ;  but  the  English  made  so  many  presents  to 
the  Six  Nations,  that  their  ears  were  stopped.  They  would 
listen  to  no  explanation ;  and  Canasateego  had  moreover 
abused  them,  and  called  them  women,     The  Six  Nations 


16  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  had,  however,  given  to  them  and  the  Shawnese,  the  lands 
v_^_,  upon  the  Susquehanna  and  Juniata  for  hunting  grounds, 
1766-  and  had  so  informed  the  governor ;  but  notwithstanding 
this,  the  whites  were  allowed  to  go  and  settle  upon  those 
lands.  Two  years  ago,  moreover,  the  governor  had  been 
to  Albany  to  buy  some  land  of  the  Six  Nations,1  and  had 
described  their  purchase  by  points  of  compass,  which  the 
Indians  did  not  understand,  including  lands  both  upon  the 
Juniata  and  the  Susquehanna,  which  they  did  not  intend 
to  sell.  When  all  these  things  were  known  to  the  Indians, 
they  declared  they  would  no  longer  be  friends  to  the  Eng- 
lish, who  were  trying  to  get  all  their  country  away  from 
them.  He  however  assured  the  council  that  they  were 
nevertheless  glad  to  meet  their  old  friends  the  English 
again,  and  to  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace  with  them.  He 
also  hoped  that  justice  would  be  done  to  them  for  all  the 
injuries  they  had  received."2 

The  council  continued  nine  days,  and  Governor  Denny 
appears  to  have  conducted  himself  with  so  much  tact  and 
judgment,  as  greatly  to  conciliate  the  good  will  of  the 
Indians.  By  his  candid  and  ingenuous  treatment  of  them, 
as  some  of  the  Mohawks  afterwards  expressed  it,  "  he  put 
his  hand  into  Teedyuscung' s  bosom,  and  was  so  successful 
as  to  draw  out  the  secret,  which  neither  Sir  "William  John- 
son nor  the  Six  Nations  could  do."3  The  result  was  a 
reconciliation  of  the  Delawares  of  the  Susquehanna  with 
the  English,  and  a  treaty  of  peace,  upon  the  basis  that 
Teedyuscung  and  his  people  were  to  be  allowed  to  remain 
upon  the  Wyoming  lands,  and  that  houses  were  to  be  built 
for  them  by  the  Proprietaries.4     Teedyuscung  and  a  clepu- 

1  Alluding  to  the  grand  congress  of  1754. 

2  Manuscript  minutes  of  the  council  certified  to  by  Richard  Peters,  in  the 
author's  possession.  Chapman  has  also  been  followed,  who  has  given  the 
most  particular  account  of  this  council  with  which  I  have  met.  He,  how- 
ever, mistook  in  supposing  it  t  o  be  a  general  council,  and  that  the  Ohio 
Indians  were  Included  in  the  peace. 

3  Memorial  of  the  Quakers  to  Governor  Denny. 

4  Journal  of  Christian  Frederick  Post — note  by  Proud. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  17 

tation  of  his  chief  men,  were  moreover  to  attend  Sir  Wil-  chap 
liam's  council  lire  and  communicate  everything  in  order  w^^ 
"to  obtain  confirmation  and  take  advice  as  to  their  future  1756- 
conduct."  There  were,  however,  several  matters  left 
unadjusted,  although  the  governor  desired  that  every  dif- 
ficulty should  then  be  discussed,  and  every  cause  of  com- 
plaint, as  far  as  he  possessed  the  power,  be  removed.  But 
Teedyuscung  replied  that  he  was  not  empowered,  at  the 
present  time,  to  adjust  several  of  the  questions  of  grievance 
that  had  been  raised,  nor  were  all  the  parties  interested, 
properly  represented  in  the  council.  He  therefore  pro- 
posed the  holding  of  another  council  in  the  following 
spring  at  Lancaster.  This  proposition  was  acceded  to ; 
and  many  Indians  collected  at  the  time  and  place  appointed. 
Sir  "William  Johnson  dispatched  a  deputation  of  the  Six 
Nations  thither,  under  the  charge  of  Colonel  Croghan,  the 
Deputy  Superintendent  of  the  Indians ;  but  for  some  reason 
unexplained,  neither  Teedyuscung  nor  the  Delawares  from 
"Wyoming  attended  the  council,  though  of  his  own  appoint- 
ment. Colonel  Croghan  wrote  to  Sir  William,  however, 
that  the  meeting  was  productive  of  great  good  in  checking 
the  war  upon  the  frontier ;  and  in  a  speech  to  the  latter 
delivered  by  the  Senecas  in  June  following,  they  claimed 
the  credit,  by  their  mediation,  of  the  partial  peace  that 
had  been  obtained.  The  conduct  of  Teedyusoung  on  that 
occasion  was  severely  censured  by  Sir  William  in  a  speech 
to  the  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas ;  and  the  latter 
were  charged  by  the  Baronet  to  take  the  subject  in  hand, 
and  "talk  to  him,"  and  should  they  find  him  in  fault, 
"  make  him  sensible  of  it," 1 

While  Abercrombie  was  loitering  in  shameful  idleness 
at  Albany,  a  brilliant  exploit  had  been  performed  by  Col- 
onel Bradstreet.  The  latter,  weary  of  the  inactivity  which 
characterized  every  department  of  military  operations,  set 
out  at  the  end  of  spring  with  forty  companies  of  bateau- 

1  Manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 


18  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  men  and  two  hundred  provincial  troops,  for  the  relief  of 
w^  Oswego.     Appreciating  fully  the  importance  of  that  post, 
1766-  the  French,  under  De  Villiers,  had  encamped,  near  the 
end  of  May,  at  the  mouth  of  Sandy  creek,  on  the  shore  of 
Lake  Ontario,  whence  detachments  could  be  sent  out  to 
infest  the  portages  and  water   passes  leading  to  the  fort. 
In  the  face,  however,  of  all  these  obstacles,  Bradstreet  with 
his  men  penetrated  amid  innumerable  hardships  the  wild- 
erness, and  safely  passing  down  Oneida  lake  and  Oswego 
river,  threw  into  the  fort  six  months   provision  for  five 
thousand  men.     Hearing  that  an  ambush  had  been  pre- 
pared for  him  on  his  return,  with  the  cautiousness  which 
was  to  him  a  second  nature,  he  divided  his  forces  into  three 
companies,  and  ordered  them  to  keep  together  as  near  as 
practicable.     The  result  proved  the  wisdom  of  these  pre- 
cautions; for  scarcely  had  he  advancedup  the  Oswego  river 
nine  miles,  when  on  the  third  of  July  he  was  attacked  at  the 
head  of  the  first  division  of  three  hundred  men,  by  the 
enemy  nine  hundred  strong,  who  suddenly  rising  from  their 
cover,  p  oured  their  fire  int  o  his  front.     Although  the  attack 
was  as  unexpected  at  the  moment  as  it  was  well-concerted, 
yet  Colonel  Bradstreet's  presence  of  mind  did  not  desert 
him.     Hastening  with  six  men  to  an  island  near  at  hand 
to  prevent  his  being  galled  by  a  cross  fire,  he  not  only 
maintained  his  ground  against  four  times  his  number,  but 
being  reinforced  shortly  after  by  six  more,  compelled  an 
additional  force  of  forty  of  the  enemy  to  retire  in  great 
disorder.     A  third  party  of  seventy  men  were  also  forced 
to  retreat,  gnashing  their  teeth  in  impotent  fury  at  being 
thus  baffled  by  such  a  handful  of   men.     In  this  manner 
the  colonel  kept  the  enemy  at  bay  for  more  than  an  hour, 
until  the  boatmen,  who  were  in  the  rear,   had  landed  in 
good   order,   without    the  loss   of    a  man.      Four    hun- 
dred French  and  Indians  were  now  seen  attempting  to  ford 
the  river  a  mile  above,  with  the  intention  of  surrounding 
the  party.    Anticipating  this  movement,  the  colonel  leaving 
the  island,  marched  up  the  river,  and  ordering  two  of  his 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  19 

captains  to  protect  the  bateau  men  in  the  rear,  attacked  chap. 
the  French  with  such  fury,  as  to  compel  them  to  leave  a  w^ 
thick  pine  swamp,  in  which  they  had  ambushed,  and  fly 1756- 
in  the  greatest  confusion.     The  victory  was  complete ; 
those  of  the  enemy  who  did  not  escape  to  the  forest,  being 
either  drowned  or  slain  by  the  sword. 

Having  learned  from  some  of  his  prisoners  that  a  large 
force  was  already  on  its  way  to  invest  Oswego,  Colonel 
Bradstreet  lost  no  time  in  hastening  to  Albany,  where  he 
reported  himself  to  General  Abercrombie  on  the  thirteenth 
of  July.  It  was  in  vain,  however,  that  he  informed  the 
latter  of  the  contemplated  attack  upon  Oswego,  and  repre- 
sented, in  view  of  the  weak  condition  of  its  garrison,  the 
importance  of  its  immediate  reinforcement.  To  no  pur- 
pose was  it  that  Sir  William  Johnson  told  him  that  even 
his  influence  with  the  Confederates  would  be  of  no  avail, 
should  the  army  remain  inactive  and  Oswego  be  lost.  The 
general  contented  himself  with  merely  ordering  General 
Webb  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  march  with  one  regi- 
ment ;  and  dismissing  four  hundred  of  the  bateau  men  to 
their  homes,  refused  to  move  until  the  arrival  of  Lord 
Loudoun. 

While  a  council  of  war  was  sitting  at  the  great  carrying- 
place  to  answer  an  important  question  propounded  by  Gen- 
eral Abercrombie, — "  what  effect  a  junction  of  the  king's 
troops,  in  the  campaign  against  Crown  Point,  would  have 
upon  his  majesty's  service," 1  Captain  Rogers  had  performed 
a  splendid  feat  upon  Lake  Champlain — a  feat  which  if  not 
as  brilliant  as  Colonel  Bradstreet's,  fully  equals  it  in  roman- 
tic and  daring  courage. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  that  renowned  ranger 
embarked,  with  fifty  men  in  frve  whale-boats,  from  the 
head  of  Lake  George,  and  landed  on  one  of  the  picturesque 

1  Manuscript  letter :  Surgeon  Williams  to  his  wife ;  dated  at  Fort  Edward. 
"  It  appears  to  me  that  the  settling  ranks  among  ourselves  may  (if  gone  into 
according  to  some  gentlemen's  minds)  be  campaign  enough  for  one  year" — • 
Manuscript  letter  just  cited. 


20 

chap,  islands  that  adorn  that  lake.  The  next  day  his  men  landed 
w^w  their  boats  some  five  miles  distant  from  the  island,  and 
1756.  carrying  them  six  miles  over  a  mountain,  reembarked  on 
Lake  Champlain  in  South  bay.  Passing  down  the  lake, 
reconnoitering  as  they  went,  rowing  by  night  and  lying 
concealed  by  day,  they  successively  passed  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point — sailing  down  some  thirty  miles  below 
the  latter  fort.  "While  hiding  during  the  day,  many  boats 
— sometimes  a  hundred  at  a  time — and  two  large  schooners 
passed  their  concealment,  some  of  the  boats  sailing  so  near 
that  they  could  distinctly  hear  the  orders  given  by  the 
officers  in  command. 

On  the  evening  of  the  seventh  of  July,  the  scouts  whom 
Captain  Eogers  had  sent  out  for  a  reconnoisance,  reported 
that  a  schooner  was  lying  at  anchor  a  mile  below  their 
place  of  ambush.     The  rangers  immediately  lightened  their 
boats  and  were  preparing  to  board  her,  when  two  lighters 
manned  by  twelve  men,  were  descried  coming  up  the  lake. 
Waiting  until  they  had  approached  sufficiently  near  to  the 
shore,  the  rangers  suddenly  showed  themselves  and  fired, 
at  the  same  time  hailing  the  crews  and  offering  quarter. 
"Without  responding  to  this  offer,  the  boatmen,  hastily 
turning  their  prows  toward  the  opposite  shore,  attempted 
to  escape.     In  this  movement,  however,  the  rangers  antici- 
pated them ;  for  leaping  into  their  light  whale-boats,  they 
gave  chase,  and  soon  captured  the  vessels,  killing  three  of 
the  crew  and  wounding  two,  one  of  whom  shortly  after 
died  of  his  wounds.     Not  one  escaped  to   carry  tidings. 
The  vessels  with  their  cargoes  were  then  sunk,  the  latter 
consisting  chiefly  of   grain,  wine  and  brandy.    By  this 
daring   achievement  in   the  very  heart  of   the  enemy's 
country,  the  garrison  of  Crown  Point  were  .deprived  of 
eight  hundred  bushels  of  flour,  and  a  large  .quantity  of 
money.     The  destruction  of  the  cargoes  being  completed, 
the  brave  ranger  and  his  equally  gallant  band,   drew   up 
their  whale-boats  on  the  shore,  and  concealing  them  in  the 
brush-wood,  marched  through  the  woods  on  the  west  side 


LIPB   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  21 

of  the  lake,  reaching  Fort  "William  Henry  with  their  pri-  chap. 
soners  on  the  fifteenth  of  July. x  w y— > 

1756. 

The  arrival  of  the  viceroy  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  July 
at  Albany,  caused  the  blood  in  many  a  provincial  heart  to 
course  more  rapidly  with  high  expectation  ;  for  now  surely 
their  "wearisome  uncertainty"  was  at  an  end?  Not  so. 
The  narrow  mind  of  Loudoun  refused  to  grasp  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  occasion.  "What  mattered  it  to  him  that  the 
frontiers  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and  New  York 
were  desolated  by  the  tomahawk,  or  that  Oswego  was  lost 
or  saved,  if  the  rules  of  military  punctilio  had  been  violat- 
ed ?  "While,  therefore,  the  garrison  in  the  lone  fortress  on 
the  wilderness  shore  was  straining  its  vision  inland  for  the 
expected  succor,  or  in  despair,  saw  the  sails  of  the  enemy 
approaching  nearer  and  nearer,  Loudoun  had  called  the 
New  England  officers  into  his  presence,  and  gravely 
demanded  if  they  and  their  men  were  willing  to  act  with 
the  regulars,  and  to  submit  to  the  king's  commander-in- 
chief,  as  his  majesty  had  directed.  -1  To  this  ill-timed  ques- 
tion, the  New  England  officers,  with  a  noble  appreciation 
of  the  critical  state  of  affairs,  answered  that  they  would 
cheerfully  obey  his  lordship,  and  act  in  harmony  with 
his  majesty's  forces;  at  the  same  time,  as  their  men 
had  enlisted  under  the  express  stipulation  of  being  com- 
manded solely  by  their  own  officers,  they  begged  that  he 
would  allow  them  to  act  separately  "  so  far,"  at  least,  "  as 
might  be  consistent  with  his  majesty's  service." 2  To  this, 
the  viceroy  acceded,  and  harmony  was  again  restored. 
Preparations  were  accordingly  begun — certainly  to  rein- 
force Oswego  ?  By  no  means,  but  for  a  descent  upon 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point!  General  Winslow  was 
therefore  sent  on  with  a  large  body  of  Provincials  to  occupy 
Forts  Edward  and  "William  Henry  as  a  preparatory  step ; 

1  Rogers's  journal:  Manuscript  letters  of  Surgeon  Williams  to  his  wife. 
Graham  e 
*  Holmes. 


22  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  and  the  heavy  artillery  was  already  on  its  way  to  the 
<Jb  carrying-place,  when  suddenly  intelligence  was  received 
!756.  disconcerting  all  of  these  plans. 

On  the  tenth  of  August  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  who 
had  succeeded  Baron  Dieskau  in  the  command  of   the 
French   forces  in    America,   invested   Oswego.     Having 
closed  the  harbor  with  two  large  vessels  of  war,  and  cut 
off  by  means  of  a  large  body  of  Canadians,  all  communi- 
cation with  Albany,  the  general  opened,  his  trenches  upon 
Fort  Ontario,  at  midnight  of  the  twelfth.     The  fire  was 
returned  by  the  garrison  with  spirit  until  evening  of  the 
following  day,  when  having   exhausted  their  shells   and 
ammunition,  they  spiked  their  guns  and  retreated  across 
the  river  into  the  old  fort.    Notwithstanding  the  deserted 
fort  was  reported  to  be  mined,  yet  such  was  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  French  soldiers,  that  they  immediately  rushed  into 
it  and  turned  the  guns  that  were  yet  serviceable  against 
Fort  Oswego,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.     Colonel 
Mercer,  the  commander,  a  man  of  courage  and  experience, 
was  killed  on  the  thirteenth,  by  a  cannon  ball,  and  shortly 
after,  under  the  well-directed  fire  of  the  French,  a  breach 
was  effected  in  the  wall.     The  commander  being  now 
killed,  and  the  fort  without  a  cover,  the  garrison,  who  had 
become  greatly  demoralized,  refused  to  fight  longer,1  and 
having  demanded  terms  of  capitulation,  surrendered  them- 
selves prisoners  of  war  just  as  Montcalm  was  on  the  point 
of  storming  the  entrenchments. 

Hardly  had  the  garrison  surrendered,  when  the  French 
Indians,  exasperated  by  the  loss  of  some  of  their  braves, 
uttered  terrific  yells,  and  with  the  tomahawk  and  knife 
were  about  to  fall  upon  the  unarmed  prisoners.  The  horrible 
butchery  that  would  have  ensued  was,  however,  happily 
prevented  by  the  prompt  action  of  Montcalm,  who,  to  his 
honor  be  it  written,  ordered  out  a  file  of  his  men,  and  com- 

i  Manuscript  deposition— taken  before  Sir  William  Johnson— of  John 
Walker  and  Samuel  Lamb,  both  of  whom  succeeded  in  making  their  escape 
from  Canada. 


LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  23 

manded  them  to  fire  upon  his  red  allies.     Six  of  the  savages  chap. 
fell  dead  on  the  spot,  and  the  remainder,  muttering  threats  w^ , 
of  vengeance,  sulkily  put  up  their  knives,  and  skulked 1766- 
back  to  their  quarters.  !    The  garrison,  composed  of  Shir- 
ley's and  Pepperell's  regiments,  and  numbering  sixteen 
hundred  men — were,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  surren- 
der, conveyed  safely  to  Montreal,  together  with  the  large 
stores  of  provisions  and  ammuntion  that  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  victors. 

With  consummate  policy,  the  French  general,  to  con- 
ciliate the  Six  Nations,  by  whom  the  erection  of  these 
forts  had  been  always  regarded  with  jealousy,  leveled  both 
fortresses  to  the  ground,  and  "left  Oswego  a  solitude," 
unbroken,  save  by  the  hooting  of  the  owl  or  the  scream  of 
the  panther. 

Sir  William  Johnson  was  in  Albany  when  the  news 
arrived  on  the  twentieth  of  August  of  the  investment  of 
Oswego.  On  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  he  was 
immediately  sent  by  Loudoun  with  two  battalions  of  militia 
and  three  hundred  Indians,  to  the  German  Flats, 2  to  sup- 
port General  "Webb,  who  had  started  from  Albany  for  the 
relief  of  the  garrison  two  days  before  its  surrender.  It  was 
too  late,  however,  to  render  any  assistance.  The  rumor  of 
the  capture  reached  Webb  at  the  Oneida  carrying  place ; 
and  such  was  the  terror  which  it  excited  in  that  poltroon, 
that  fancying  he  already  beheld  his  own  scalp  dangling 
from  the  waist  of  some  brawny  savage,  he  caused  some 
trees  to  be  hastily  felled  and  thrown  into  Wood  creek,  and, 
with  his  regiment,  fled  in  the  wildest  consternation  to  the 
German  Flats 3 — at  the  same  time  that  the  enemy,  antici- 

1  Manuscript  deposition  of  John  Viele,  of  Schenectady,  who  was  present 
at  the  capture — taken  before  Sir  William  Johnson  at  Mt.  Johnson  13th 
October,  1756.  This  seems  to  sustain  the  view  taken  by  Lord  Loudoun  in 
his  letter  to  J.  Osborne,  13th  September,  1756,  in  which  the  writer  considers 
the  rumor  of  the  massacre  at  Oswego  without  foundation. 

2  Manuscript  letter :  Loudoun  to  Johnson,  26th  August,  1756. 
3 Manuscript  letter:  Loudoun  to  Johnson,  2d  September,  1756. 


24 

chap,  pating  a  similar  visitation  from  him,  were  taking  the  same 
s_^_,  precautions  to  prevent  his  advance. 

1756.  The  fall  of  Oswego,  instead  of  rousing  Loudoun  to  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  campaign— especially,  as  with 
the  force  at  his  command,  he  could  easily  have  penetrated 
into  the  very  heart  of  Canada— caused  him  to  abandon 
any  offensive  operations  which  he  might  have  contemplat- 
ed. He  therefore  contented  himself  with  visiting  Torts 
Edward  and  "William  Henry;  and  after  giving  General 
"Winslow  strict  orders  to  act  only  on  the  defensive,^  he 
left  Webb  with  fourteen  hundred  men  at  the  carrying- 
place,  and  returned  to  Albany,  to  dismiss  the  Provincials 
to  their  firesides  and  the  regulars  into  winter  quarters. 

But  if  Lord  Loudoun  was  not  to  win  laurels  upon  the 
battle-field,  he  was  destined  to  an  unenviable  distinction  in 
New  York.  On  his  arrival  in  that  city  in  December,  he 
insisted  that  his  ofiicers  should  have  free  quarters  upon 
the  city.  The  citizens,  who  saw  in  this  an  attempt  to  bur- 
den them  with  a  standing  army,  became  excited,  and 
warmly  pleaded  their  rights  as  Englishmen.  The  viceroy 
was  not  to  be  moved.  Six  men  were  billeted  upon  Oliver 
De  Lancey.  The  latter  threatened,  if  they  were  not 
removed,  to  leave  the  country.  "I shall  be  glad  of  it," 
replied  his  lordship,  at  the  same  time  quartering  half  a 
dozen  more  upon  him,  "  for  then  the  troops  will  have  the 
whole  house."1    The  corporation  insisted  that  free  quarters 

1  •  Sir  William  Johnson. 

Sir  Am  just  now  informed  that  2400  men  are  arrived  at  New  York.     My 
lord  set  a  billeting  them  and  sent  only  six  to  his  old  acquaintance  Mr.   01. 
De  Lancey ;  he  zounzed  and  blood  and  ounz'd  at  the  soldiers,  this  was  told 
my  lord,  he  sent  Mr.  01.  half  a  dozen  more ;  he  sent  my  lord  word   if  mat- 
ters were  to  go  so  he  would  leave  the  country  :  My  lord  sent  him  word  he 
would  be  glad  of  it,  then  the  troops  would  have  the  whole  house.    I  really 
thought  this  so  extraordinary,  I  must  communicate  it  to  you : 
"lam 
"Sir 
"Your  most  obed't 

"Serv't 

WILLIAM  CORRY. 

"Al "January  15th  1757."2—    3  Manuscript  letter. 


25 

were  against  the  common  law,  and  the  petition  of  rights,  chap. 
"  God  damn  my  blood,"   exclaimed  Loudoun   to  Mayor  ^-v—* 
Cruger,  who  presented  the  opinion  of  the  corporation,  "  if  1756 
you  do  not  billet  my  officers  upon  free   quarters  this   day, 
I'll  order  all  the  troops  in  I^orth  America  under  my  com- 
mand,  and  billet  them  myself  upon  this  city."     All  argu- 
ment being  thus  at  an  end,  a  subscription  was  raised  for 
the  quartering  of  the  officers  ;  and  Loudoun   having  ren- 
dered himself  an  object  of  detestation,  went  to  Boston  to 
breathe  the  same  threats,  and  to  talk  of  the  vigor  which 
was  to  characterize  the  next  year's  campaign. 


CHAPTER  II. 


1757. 


chap.      Clouds  of  black  portent  hung  over  the   opening   of  the 
w^  new  year.     The  storm,  which  Sir  William  Johnson  had 
W67.  predicted  as  the  result  of  the  loss  of  Oswego,   had  burst 
with  all  its  fury  upon  the  frontier  settlements. 

The  Six  Nations,  who  had   so  long  wavered  in   their 
attachment  to  the  English,   now  threw  off   all  equivoca- 
tion, and  in  April  boldly  sent  a  large  delegation  from  each 
castle,  to  make  their  peace  with  the  governor  of  Canada. 
Our  promise,  said  they,  to  remain  firm  to  the  English  was 
given  with   the  understanding  that  the  war  should  be 
prosecuted  vigorously;  and  now  that  they  saw  the  French 
victorious  on  every  side,  and  the  English  army  retreating, 
as  it  were,  into  winter   quarters,  they   considered  them- 
selves released  from   all    previous  obligation,  and  deter- 
mined to  take  the  matter  into  their  own  hands.     At  the 
same  time,  swarms   of  hostile  Indians,  emboldened  by 
this  action  of  the  Confederacy  and  instigated  by  the  wily 
priest  at  La  Presentation,   roamed  through  the  forests 
between  Oswego  and  Schenectady  in   quest  of  scalps  and 
plunder.     Numerous  were  the  murders  committed  on  the 
border.     The  manuscripts  of   Sir  William  abound   with 
letters  written  to  him,  at  this  time,  from  officers  of  militia 
and  private  individuals,  either  relating  some  heart  rending 
occurrence,   or  imploring  his  aid.     A  messenger,  sent  by 
the  Baronet  with  a  letter  to   General  Webb   at  Albany, 
was  waylaid,  scalped,  and  his  body  thrown  into   the  Mo- 
hawk.1     Some  men  in  a  field,  within  a  stone's  throw  of 
Schenectady,  were  shot  down  in  their  tracts.     Small  war- 

1  Manuscript  letter  :    Henry  J.  Wendell  to  Johnson. 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  27 

parties  continually  hovered  in  the  vicinity  of  Mount  John-  chap. 
son,  watching  an  opportunity  to  take  its  occupant  or  his  ^-v— ' 
scalp  into  Canada.  To  add  to  all  these  horrors,  rumors  1757 
came  by  Indian  runners,  that  a  large  party  of  French  and 
Indians,  was  on  its  way  to  the  German  Flats,  with  the 
intention  of  laying  it  in  ashes,  preparatory  to  marching  on 
the  lower  settlements.  To  these  scenes  of  bloodshed,  the 
Six  Nations,  who  had  hitherto  been  a  barrier  against  the 
predatory  excursions  of  the  enemy,  now  remained,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Mohawks,  idle  and  indifferent  spec- 
tators, refusing  to  take  up  the  hatchet  either  for  or  against 
the  English,  until  the  result  of  the  congress  then  holding 
between  their  sachems  and  De  Yaudreuil,  should  be 
known.  While,  however,  they  witnessed  the  sufferings 
of  the  border  with  such  apathy,  they  remained  firm  in 
their  attachment  to  Sir  William,  who  was  at  this  period, 
the  recipient  of  numerous  messages  from  the  several  cas- 
tles of  the  Confederacy,  putting  him  on  his  guard  against 
those  prowling  bands  that  had  sworn  to  entrap  him.1 

The  Baronet  did  not  despair.  Summoning  the  Six 
Nations  to  meet  him  once  more  at  Fort  Johnson  on  the 
tenth  of  June,  he  devoted  himself  with  more  than  his 
usual  assiduity,  to  win  their  confidence  and  respect.  Cap- 
tains Thomas  Butler,  John  Butler  and  Funda  were  sent  by 
him  through  the  different  cantons  with  friendly  messages, 
having  orders  to  tarry  at  Onondaga  castle,  and  keep  a 
watchful  eye  upon  its  movements ;  while  he  himself,  as  a 
preparatory  step  to  the  important  council  in  June,  repeat- 
edly held  informal  meetings  with  the  Indians  at  his  own 
house,  feasting  them,  distributing  presents,  and  in  short, 
neglecting  no  opportunity  of  winning  his  way  to  their 
hearts  by  those  pleasant  little  arts  which  he  alone  knew  so 
well  how  to  employ.     Nor  was  he  confined  to  a  merely 

1  Manuscript  letters  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  warning  him  of  his  danger. 
The  Baronet's  friends  were  also  solicitous  for  his  safety  even  among  the 
Six  Nations.  "For  God's  sake,  don't  expose  yourself  among  the  Indians  ; 
rather  send  for  them  and  let  them  wait  upon  you."  Manuscript  latter: 
William  Corry  to  Johnson,  June,  11th  1757. 


28  LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  negative  policy.  It  has  been  already  stated  that  the 
w^  Mohawks  formed  a  noble  exception  to  the  indifference  of 
!757.  the  other  Nations  of  the  Confederacy.  Secure  in  the 
attachment  of  that  clan,  he  availed  himself  of  those  allies 
to  annoy  the  enemy  as  much  as  possible.  To  do  this  was 
no  easy  task ;  and  indeed  it  required  the  utmost  activity  of 
the  superintendent  to  keep  himself  well  informed  of  the 
actual  or  intended  movements  of  the  foe.  This  is  evident 
by  Sir  William's  manuscript  journal  for  this  year.  As  the 
latter  has  never  seen  the  light,  and  is  curious  in  itself,  a 
few  extracts  from  it  will  probably  not  be  unacceptable — 
serving,  as  they  will,  to  illustrate  not  only  the  present  his- 
tory, but  also  the  character  of  the  relations  existing 
between  the  English  and  the  Confederates  during  the 
administration  of  the  Indian  department  by  the  principal 
personage  of  this  work. * 

"1757  Friday,  May  lUh. — Captain  Dick,  a  Mohawk, 
and  five  more  of  said  nation,  and  one  Canoy  Indian,  were 
fitted  out  by  Sir  William  with  everything  necessary  for 
warriors,  and  sent  off  for  Tiendarago 2  or  Crown  Point, 
from  whence  they  expected  to  return  in  twenty  days.  Sir 
William  gave  them  a  red  flag  and  a  pass." 

"  Wednesday  the  ISth. — Sir  William  received  a  letter  from 
Captain  John  Butler,  acquainting  him  that  some  of  his 
scouts  had  discovered  and  spoke  with  two  Mississagey 
Indians  coming  as  spies  to  the  German  Flats.  Copy  of 
which  letter  he  sent  immediately  to  Major  General  Webb 
by  express." 

"  Thursday,  May  the  20th. — Sir  William  gave  Peter  of 
Canajoharie,  a  war  belt, 3  to  get  a  prisoner  or  scalp  in  the 
room  of  Eseras,  a  Mohawk  who  lately  died  here.  He 
promised  him  to  be  here  with  his  party  in  a  few  days  in 
order  to  go  upon  said  service,  gave  him  paint  for  his  party, 

1Some  of  the  entries  in  this  journal  are  in  the  handwriting  of  Peter 
Wraxall,  at  this  time  Johnson's  private  secretary. 

2  Ticonderoga — always  spelt  thus  by  Sir  William  Johnson. 

3  The  war-belt  was  given  as  a  sort  of  commission  authorizing  its  holder 
to  scalp  the  enemy. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  29 

&c,  and  so  parted.     Ni  B.  Sir  William  sent  four  strings  of  chap. 
black  wampum  by  him  to  let  their  people  know  that  the  *-v-^ 
French  and  Indians  had  begun  to  scalp  and  take  prisoners, 1757- 
having  killed  four,  and  taken  three  prisoners  at  Port 
Edward,  which  behavior  of  theirs  (after  what  the  French 
governor  said  to  the  Six  Nations  in  Canada  last  winter)  he 
desired  they  would  consider  of,  and  hoped  they  would  act 
thereon  as  became  "  brethren  and  friends." 

"  JEJo  die.  Sir  William  Johnson  spoke  with  Nickus  Hance, 
alias  Tacarihogo,  a  Canajoharie  chief,  who  came  to  see  him 
and  told  him,  that  as  he  was  much  concerned  by  the  loss 
of  his  (Hance' s)  mother,  who  lately  died,  that  he  expected 
he  would  remove  his  concern  by  going  to  war  and  bring 
him  either  a  prisoner  or  scalps  to  put  in  her  room,  instead, 
as  is  usual  among  Indians.  Upon  this  Sir  William  gave 
him  a  very  fine  black  belt  to  inforce  his  request.  Tacari- 
hogo returned  Sir  William  thanks  for  the  concern  he 
showed  for  the  loss  of  his  mother,  accepted  the  belt,  and 
promised  he  would  on  his  return  home  call  his  young  men 
together,  and  lay  Sir  William's  belt  and  request  before 
them." 

"  May  22d. — Mores,  with  three  Mohawks,  returned  from 
Tiendarago,  where  they  lay  waiting  for  a  prisoner  twenty- 
four  hours  close  to  the  fort  on  the  hill  the  other  side  of  the 
river  coming  from  Lake  G-eorge  which  overlooks  the  fort. 
No  morning  or  evening  gun  fired  there.  They  did  not  see 
an  Indian  about  the  place.  They  have  no  advanced  post 
as  yet  along  the  lake — sent  the  above  intelligence  to  Major 
General  Webb." 

"  Tuesday,  May  2>lst. — Laurence,  a  Mohawk  chief,  with 
four  men  of  said  castle,  and  four  Delawares,  came  to  my 
house  in  order  to  be  fitted  out ;  and  told  me  they  would 
join  the  Schoharie  Indians  who  were  then  ready  to  move 
against  the  enemy.  They  joined  David  of  Schoharie 
accordingly,  and  told  me  they  would  set  out  for  Grown 
Point  the  next  morning,  being  fifteen  Indians  in  number 
and  two  white  men,  in  all  seventeen  men — The  next  day 


W  LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART. 

Cl\f p-  were  joined  by  six  Indians  which  made  the  party  consist 

w-'  of  twenty-three." 

1/0  '  "  June  2d. — Zacharias  and  Little  Hance  with  eight  men 
of  the  tribe  of  the  turtle, l  were  fitted  out  with  all  neces- 
saries, and  told  Sir  William  that  they  would  be  ready  to 
set  off  for  Canada  the  4th  inst.,  and  desired  to  know  what 
part  of  the  country  he  would  have  them  go  to.  To  which 
he  answered  that  at  the  two  French  forts  he  imagined  the 
enemy  would  be  on  their  guard,  therefore  thought  it  best 
to  attack  their  boats  coming  along  Lake  Champlain.  JEo  die. 
Captain  Dick  with  his  party  returned  from  near  Tiendarago 
in  seven  days,  and  says  that  the  enemy  have  an  advanced 
post  near  a  saw  mill  where  they  have  about  forty  men, 
who  kept  so  close  in  and  about  the  kind  of  fort  they  have, 
that  there  was  no  possibility  of  taking  any  of  them. 
Besides  there  was  a  large  party  of  the  enemy  constantly 
scouring  the  woods  thereabouts,  whom  they  very  narrowly 
avoided." 

Nothing  so  loses  the  respect  of  the  red  man  as  imbe- 
cility ;  the  inactivity  of  the  English  and  consequent  suc- 
cesses of  the  French  had,  as  has  been  intimated,  aided  the 
latter  in  their  efforts  to  alienate  the  Confederacy  from  the 
English  interest ;  and  an  occurrence  therefore  which  hap- 
pened at  this  time,  by  turning  a  little  the  scale,  greatly 
assisted  the  Baronet  in  his  efforts. 

The  report  that  a  French  army  was  on  its  way  to  attack 
the  lower  settlements,  was  not  without  foundation.  Early 
in  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth  of  March,  the  attention 
of  the  garrison  of  Fort  William  Henry  was  attracted  to  a 
mysterious  light  at  some  distance  down  the  lake.  The  con- 
jectures to  which  this  appearance  gave  rise,  were  soon  set 
at  rest,  when  the  gray  dawn  disclosed  on  the  ice  in  front 
of  the  fort  fifteen  hundred  French  regulars,  Canadians  and 
Indians,  armed  with  three  hundred  scaling  ladders  and 
everything  necessary  for  a  vigorous  attack.     Hardly,  how- 

1  Each  of  the  original  Five  Nations  was  divided  into  three  tribes — the 
tortoise,  the  bear  and  the  wolf. 


LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  31 

ever,  had  the  sun  appeared  above  the  horizon,  when  the  chap. 
guns  of  the  fort  served  by  "William  Eyre,  one  of  Braddock's  wj_ , 
most  skillful  artillerists,  compel  the  enemy  to  retire  with 1767- 
considerable  loss.  Towards  noon,  with  their  forces 
arranged  in  a  semi-circle,  they  renew  the  attack,  but  with 
no  better  success.  At  midnight  of  the  same  day,  they 
attempt  a  surprise,  but  accomplish  nothing  except  the 
burning  of  the  sloops  and  most  of  the  bateaux.  Finally, 
their  demand  for  a  surrender  being  refused,  and  another 
spirited  attack  being  bravely  repelled  by  the  undaunted 
defenders,  the  French  beat  a  retreat ;  and  being  seized  by 
a  panic — the  cause  of  which  has  never  been  ascertained — 
they  flee  precipitately  down  the  lake,  leaving  behind  them 
twelve  hundred  of  their  sledges  and  a  great  quantity  of 
military  equipments. l  In  the  loss  of  men  the .  enemy  suf- 
fered severely ;  and  the  warm  April  sun  revealed  many  a 
ghastly  form  wrapped  in  a  winding  sheet  of  snow.2 

1  Manuscript  letter;  Major  William  Eyre  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  3d 
April,  1757. 

2  The  following  anecdote  of  General  John  Stark — who  was  at  the  time  of 
the  attack  in  command  of  the  rangers  stationed  at  Fort  William  Henry — is 
related  by  Caleb  Stark,  in  his  biography  of  his  grandfather  : 

"  While  going  his  rounds,  on  the  evening  of  the  sixteenth,  Captain  Stark 
overheard  a  squad  of  his  men,  who  were  of  the  Scotch-Irish  race,  planning 
a  celebration  in  honor  of  St.  Patrick,  for  the  next  night.  He  afterward 
said  he  had  then  no  presentiment  of  approaching  danger,  but  disliked  these 
wild  Irish  demonstrations.  He  therefore  called  for  the  ranger  suttler, 
Samuel  Blodget,  and  gave  him  directions  to  deliver  the  rangers  their  regular 
rations  of  grog  until  the  evening  of  the  seventeenth ;  and  after  that  no 
more,  without  a  written  order  from  himself.  On  that  evening  he  retired  to 
his  quarters,  directing  his  orderly  sergeant  to  say  to  all  applicants  for  written 
orders  that  he  was  confined  to  his  bunk  with  a  lame  right  hand,  and  would  not 
be  disturbed.  The  Irish  troops,  (regulars)  secured  an  extra  supply  of  rum 
on  the  night  of  the  sixteenth,  and  commenced  their  carousal,  which  they 
carried  on  with  unabated  vigor  through  the  night  and  during  the  ensuing 
day,  in  honor  of  St.  Patrick  and  his  wife  Sheelah.  They  drank  so  freely 
that  the  officer  of  the  day  could  find  none  of  them  fit  for  duty  as  sentinels, 
and  the  rangers  who  were  sober,  supplied  their  places.  The  rangers,  seeing 
the  Irish  thus  enjoying  themselves,  desired  the  same  privilege.  The  sutler 
informed  them  of  his  orders,  and  the  captain's  quarters  were  beset  to  obtain 
a  written  order.     The  orderly  refused  to  disturb  his  officer,  as  he  was  con- 


32  LIFE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  The  news  of  this  attack  was  conveyed  to  the  Baronet  in 
w^a  letter  from  Colonel,  afterward  General  Gage,  on  Sun- 
1767-  day,  the  twentieth  of  March.  He  immediately  issued  orders 
for  the  militia  on  the  Mohawk  river  to  muster  at  his  house 
as  soon  as  possible,  and  sent  Arent  Stevens  to  the  Mohawks, 
who,  with  others  of  the  Confederates  then  at  Mount  John- 
son, agreed  to  march  forthwith.  Such  was  the  prompt 
response  to  his  call,  that  at  daybreak  of  Monday  morning, 
he  set  out  from  Mount  Johnson  with  the  Indians  and 
twelve  hundred  militia,  reaching  Fort  Edward  on  Thurs- 
day, the  twenty-fourth.  Receiving,  however,  on  his  arrival, 
intelligence  from  Major  Eyre  that  the  enemy  had  retreated, 
he  began  his  march  homeward  on  the  twenty-sixth ;  but 
scarcely  was  he  out  of  sight  of  the  fort,  when  an  express 
met  him  bringing  the  alarming  news  that  the  French  were 
even  then  marching  upon  the  German  Flats.  A  moment's 
delay  might  prove  fatal,  and  giving  the  militia  and  Indians 
orders  to  follow  immediately,  he  rode  all  that  night,  arriving 
at  Fort  Johnson  at  four  o'clock  the  next  morning  !  Here 
he  was  informed  by  some  Indian  scouts  who  had  just  come 
in,  that  the  alarm  was  groundless.  Choosing,  however, 
to  be  on  the  safe  side,  he  transferred  his  head  quarters  on 
the  eighth  of  April  to  Burnet's  Field,  whence  he  issued 
orders  to  his  Indian  officers  to  keep  themselves  and  their 
scouts  on  the  alert — at  the  same  time  dispatching  a  trusty 
party  of  Mohawks  to  Swegatchie  to  ascertain  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy.2 

fined  with  a  painfully  lame  right  hand,  and  could  not  write.  The  soldiers 
felt  somewhat  cross,  but  bore  their  disappointment  like  philosophers.  At 
two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth,  a  ranger  sentinel  on  the  ram- 
parts observed  a  light  upon  the  lake,  and  soon  afterward  became  aware 
that  a  large  force  was  advancing  in  the  direction  of  the  fortress.  Notice 
was  instantly  conveyed  to  the  ranger  captain.  The  lame  hand  was  instantly 
restored  to  health,  and  he  was  among  his  soldiers.  The  commander  of  the 
fort  was  quietly  notified,  and  the  rangers  silently  mustered  upon  its  walls." 
The  near  approach  of  danger  dissipated  the  fumes  of  liquor  from  the  brains 
of  the  regulars,  "  and  the  garrison  was  soon  in  condition  for  a  vigorous 
defence." 

2  One  cannot  help  contrasting  the  energy   which  Sir  William  displayed 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  38 

It  would  seem  as  if  the  Fates  had  combined  to  thwart  chap. 
the  efforts  of  the  Baronet,  for  scarcely  were  the  Confede-  -_J— > 
rates  mollified  and  prepared  to  give  a  willing  ear  to  his  1757- 
persuasions,  when  a  circumstance  occured  which  threatened 
to  throw  all  his  plans  into  confusion,  and  seriously  mar 
that  harmony  and  good  feeling  which  at  this  critical  time 
were  so  essential  to  the  success  of  the  approaching  council. 
It  happened  that  a  party  of  Mohawks,  while  loitering 
around  Fort  Hunter,  fell  into  a  dispute  with  the  soldiers 
of  the  garrison,  which  though  trivial  at  first,  resulted  in 
several  of  the  Indians  being  dangerously  wounded.  "  I 
have  settled  some  differences,"  wrote  the  Baronet  on  this 
occasion  to  General  Abercrombie,  "which  happened 
between  the  garrison  and  them  before,  but  this  is  of  so 
high  a  nature,  that  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  reconcile  it, 
unless  the  whole  garrison  be  withdrawn  and  that  very  soon. 
I  can  assure  you  sir  that  in  a  meeting  [at  my  house]  two 
of  their  chief  men  (with  tears  in  their  eyes,  which  is  not 
very  common)  declared  they  were  afraid  that  as  soon  as 
the  relations  of  those  wounded  and  the  rest  of  their  people 
returned  from  their  hunting  (whom  they  daily  expected) 
and  got  a  little  liquor,  it  would  not  be  in  their  power  to 
prevent  their  attempting  to  have  satisfaction.  Wherefore 
they  most  earnestly  entreat  you  to  remove  this  garrison, 
and  if  any  more  troops  be  sent  there,  that  they  may  be 
such  people  as  are  acquainted  with  them  and  their  customs ; 
then  they  can  live  in  peace  and  comfort  with  them. 

"  It  is  very  unlucky  at  this  time,  when  a  meeting  of  all 
the  nations  is  soon  expected,  whereat  I  have  great  hopes 
matters  may  be  brought  to  a  better  issue  than  was  expected. 
There  is  nothing  would  give  the  French  more  pleasure, 
than  a  difference  between  us  and  the  Mohawks  at  present." 

The  exertions  of  Sir  William,  however,  prevented  the 
ill  effects  which  he  so  feared ;  and  on  the  tenth  of  June  a 
full  delegation  from  the  Confederacy,  with  the  exception 

in  this  emergency,  with  the  poltroonery  of  General  Webb  in  refusing  to  rein- 
force Fort  William  Henry  a  few  months  later. 

5 


34  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  of  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  assembled  at  Fort  Johnson, 
Jt->  according  to  appointment.     Such  had  been  his  personal 
$*fc  influence  that  previous  to  the  assembling  of  the  council, 
the  effects  of  the  Montreal   conference  were  in   a  great 
measure  counteracted,  so  that  on  the  present  occasion  the 
Upper  Nations,1  far  from  the  boldness  which  they  had  but 
a  little  while  before  assumed,   now  attempted  to  excuse 
their  former  lukewarmness  on  the  ground  that  it  had  arisen 
not  from  any  indifference  to  the  interests  of  the  English, 
but  from  the  fear  in  which  they  stood  of  their  own  castles 
being  attacked  by  the  French.    To  this  quibble,  theBaronet, 
tempering  severity  with  mildness,  replied:  «  It  is  certain, 
Brethren,  the  covenant  chain  was  made  for  our  common 
good  and  safety,  and  it  is  well  known  to  you  all,  that  it 
speaks   in  this   manner  :-that  the  English  and  the   Six 
Nations  shall  consider  themselves  as  one  flesh  and  blood, 
and  that  whenever  any  enemy  shall  injure  one,  the  other 
is  to  feel  it  and  avenge  it,  as  if   done  by  himself.     Have 
not  the  French  hurt  us  ?     Is  not  their  ax  in   our  heads  ? 
Are  they  not  daily  killing  and  taking  our  people  away? 
Have  not  some  of  your  nations  both  to  the  southward  and 
the  northward  joined  the  French  against  us?    Nay  some 
of  you  by  your  own  confession,  have  gone  out  by  yourselves 
and  struck  the  English.     Have  you  not  now  several  of  our 
people  prisoners  amongst  you,  whom  you  conceal  from  me  ? 
Have  you  not  lately   suffered  the   Swegatchie  Indians  to 
come  through  your  habitations  and  take  one  of  our  people 
from  the  German  Flats  ?    Let  me  ask  you  now  if  all  this 
is  behaving  like  brethren,  and  whether  you  ought  not  to 
be  ashamed  when  you  put  us  in  mind  of   the   covenant 
chain?     Surely  you  dream  or  think  I  have  forgot  the  old 
agreement  between  us,  when  you  talk  in  this  manner.     I 
take  you  therefore  by  the  head  and  rouse  you  from  your 
lethargy  and  bring  you  to  your  senses." 

The  council  continued  ten  days;    and  when  the  pro- 


j  The  Upper  Nations  were  the  Senecas,   Cayugas  and  Onondagas. 


The 


lower  were  the  Mohawks,  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras. 


LIFE   OP    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  35 

digious  efforts  of  De  Vaudreuil  and  the  Jesuit  priests  to  chap 
alienate  the  Confederates  is  taken  into  consideration,  its  ^^ 
results  may  be  considered  eminently  satisfactory.  The  U57. 
Mohawks  needed  no  urging  to  use  the  hatchet  against  the 
French;  and  the  Senecas,  Cayugasand  Onondagas  promised 
at  least  neutrality,  at  the  same  time  expressing  their  unani- 
mous determination  "to  hold  fast  the  covenant  chain"  of 
friendship,  and  remain  allies  to  his  majesty,  and  brethren 
to  his  subjects."  "lam  fully  persuaded,"  wrote  the  Ba- 
ronet to  the  lords  of  trade — alluding  to  this  result,  "  that 
the  loss  of  Oswego  has  produced  the  present  neutrality 
agreed  on  by  the  Upper  Nations."  He  was  also  fearful 
that  the  destruction  of  the  fort  at  the  Oneida  carrying-place 
by  Webb,  and  his  precipitate  retreat  from  that  post,  would 
be  the  means  of  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  likewise 
declaring  themselves  neutral.  In  this,  however,  he  was 
happily  disappointed;  for,  not  long  after,  those  two 
Nations  declared  boldly  in  favor  of  the  English ;  and 
although  they  did  not  enter  into  the  war  with  the  same 
alacrity  as  the  Mohawks,  yet  their  services  were  very  val- 
uable to  the  English  during  the  entire  contest.  Thus  again, 
was  French  influence  over  the  Six  Nations  thwarted 
by  the  mere  personal  attachment  of  the  latter  to  the  Ba- 
ronet ;  and  the  war  deprived  of  half  its  terrors  to  the  inha- 
bitants on  the  border. 

Indian  relations  now  wore  a  brighter  hue.  The  baffled 
priest  at  Presentation  saw  his  predatory  bands  return 
chagrined  and  disappointed.  Those  nations  of  the  Con- 
federacy, who  had  declared  unequivocally  in  favor  of 
the  English,  entered  into  the  contest  with  spirit,  and  were 
now  as  anxious  to  be  led  against  the  enemy,  as  they  had 
been  before  indifferent  and  apathetic.  Still  the  Baronet 
thought  it  not  prudent  to  relax  his  watchfulness,  and  the 
months  of  June  and  July  were  spent  by  him  in  sending 
out  war  parties  into  Canada,  and  allaying  the  innumera- 
ble petty  jealousies  that  were  continually  occurring  between 
the  Indians  and  whites.     The  manner  in  which  he  was  - 


chap,  employed  at  this  time  will,  however,  be  more  apparent  from 
w^  the  following  letter  written  by  him  to  his  former  aid,  and 
1757.  now  hig  intimate  friend  and  secretary,    Captain  Peter 
Wraxall. 

"Fort  Johnson,  17th  July,  1757. 
"Dear  Wraxall: 

"I  received  the  first  letter  you  wrote  me  since  you  left 
us,  just  as  I  was  going  to  Canajoharie  and  the  German 
Flats.  At  the  former  I  clothed  all  their  women,  old  men, 
and  children,  who  are  much  more  numerous  than  I  imagined, 
and  gave  them  provisions  which  they  are  very  scarce  of. 
Their  number  amounts  to  two  hundred  and  forty-seven 
exclusive  of  the  young  men.  At  the  latter,  I  had  that 
unhappy  affair  of  the  two  Indians  (belonging  to  the  party 
of  the  Five  Nations,  whom  I  fitted  out  to  go  to  Canada 
but  were  murdered  by  Tom  Smith)  to  make  up.  It  was 
the  most  difficult  job  I  ever  had,  as  the  Five  Nations 
who  were  at  the  meeting  lately  were  all  there  yet,  and  so 
enraged  (saying  that  these  two  made  Hve  now  murdered 
by  us  within  a  year)  that  I  had  hard  work  to  prevent  their 
spilling  blood  for  it.  However,  by  condoling  their  death, 
taking  our  hatchet  out  of  their  heads,  and  several  other 
forms  used  by  them,  and  at  a  very  considerable  expense 
besides,  I  made  them  easy  for  this  time.  *  *  *  *  I 
have  now  &ve  parties  out  on  different  days ;  some  of  whom 
I  expect  daily ;  others  making  ready  to  go  out,  I  hear 
some  of  the  Aughquagas 1  are  coming  here  in  order  to  go 
out  unasked— all  the  Indians  daily  asking  me  when  the 
army  is  to  move  towards  the  enemy  and  when  I  go.  *  * 
*  *  *  *  i  write  now  to  Major  General  Webb — 
from  whom  I  had  a  letter  the  same  time  I  received  yours 
— wherein  he  expresses  great  satisfaction  at  my  taking  the 
first  prisoner  brought  in,  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 
It  was  with  a  good  deal  of  difficulty,  and  I  much  doubt  my 

1  Aughquaga  on  the  Susquehanna  river,  was  at  this  time  an  Aboriginal 
Port  Royal,  where  many  of  the  Six  Nations  who  had  become  disgusted  with 
the  politics  of  their  several  castles,  were  in  the  habit  of  settling. 


.» 


LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  37 

being  able  to  get  all  they  may  be  able  to  take  from  tbem  chap. 
without  giving  such  umbrage  and  dissatisfaction  as  may  v-^ / 
overset  the  whole — as  they  well  know  the  French  Indians  are 1767- 
allowed  to  keep  and  dispose  of   their  prisoners  as  they  please, 
which  is  the  greatest  encouragement  they  can  have  given  them. 
However,  I  shall  endeavor  all  in  my  power  to  follow  the 
general's  directions  in  that  point,  as  near  as  I  can.     I  have 
nothing  to  write  you  from  this  quarter.     All  our  hopes  and 
expectations  are  from  his  lordship's  success  and  yours  that 
way. 

"  I  am,  dear  Wraxall, 

Your  sincere  well-wisher  and 
Humble  servant, 

«¥M.  JOHNSON."1 

"  His  Lordship's  success,"  to  which  allusion  is  here 
made,  had  reference  to  the  expedition  against  Louisburg 
under  Lord  Loudoun,  which  had  already  sailed  from  New 
York.  On  the  nineteenth  of  January,  a  council  of  war 
had  been  held  by  the  viceroy,  composed  of  the  governors 
of  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia,  having  reference  in  a 
measure,  if  not  wholly,  to  an  attack  on  that  fortress.  In 
this  council,  Loudoun  proposed  that  four  thousand  troops 
should  be  raised  by  New  England  for  this  year's  campaign, 
and  that  New  York  and  New  Jersey  should  furnish  their 
quota  of  men  for  the  same  object.  Although  his  lord- 
ship did  not  deign  to  reveal  the  plan  of  operations  which 
he  designed  to  follow — veiling  it  under  the  pompous 
declaration  "  that  the  interests  of  the  British  service  for- 
bade him  immediately  to  disclose  it" — yet  it  was  well 
understood  that  an  attack  was  contemplated  upon  either 
Louisburg  or  Crown  Point.  The  arrogance  and  insolence 
with  which  Loudoun  conducted  himself  on  the  present 
occasion  towards  the  colonial  governors, — ascribing,  as  he 
did,  all  the  ill  successes  of  the  last  campaign  to  the  Pro- 
vincial troops,  completely  disgusted  the  people   of  New 


Manuscript  letter. 


38  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.  England.     Nevertheless,   as  his  requisition   on  them  for 
w^men  was  so  moderate,   compared  with  what  they  had 
1757.  expected,  they  responded  with  promptness  to  his  demand, 
and  their  quota  was  soon  in  the  field. 

It  was  partially  with  a  view  of  meeting  this  requisition 
of  Loudoun,  that  Governor  Hardy  convened  his  assembly 
on  the  sixteenth  of  February.  In  his  opening  message, 
after  informing  both  branches  of  his  legislature  of  the 
renewed  proof  which  his  majesty  had  given,  of  his  inter- 
est in  the  welfare  of  the  colony,  by  sending  over  additional 
reinforcements  into  the  province,  he  acquainted  them 
with  the  recent  proceedings  of  Lord  Loudoun  and  of  the 
latter's  requisition  upon  the  province  of  New  York  for  its 
proportion  of  troops.  The  abortive  measures  undertaken 
last  year  for  the  defence  of  the  province,  and  the  advances 
which  the  enemy  had  recently  made,  showed  the  neces- 
sity of  vigorous  action.  "  And,"  continued  the  governor, 
"  from  the  proofs  I  have  had  of  your  affection  to  his  ma- 
jesty, and  of  your  zeal  for  the  support  of  the  common 
cause,  I  persuade  myself,  you  will  not  fail  to  furnish  the 
quota  of  men  demanded  of  you,  and  thus  strengthen  the 
hopes  of  success,  that  we  may  reasonably  have  from  an 
able  and  experienced  direction  of  his  majesty's  forces, 
attended  with  the  divine  blessing,  on  his  arms.  The 
season  requires  that  no  time  be  lost,  and  I  must  press  you, 
to  be  early  in  your  resolutions,  that  I  may  give  the  neces- 
sary orders  as  soon  as  possible."1 

But  the  message  was  not  entirely  devoted  to  the  neces- 
sity of  furnishing  troops.  Other  and  equally  weighty 
matters  at  home  demanded  their  immediate  attention. 
The  disputes  with  New  Jersey  and  Massachusetts  Bay 
concerning  their  boundaries,  had  risen  to  fever  heat. 
The  proposition  of  the  lords  of  trade,  long  since  made — 
that  money  should  be  appropriated  for  defraying  the  ex- 
penses of  commissioners  to  settle  the  controversy — had 
been  unaccountably  neglected  by  the  assembly,   until  the 


1  Journals  of  the  assembly. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  39 

social  condition  of  those  residing  on  the  border  had  chap. 
become  really  lamentable.  In  one  instance,  especially,  in  v-^1/ 
the  early  part  of  the  present  year,  a  riot  had  occured  in 1767, 
the  manor  of  Livingston.  The  sheriff  in  the  execution 
of  his  office  was  roughly  handled,  and  a  man  whom  he 
had  called  to  his  aid,  killed.  Added  to  this,  the  affair,  at 
first  confined  merely  to  the  question  of  boundary,  had 
now  become  much  more  complicated  from  the  fact,  that 
the  Stockbridge  Indians,  some  of  whom  had  been  present 
at  the  riot,  took  sides,  and  in  many  instances  sold  lands 
twice  over  to  interested  parties,  in  utter  disregard  of  for- 
mer patents.  This  action  of  the  Indians,  however,  was 
soon  stopped  by  Sir  "William  Johnson,  who,  at  the  solicit- 
ation of  the  governor,  wrote  to  the  sachems  and  chiefs  of 
the  Stockbridge  Nation  requesting  them  to  remain  neu- 
tral ;l  but  the  whites  still  carried  on  the  controversy  with 
increased  bitterness.  Sir  Charles,  therefore,  now  demanded 
of  the  assembly,  that  it  would  immediately  institute  such 
proceedings  as  would  effectually  settle  these  disputes. 
Soon  after  coming  to  the  government,  he  had  recom- 
mended that  provision  should  be  made  for  the  expense  of 
proper  commissioners  to  adjust  the  boundaries;  "and," 
added  he,  "  I  have  their  lordship's  repeated  directions,  to 
recommend  it  again  to  your  consideration,  and  to  acquaint 
you,  that  as  this  is  a  matter  of  high  concernment  to  the 
peace  and  quiet  of  government,  and  the  lives  and 
properties  of  his  majesty's  subjects,  his  majesty  does 
expect  that  you  will  forthwith  make  a  proper  provision  for 
the  expense  of  such  commissioners,  that  there  may  be  no 
farther  delay  in  a  matter  of  so  great  importance."2 

Before  the  governor  closed,  he  alluded  to  another  mat- 
ter, by  far  the  most  important  of  any  yet  mentioned. 
"  In  my  speech  to  you,"  said  he,  "  of  the  twenty-fourth  of 
September  last,  I  repeated  the  necessity  of  the  legislature's 

1  Manuscript  letter ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  the  sachem  of  the  Stoek- 
bridge  Indians. 

2  Journals  of  the  assembly. 


40 

chap,  interposing  in  the  case  of  those  exorbitant  grants  of  land, 
_^_>  complained  of  by  the  Indians  as  fradulent.  I  cannot 
1757.  avoid  mentioning  this  again  to  you,  and  recommending  it 
to  your  consideration ;  the  passing  of  a  law  for  vacating 
and  annulling  such  grants,  appearing  to  me  not  only  a  just 
but  necessary  measure,  as  by  redressing  this  real  grievance 
of  those  people  we  may  give  a  happy  turn  to  our  negotia- 
tions with  them,  and  induce  them  to  throw  in  their  whole 
weight  to  our  assistance."1 

This  is  a  straightforward  and  manly  avowal,  and  reveals 
the  true  source,  whence  sprung  most  of  those  difficulies 
which  were  continually  arising  between  the  Indians  and 
whites  in  both  the  northern  and  southern  provinces.  It 
has  been  seen  that  the  chief  cause  of  the  bloody  war, 
which  was  even  now  raging  in  Pennsylvania,  was  the 
deceit  which  had  been  practiced  upon  the  Delawares  in 
the  sale  of  their  lands,  at  the  congress  at  Albany  in  1754. 
The  grievances,  moreover,  to  which  the  Six  Nations  had 
been  subjected  in  the  sales  of  their  lands,  from  traders  and 
land  agents  in  the  vicinity  of  Albany — of  which  Lydius 
was  a  fit  type — had  been  one  of  the  greatest  impediments 
to  the  success  of  Johnson  among  the  Indians.  The  Baro- 
net had  repeatedly  written  to  the  ministry  and  the  differ- 
ent colonial  governors,  that  his  efforts  among  the  Delawares 
and  other  Southern  Indians,  and  also  among  the  Six 
Nations,  would  be  of  no  avail,  unless  these  fraudulent  pur- 
chases were  revoked ;  and  in  a  very  able  letter  to  the  lords 
of  trade,  under  date  of  September  of  this  year,  he  urged 
— to  the  infinite  disgust  of  the  proprietaries- — that  the 
surest  method  of  giving  tranquillity  to  Pennsylvania, 
would  be  an  open  and  voluntary  surrender  of  the  deed 
of  sale  given  at  Albany.  It  is  very  probable,  therefore,  that 
the  efforts  of  Sir  Charles  Hardy,  at  this  time,  to  prevail 
upon  his  assembly  to  vacate  those  fraudulent  grants  were 
due  to  his  influence.  This  inference  is  moreover  rendered 
reasonable  from  the  fact,   that  when  in  June   1756,    Sir 

Journals  of  the  assembly. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BABT.  41 

Charles  proposed  to  his  assembly  an  act  for   anullmg  the  chap. 
patents  of  Kayaderosseros,  Cannajohary,  and  Oriskany,  on  s-^ 
the  ground  of  their  having  been  fraudulently  obtained1757* 
from  the  Indians,  the  Baronet  was   universally  regarded 
.as  its  author. 

The  assembly  sent  up  its  answer  to  the  governor's  mes- 
sage on  the  eighth.    Regarding  the  request  for  troops,  it 
responded  with  alacrity ;  promising  to  furnish  their  full 
quota  of  men,  in  order  "  that  whatever  may  be  the  fate  of 
our  upright  cause,   we  may  not  be  in  any  ways  instru- 
mental to  our  ruin,  by  tedious   delays,  timid  resolutions, 
or  an  ill  timed  parsimony."     With  respect,   however,  to 
the  boundary  question,  the  reply  of  both  houses  was,  less 
satisfactory.     They  wished  that  they  could  see  it  their 
duty  to  engage  for  what  they  believed  would  be  a  heavy 
expense ;  but,  said  they,  referring  to  the  existing  war,  "  we 
would  humbly  observe,  that  a  line  of  a  much  more  serious 
nature,  at  present  engages  our  whole  attention,  and  justly  claims' 
the  substance  we  have   to  spare."     The   governors   of  those 
colonies,  with  whom  was  the  dispute,  could,  they  thought, 
preserve  peace  and  order  in  their  respective  borders,  until 
they  had  repelled  the  common   enemy,  and   could  with 
propriety  say  that  they  had  lands  to  divide,  or  jurisdiction 
to  settle.     Still  if   it  was   the  intention  of  the  lords  of 
trade  to  bring  this  question  to   an  immediate  issue7  they 
suggested  that  the  money  arising  from  quit-rents  was  the 
natural  fund  out  of  which  to  discharge  the  expense  of  com- 
missioners, especially  as  that  fund  was  so  deeply  interested 
in   the  issue   of   the  controversy.1     As  to  the  fraudulent 
grants  of  land  to  which  his   excellency  had  been  pleased 
to  refer,  they  admitted  that  they  had  been  productive  of 
many  evils  to  the  colony,  both  by  retarding  the  settle- 
ment of  lands,  "  and  by  giving  the  Indians  perhaps  too 
just  cause   of  complaint."     As,  however,  the  owners   of 
those  lands,  had  paid  considerable  sums  to  the   Indians 


1  Journals  of  tBe  assembly. 


-    S 

42  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  for  their  rights,  and,  in  addition,  given  large  amounts  to 
Wy— /  the  governor  and  other  civil  officers  for  the  patents — often 
1757.  more  than  the  lands  were  worth — to  deprive  them  of  their 
possession  without  a  consideration  would  be,  in  their  esti- 
mation, harsh  and  unjust.  And  as  in  the  present  condi- 
tion of  affairs,  no  settlements  could  be  made  upon  them, 
and  the  Indians  would  therefore  be  their  sole  occupants  for 
some  time  to  come,  they  begged  that  the  consideration  of 
this  matter  might  for  the  present  be  postponed.1  Although 
these  were  the  ostensible  reasons  given,  yet  the  real  one 
unquestionably  was,  that  the  DeLancey  family  were  inter- 
ested in  the  Oriskany  patent — a  very  rich  tract  of  land  some 
twenty  miles  in  length,  lying  along  both  banks  of  the 
Mohawk  river  near  Wood  creek, — and  therefore  brought 
all  their  immense  influence  to  bear,  in  defeating  the  just 
request  of  the  governor.2 

The  session  of  the  assembly  continued  ten  days,  during 
which  the  sum  of  twenty  one  thousand  and  some  odd 
pounds  was  appropriated  for  raising  and  equipping  one 
thousand  men  to  act  with  the  four  thousand  already  raised 
by  Massachusetts,  "  which,"  said  the  speaker,  "  is  our  full 
proportion  according  to  the  plan  of  union,  and  was  all  his 
lordship  demanded."3 

This  was  Sir  Charles  Hardy's  last  meeting  with  his 
assembly ;  for  having  asked  and  obtained  permission  to 
resign  the  government  and  return  to  his  former  profession, 
he  hoisted  his  flag  as  rear  admiral  of  the  blue,  and  leaving 
the  government  in  the  hands  of  the  lieutenant  governor, 
sailed  on  the  second  of  July  to  take  command  of  the 
expedition  against  Louisburg. 

1  Journals  of  the  assembly. 

2  Smith. 

3  Smith. 


. 


- 

CHAPTER  III. 
1757. 

On  the  twentieth  of  June,   Lord  Loudoun,   with  six  chap. 
thousand  regulars,  sailed  from  New  York  for  Halifax,  pre-v— ^^ 
paratory  to  investing  Louisburg.     Before   he  embarked — 1757- 
as  if  he  had  made  it  his  special   study  how  he  might  best 
render  himself  still  more  odious  to  the   colonists — he  laid 
an  embargo  upon  all  the  seaports  from  Virginia  to  Massa- 
chusetts J  and  finished  by  impressing  four  hundred   men 
from  the  city  of  New  York  alone.     General  Webb,   now 
second  in  command,  was  left  with  six  thousand  men  to 
garrison  Fort  William  Henry,  Fort  Edward,  and  the  forts 
along  the  Mohawk  valley;    General  Stanwix  with   two 
thousand  men  was  assigned  to  the  West,   and   Colonel 
Bouquet  was  directed  to  guard  the  borders  of  the   Caroli- 
nas,  from  the  incursions  of  the  Southern  Indians. 

Loudoun  arrived  in  Halifax  on  the  last  day  of  June. 
Here  he  was  joined,  on  the  ninth  of  July,  by  Admiral  Hol- 
burn  with  sixteen  ships  of  the  line,  and  by  George  Vis- 
count Howe  with  six  thousand  disciplined  troops — thus 
increasing  his  land  force  to  eleven  thousand  well  appoint- 
ed and  effective  men.  Every  thing  now  augured  well  for 
the  expedition.  The  troops  were  in  high  spirits;  the 
balmy  air  of  summer  told  of  success  ;  and  the  sails,  flap- 
ping Mly  in  the  favoring  breezes,  urged  to  immediate 
departure.  But  to  the  sluggish  mind  of  Loudoun,  this 
was  altogether  too  hasty  a  proceeding.  A  vegetable  gar- 
den must  first  be  planted  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  a 
fine  parade  ground  laid  out,  on  which  his  regulars  could 
attain  yet  greater  discipline.  Thus  while  the  troops  were 
winning  golden  opinions  from  the  commander-in-chief  for 
their  proficiency  in  fighting  mock  battles,  and  storming 


44  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  sham  fortresses,  the  beautiful  July  was  frittered  away. 
^  Roused  at  length  by  the  murmuring  of  both  officers  and 
1767.  men,  Loudoun  gave  orders  to  embark  for  Louisburg. 
Scarcely,  however,  was  the  first  anchor  weighed,  when 
learning  that  Louisburg  had  received  an  additional  rein- 
forcement, and  that  the  French  fleet  outnumbered  by  one 
vessel  his  own,  he  reversed  his  orders,  and  with  his  troops 
sailed  for  New  York ;  having  accomplished  nothing,  save 
the  intercepting  of  a  small  vessel  bearing  dispatches  from 
the  governor  of  Louisiana,  of  a  peace  recently  concluded 
by  the  latter  with  the  Cherokees.1 

General  Montcalm  was  not  an  indifferent  spectator  to 
these  occurrences.  With  an  eagle  eye  he  had  followed  the 
movements  of  the  English  commander ;  and  while  the 
latter  was  watching  the  growth  of  his  cabbages  under  a 
July  sun,  he  rightly  judged  that  the  time  had  come  for  a 
descent  upon  Fort  William  Henry. 

While  the  fate  of  that  fortress  was  already  determined 
upon  by  the  French  general,  the  partizans  of  the  latter 
were  not  inactive.  On  the  twenty-third  of  July,  Lieuten- 
ant Marin,  a  Canadian  officer  and  the  same  who  had 
destroyed  the  Lydius  mills  in  1745,  appeared  before  Fort 
Edward  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  men,  and  after  a  brisk 
skirmish,  returned  with  thirty-two  scalps  and  one  prisoner 
taken  from  under  the  very  guns  of  the  fort.2  Desirous 
of  emulating  this  exploit,  Lieutenant  Corbiere,  also  a 
Canadian  officer,  lay  in  ambush  with  some  Ottawas  among 
the  islands  of  Lake  George  all  the  day  and  night  of  the 
twenty-sixth.  At  sunrise  of  the  twenty-seventh,  twenty- 
two  bateaux  were  seen  on  the  lake  in  charge  of  Colonel 
Palmer.  Rising  with  terrific  yells  from  their  concealment, 
the  Indians  attacked  the  English  with  such  ferocity  that 
only  two  of  the  barges  escaped.  Twenty  of  the  boats 
were  either  captured  or  sunk ;  and  keeping  time  with  their 

1  Manuscript  letter ;  Loudoun  to  Johnson  1st  July  1757. 

2  Montcalm  to  Vaudreuil,  27th  July,  1757. 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BABT.  45 


paddles  to  the  chant  of  the  war  song,  the  Indians  returnedcHAp. 
down  the  lake,  having  their  canoes  decorated  with  the  v-v— / 
scalps  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  Englishmen. 1  1756- 

Montcalm  was  a  true  soldier.  Disdaining  the  effeminate 
accompaniments  of  civilization,  he  strove  to  inure  his  men 
to  hardship,  himself  setting  the  example.  "  In  such  an 
expedition,"  said  he  to  his  officers,  who  were  disposed  to 
grumble,  "  a  blanket  and  a  bearskin  are  the  bed  of  a  war- 
rior. Imitate  me.  A  soldier's  allowance  ought  to  suffice 
us."2  Still,  with  the  thoughtfulness  which  ever  charac- 
terized him,  he  did  not  forbid  a  matrass  when  age  or 
infirmity  rendered  one  necessary.  Inspirited  by  his  exam- 
ple, hundreds  of  the  red  men,  from  the  shores  of  the 
great  lakes  to  the  forests  of  Acadia  and  Maine,  flocked 
to  his  standard.  "Father,"  said  they,  "we  are  come  to 
do  your  will :"  and  the  close  of  July  found  him  at  the  foot 
of  Lake  George,  with  ten  thousand  men — two  thousand 
of  whom  were  Indians. 3 

The  savages  yelled  with  delight  as  they  pushed  off  their 
bark  canoes  from  the  shore.  Montcalm  followed  with  the 
bulk  of  his  army  in  two  hundred  and  fifty  boats ;  while 
De  Levi,  with  the  remainder,  marched  through  the  forest 
on  the  western  shore,  guided  by  some  of  the  Iroquois  from 
the  Sault  St.  Louis.  On  the  first  of  August,  a  council  of 
war  was  held  in  their  boats  in  the  north-west  bay ;  and  on 
the  second,  Montcalm  disembarked  with  his  troops  and 
artillery  in  a  cove  about  two  miles  from  Fort  William 
Henry,  where  he  was  entirely  sheltered  from  its  cannon. 
DeLevi  encamped  with  his  regulars  directly  in  the  rear  of 
the  fort,  while  the  Canadians  and  Indians  under  La  Corn, 
took  a  position  on  the  road  to  Fort  Edward,  thus  cutting 
off  all  communication  with  that  garrison*  Montcalm,  with 
the  main  body  of  the  army,  occupied  a  wood  about  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  fort  north  of  a  small  creek,  and 

1  Montcalm  to  Vaudreuil  27th  July,  1757. 

2  Montcalm's  circular  to  the  commandants  of  battalions,  25th  July,  1767. 
3Doreil  to  Paulmy  31st  July,  1757 


46 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART, 


C*J£P- near  the  present  site  of  the  court  house  in  the  village  of  Cald- 
*~g*  well.  To  resist  these  formidable  preparations,  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Monro  had  but  four  hundred  and  forty-nine  men 
within  the  fort,  and  only  seventeen  hundred  men  in  a  for- 
tified camp  on  the  rocky  eminence,  now  the  site  of  Fort 
George. 

The  French  commander,  having  sent  on  the  fourth  of 
August  a  summons  to  Monro  to  surrender,  and  having 
received  a  point  Wane  refusal,  opened  upon  the  fort  a  battery 
of  nine  cannon  and  two  mortars.  Two  days  afterward, 
two  more  batteries,  having  been  placed  in  position,  played 
on  the  English  camp  with  telling  effect.  Meanwhile,  the 
brave  Monro,  confident  of  reinforcements  from  Webb,  to 
whom  he  had  dispatched  an  express  informing  him  of  his 
situation,  plied  his  guns  with  spirit,  throwing  vast  quanti- 
ties of  shot  and  shell  into  the  enemy's  camp.  The  men  in 
the  entrenchments  also  worked  hard,  pouring  a  galling  fire 
into  the  French  by  day ,  and  each  night  by  the  light  of 
the  fires,  toiling  to  repair  the  breaches  made  in  their 
defences. 

Colonel  Monro's  hope  of  reinforcements  was  vain. 
With  four  thousand  men,  Webb  lay  at  Fort  Edward,  lis- 
tening in  abject  terror  to  the  distant  roar  of  the  artillery. 
For  this  conduct  there  is  not  the  slightest  palliation.  The 
approach  of  Montcalm  had  not  taken  him  by  surprise. 
Sir  William  Johnson  had  written  him  to  be  on  his  guard ; 
that  the  French  were  short  of  provisions,  and  that,  if  they 
came,  they  would  come  in  large  numbers,  and  would 
"  make  a  bold  push."  1  He  had  also  received  intelligence 
that  Montcalm  was  moving  up  Lake  Champlain  with  an 
army  "numerous  as  the  leaves  of  the  trees."    Beyond, 

1  Manuscript  letter :  Johnson  to  Webb.  The  correctness  of  this  informa- 
tion given  by  Johnson,  is  verified  by  a  letter  from  Doreil  to  Paulmy  under 
date  of  14th  August,  1757,  in  which  the  writer  says: — "In  the  article  of 
subsistence  we  are  in  the  greatest  distress  since  winter ;  and  each  person  in 
Quebec  has  been  for  more  than  a  month  reduced  to  four  ounces  of  bread. 
It  is  but  too  evident  that  a  long  time  will  elapse  before  we  shall  be  more  at 
our  ease." 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 


47 


however,  sending  to  the  lieutenant  governor  and  the  Baro-  chap. 
net  to  hurry  up  the  militia,  he  did  nothing  for  the  relief  of  w^ 
the  beleaguered  garrison,  although  express  after  express 1757, 
arrived  from  its  gallant  commander,  imploring  aid. 

The  Baronet  was  at  Fort  Johnson  holding  an  important 
council  with  the  Cherokees  in  reference  to  their  late  treaty 
with  the  Louisiana  governor,  when  news  arrived  on  the  first 
of  August  from  Webb,  of  the  approach  of  Montcalm. 
Notwithstanding  he  had  his  "  hands  and  head  full" 1  yet  he 
abruptly  broke  up  the  conference,  and  hastily  collecting  what 
militia  and  Indians  he  could  muster,  started  for  the  relief 
of  Webb,  and  arrived  at  the  great  carrying-place  two  days 
after  the  investment  of  Fort  William  Henry.  Seeing  at 
once  the  position  of  affairs,  he  begged  that  he  might  be 
sent  to  the  aid  of  Monro.  After  repeated  solicitations,  his 
request  was  granted ;  but  scarcely  was  he  fairly  on  his  way 
with  Putnam's  rangers  and  some  Provincials  who  had  vol- 
unteered to  share  the  danger,  when  Webb  ordered  him  and 
his  detachment  back,  and  sent  in  their  place  a  letter  to 
Monro  full  of  exaggerations,  and  advising  him  to  surren- 
der. This  letter  was  intercepted  by  Montcalm,  who  imme- 
diately sent  it  in  to  Monro,  with  the  request  that  he  would 
follow  Webb's  advice  and  thus  save  any  farther  effusion  of 
blood.  That  gallant  officer  thanked  him  for  his  courtesy, 
and  renewed  his  firing.  At  length  ten  of  his  cannon 
having  burst,  his  ammunition  being  nearly  exhausted,  and 
all  hope  of  assistance  from  his  commanding  officer  being 
at  an  end,  Colonel  Monro,  on  the  ninth,  hoisted  the  white 
flag. 

The  terms  given  by  Montcalm  to  the  garrison  were  fair. 
They  were  to  march  out  with  all  the  honors  of  war,  taking 
with  them  their  baggage  and  small  arms,  and  also  one 
cannon  out  of  respect  for  the  gallant  defence  they  had 
made.2  In  return  they  were  to  pledge  themselves  that 
they  would  not  bear  arms  against  the  French  for  eighteen 

1  Manuscript  letter :  Johnson  to  Webb,  1st  August,  1757. 

2  Journal  of  the  expedition  against  Fort  William  Henry. 


48  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  months ;  and  were  to  deliver  up  at   Ticonderoga,  within 

^— '  four  months,  all  the  French  and  Indian  prisoners  which 

1757'  they  had  taken  since  the   commencement  of   the  war. 

Montcalm,  on  his  part,  pledged  himself  to  furnish  them  with 

an  escort  of  at  least  five  hundred  men,  to  accompany  them 

seven  miles  on  the  road  to  Fort  Edward. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  Montcalm  took 
formal  possession  of  the  fort,  the  garrison  of  which  joined 
their  comrades  in  their  entrenchments.  The  French  gen- 
eral, knowing  well  the  Indian  character,  warned  the  Eng- 
lish against  giving  the  savages  anything  that  might  intoxi- 
cate them.  Well  would  it  have  been  had  this  timely  and 
judicious  caution  been  followed.  But  the  Indians,  unable 
to  obtain  any  rum  from  the  French,  begged  it  of  the  Eng- 
.  lish,  who,  disregarding  Montcalm's  advice,  and  hoping  in 
this  manner  to  win  the  good  will  of  the  Indians,  freely 
supplied  them  with  that  drink  during  the  entire  night. * 
At  sunrise,  the  Indians  gathered  around  the  entrenchments ; 
and  as  the  English  began  their  march,  the  savages,  maddened 
by  their  night's  debauch,  hovered  around  them  brandishing 
their  tomahawks  and  uttering  horrid  yells.  Still,  even  at 
this  time,  had  the  English  stood  their  ground,  or  mani- 
fested any  firmness,  it  is  probable  that  the  scenes  which 
followed  would  never  have  occurred ;  but  losing  all  presence 
of  mind,  they  fled  down  the  road  in  the  wildest  confusion, 
throwing  down  their  baggage,  arms,  and  even  their  clothes. 2 
This  only  increased  the  rage  and  violence  of  the  savages, 
who  now  boldly  attacked  them,  plundering  some,  scalping 
others,  and  taking  many  prisoners.  Montcalm  was  in  his 
tent  when  the  news  of  the  behavior  of  his  savage  allies 
was  brought  to  him.  With  all  speed  he  hastened  to  the 
spot,  and  with  De  Levi  and  other  officers,  rushed  into  the 
melee,  exposing  himself  to  death ;  using  prayers,  threats 
and  caresses ;  begging  the  interposition  of  the  chiefs  and 
interpreters ;  and  in  short  applying   every  means  in  his 

iVaudreuil  to  Moras,  Sept.  1757. 
2  Ibid. 


LIFE    OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  49 

power  to  stop  the  horrid  carnage.  The  French  soldiers,  chap. 
also,  aided  their  general,  receiving  in  many  instances  ^^^ 
serious  wounds — one  of  them  indeed  being  killed.  * 1767- 
Finally,  after  thirty  of  the  Provincials  had  been  massacred, 2 
those  of  the  soldiers  who  had  not  succeeded  in  reaching 
Fort  Edward  were  rescued  from  the  Indians,  and  sent  into 
the  fort ;  receiving  new  clothes  and  every  attention  that 
humanity  could  suggest.  The  next  day  the  unfortunates, 
numbering  four  hundred,  were  sent  under  a  strong  guard 
to  Fort  Edward, — two  chiefs  of  each  nation  being  detailed 
with  the  party  as  an  additional  protection  against  any  far- 
ther assaults  irom  their  warriors.  Two  hundred  of  the 
garrison  were  carried  by  the  savages  to  Montreal;  but 
they,  together  with  those  taken  from  the  bateaux  under 
Colonel  Palmer,  were  immediately  ransomed  by  De  Vau- 
dreuil,  and  sent  by  an  armed  vessel  to  Halifax. 3 

Dreadful  as  was  this  example  of  Punic  faith,  on  the  part 
of  the  savages,  Montcalm  himself  must  be  exonerated 
from  being  instrumental  in  it,  either  by  accident  or  design. 
His  conduct  the  previous  year  at  Oswego,  in  arresting  the 
contemplated  massacre  by  shooting  six  Indians  on  the  spot, 
allows  us  reasonably  to  infer,  that  if  he  had  known  of 
this  affair  before  it  was  fairly  under  way,  he  would  have 
adopted  the  same  summary  means,  and  thus  prevented  the 
bloody  scene.  While  therefore  our  sympathies  must  ever 
flow  out  towards  the  unfortunate  garrison,  we  should  never 
allow  them  to  prejudice  us  against  one  who  ever  proved 
himself  as  humane  as  he  was  brave.  Rather  let  our  indig- 
nation fall  upon  him,  who,  with  ample  means  at  his  com- 
mand, and  within  fourteen  miles  of  the  fort,  allowed  its 
brave  defenders  to  become  the  victims  of  such  barbarity. 

By  the  orders  of  Montcalm,  the  walls  of  the  fort  were 
leveled  with  the  ground  and  everything  of  a  combustible 

1  Journal  of  the  expedition. 

2  The  New  Hampshire  regiment  who  were  in  the  rear,  felt  the  ohief  fury 
of  the  enemy. — Belknap. 

*Vaudreuil  to  Moras,  Sept.  1767. 


50  LIFE   OP  SIB  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BABT. 

chap,  nature  consumed.  The  destruction  being  complete,  the 
JJJl,  French,  having  with  them  large  stores  taken  from  the 
1757.  English,  returned  to  Ticonderoga,  leaving  behind  them  only 
blackened  and  smouldering  ruins.  Instead  of  the  evening 
gun  now  arose,  the  cry  of  the  wolf,  preying  on  the  mangled 
bodies  of  the  slain ;  and  the  waters  of  the  lake  reposing 
peacefully  among  the  hills,  told  not  of  the  bloody  struggle, 
or  of  the  roar  and  din  of  arms. 

Upon  the  fall  of  Fort  William  Henry.  Webb  seemed 
paralyzed  with  terror.  He  sent  his  personal  effects  to 
Albany,  and  was  on  the  point  of  falling  back  upon  the 
Highlands,  when  Lord  Howe,  who  had  arrived  on  the 
seventh  with  reinforcements,  calmed  his  fears  by  assuring 
him  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  an  immediate  attack .; 
and  soon  after,  having  ascertained  to  a  certainty  that  the 
enemy  were  on  their  retreat  to  Ticonderoga,  he  dismissed 
to  their  homes  twenty  thousand  of  the  militia,  who  had 
arrived  a  few  days  after  the  surrender. 

But  the  morale  of  the  army  was  completely  destroyed. 
Sir  William    Johnson   returned    in  disgust    to  Albany. 
Among  the  powers  in   authority,  mutual  recriminations 
followed.     Webb   accused  De  Lancey  of  not  sending  on 
the  reinforcements  in  time ;  and  the  latter  with  far  more 
truth,   insisted  that   Webb  was   strong   enough  to  have 
marched  to  the  relief  of  the  beseiged  long  before  they 
surrendered. x    The  militia,  willing  to  fight,  but  weary  of 
being  led  to  slaughter  by  incompetent  leaders,  deserted  by 
scores;  and  in  one  instance,   out  of   a  company  of  forty 
men,  stationed  at  Fort  Edward,  ten  only  were  left. 2    The 
royal  rulers  refused  to  find  a  true  solution  for  this  conduct 
of  the  militia ;  and  while  the  lieutenant  governor,  shutting 
his  eyes  to  what  was  obvious  to  every  one,  was  writing  to 
the  Baronet,  to  ascertain  "what  were  the  motives  of  the 
great  and  scandalous  desertion  of  the  militia,"3  Loudoun 

•     1  Smith. 

2  Manuscript  memoranda  of  Johnson  of  the  desertions  in  Capt.   Viele  s 

company. 

3  Manuscript  letter :  De  Lancey  to  Johnson,  19th  Aug.,  1757. 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  51 

talked  nonsense,  and  proposed  to  "  encamp  on  Long  Island  chap. 
for  the  defence  of  the  continent."  *— v--' 

The  news  of  the  capitulation  reached  Mr.  DeLancey  at 1757- 
Albany,  where  he  had  arrived  on  the  eighth  of  August,  to 
expedite  the  forwarding  of  the  reinforcements  to  Fort 
Edward.  As  the  conduct  of  Webb  was  sustained  by  the 
regular  troops, l  the  lieutenant  governor  feared  that  reports 
might  be  circulated  unfriendly  to  his  interest  at  court. 
This  was  the  more  to  be  dreaded,  inasmuch  as  Ex-Governor 
Shirley,  who  attributed  his  recall  to  the  efforts  of  the  lieu- 
tenant governor,  was  using  all  his  influence  against  him, 
supported  by  a  recent  publication  entitled  "  A  Review  of 
Military  Operations  in  North  America,"  supposed  at 
the  time  to  be  from  the  pen  qi  Mr.  Alexander.  The  lieu- 
tenant governor  therefore  hurried  to  New  York  with  the 
intention  of  vindicating  his  conduct  to  the  assembly,  in 
order  that  the  official  letter  to  the  agent  might  present  his 
conduct  in  a  favorable  light  to  the  ministry.  The  tone  of 
his  message  to  his  legislature,  which  he  convened  by 
circular  letters  on  the  second  of  September,  sufficiently 
shows  his  fears.  Having  alluded  to  the  departure  of  Sir 
Charles  Hardy,  and  of  his  having  consequently  assumed 
the  government  by  virtue  of  his  commission  as  lieutenant 
governor,  he  thus  proceeds : 

"  Soon  after  which,  apprehending  a  visit  from  the  enemy 
on  our  northern  frontiers,  I  thought  it  necessary  to  take 
all  the  measures  in  my  power  to  strengthen  General  Webb ; 
and  for  this  purpose  I  sent  out  my  orders  to  the  colonels 
of  the  militia  of  Albany,  Dutchess,  Ulster,  and  that  part 
of  Orange  county  above  the  mountains,  to  march  with 
their  regiments  to  the  assistance  of  General  Webb,  upon 
his  requisition,  and  to  obey  his  orders,  of  which  I  gave 
him  notice  by  letter.  In  the  night  of  the  third  August 
last,  I  received  a  letter  from  General  Webb  of  the  thirtieth 

1  So  inveterate  and  unreasonable  is  the  prejudice  of  regulars  against  vol- 
unteers— a  prejudice  which  neither  the  French  wars  nor  the  American  rev- 
olution, nor  yet  the  present  great  rebellion  (1864)  has  yet  eradicated. 


5&  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.  July,  advising  me  that  the  enemy  were  within  twelve  miles 
J^L  of  Fort  William  Henry ;  that  he  should  immediately  call 
1757«  in  the  troops  at  the  different  posts  on  Hudson's  river ;  that 
he  had  given  orders  for  the  militia  of  the  counties  to  march, 
and  that  he  desired  my  presence  at  Albany  to  forward 
them.  I  set  out  for  that  place  on  the  fifth,  which  was  as  soon 
as  I  possibly  could,  and  arrived  there  on  the  eighth.  On  the 
tenth,  I  had  advice  of  the  surrender  of  Fort  William  Henry, 
and  as  it  was  reasonable  to  think  the  enemy,  with  so  for- 
midable an  army  and  such  a  train  of  artillery  as  they  were 
said  to  have,  would  endeavor  to  penetrate  farther  into  this 
country,  I  sent  orders  for  a  detachment  of  live  hundred 
men  from  the  city  of  New  York  and  Westchester,  who 
showed  a  very  becoming  spirit  on  this  occasion." 

This  message  was  received  by  the  assembly  with  an 
ominous  silence ;  and  without  having  either  approved  or 
disapproved  of  his  conduct,  it  adjourned  the  next  day,  to  the 
second  of  November. 

The  truth  is,  that  the  province  of  New  York  as  well  as 
New  England,  was  thoroughly  disgusted  with  the  manner 
in  which  the  whole  campaign  had  been  conducted.  While 
this  general,  and  that  general,  were  each  endeavoring  to 
shift  the  responsibility  from  one  to  another,  the  people  only 
saw  that  with  plenty  of  men  and  money,  they  still  lay 
exposed  to  the  enemy,  having  met  with  nothing  but  a  suc- 
cession of  mortifying  defeats.  This  feeling  is  evident  from 
the  following  letter  of  the  speaker  to  the  agent,  under 
date  of  September  twelfth,  only  ten  days  after  Mr.  De 
Lancey's  vindicatory  message  : 

"  As  to  our  military  operations,  we  are  still  on  the  losing 
side,  Fort  William  Henry,  on  the  back  of  Lake  George, 
being  taken  and  demolished  by  the  enemy,  after  a  seige 
of  eight  days,  with  no  great  loss  of  men  on  either  side. 
It  surrendered  on  capitulation,  by  which  the  French  became 
masters  of  the  fort,  artillery  and  all  the  stores.  Here  were 
lodged  all  our  cannon  and  stores  intended  against  Crown 
Point.     My  Lord  Loudoun  arrived  from  Halifax,  without 


LIFE   OF   SIB   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BAKT.  58 

any   attempt  on  that  side.     It  is    said   the  enemy  were  chap. 
superior  to  us  both  in  land  and   sea  forces.     Thus,  this  wY_/ 
campaign  is  like  to  end  as  did  the  last,  with  loss  to  poor 1767- 
America.     It  seems  very  strange  to  us  that  the  French  can 
send  such  large  supplies  to  America  and  always  before  us, 
notwithstanding  the  great  superiority  of  the  British  navy. 
Surely  there  must  be  a  great  failure  somewhere,  which  if 
not  timely  remedied,  may  probably  end  in  the  entire  loss 
of  English  America.     However,  we  still  live  in  hopes  that 
the  next  year's  succors  will  be  stronger  and  arrive  earlier. 
Our  provincial  forces  were  ready  in  April,  so  that  no  blame 
can  be  at  our  doors.     I  wish  my  next  may  give  you  better 
tidings." 

The  speaker  was  not  to  have  his  wish ;  for  before  his 
next  letter  to  the  agent,  the  most  cruel  and  sanguinary 
transaction  of  the  entire  war  occurred,  in  the  desolating 
of  the  beautiful  fields  along  the  Mohawk,  and  the  burning 
of  the  dwellings  on  the  German  Flats,  the  settlers  of  which 
were  subjected  to  all  the  horrors  of  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping  knife ; — a  deed,  also,  which  was  the  more  humiliat- 
ing, as  it  was  the  result  of  sheer  neglect  on  the  part  of 
Abercrombie. 

Rumors  that  a  large  force  of  French  and  Indians  were 
preparing  to  march  upon  the  settlements,  reached  the 
Baronet  a|id  the  Palatines,  soon  after  Montcalm's  descent 
upon  Fort  William  Henry,  although  its  precise  destination 
was  not  known.  The  Palatines  themselves,  moreover, 
became  very  uneasy,  and  feeling  that  the  forts  in  their 
vicinity  afforded  no  protection  against  the  marauding  bands 
of  the  enemy,  were  several  times  during  the  early  fall,  on 
the  point  of  deserting  their  dwellings,  and  moving  to  the 
lower  settlements  for  greater  security.  Sir  William,  also, 
knowing  that  their  solicitude  was  well  grounded,  wrote, 
in  September,  a  very  plain  letter  to  Abercrombie,  in  which 
he  told  him  that  the  regulars  stationed  in  the  forts  were 
not  only  very  arrogant  and  self-sufficient,  but  that  they 
were  of   no  use  whatever  in  protecting  the   Germans. 


54  LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.  What  was  necessary,  he  wrote,  was  to  have  men  qualified 
g£-'  to  act  as  rangers,  stationed  at  the  Flats,  who  might  be  con- 

175 '  tinually  employed  in  scouring  the  country  in  search  of 
scalping  parties.  At  the  same  time,  it  would  be  advisable 
to  have  the  garrisons  increased,  that  effectual  resistance 
might  be  made  in  case  the  enemy  should  appear  in  force. 
These  precautions,  he  urged,  should  be  immediately  taken. x 
To  these  timely  and  judicious  suggestions,  Abercrombie 
gave  no  heed ;  and  while  the  latter  was  yet  loitering  in 
Albany,  the  blow  had  been  struck,  and  the  enemy  had 
made  good  their  retreat. 

At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  twelfth  of 
November,  the  Palatine  village,  consisting  of  sixty  dwell- 
ings and  five  block-houses,  was  roused  from  its  slumber  by 
the  terrible  war-whoop.  This  was  the  signal  for  the 
assault,  and  at  that  instant  a  force  of  three  hundred 
Canadians  and  Indians,  under  Bellettre,  advanced  succes- 
sively upon  each  block-house.  The  enemy  were  received 
at  the  first,  with  repeated  volleys  of  musketry,  but  the 
French  advancing  boldly,  the  mayor  of  the  village  in  com- 
mand, unbarred  the  door  and  asked  for  quarter.  The 
remaining  block-houses  thereupon  surrendered  at  discre- 
tion, and  were  immediately  burned.  While  the  destruc- 
tion of  these  little  fortifications  was  going  on,  the  savages, 
having  fired  the  dwellings,  stationed  themselves  at  the 
doors  of  each  house,  and  tomahwked  the  wretched 
inmates,  as  they  rushed  out  to  avoid  the  flames — only  to 
meet  death  in  scarcely  a  less  horrible  form.  In  this 
expedition  forty  of  the  Germans  were  massacred,  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  carried  into  captivity.  Having  com- 
pleted the  devastation,  the  enemy  retired,  taking  with 
them  vast  quantities  of  grain  and  money,  besides  three 
thousand  horned  cattle  and  the  same   number   of  sheep.2 

1  Manuscript  letter:  Johnson  to  Abercrombie,  16th  September,  1757. 

2  Summary  of  M.  De  Belletre's  campaign,  28  Nov.,  1767:  also  manuscript 
letter  from  Philip  Townsend  (Capt.  22d  Foot)  to  Johnson,  13  Nov.,  1757. 
Capt.  Townsend  was  stationed  at  this  time  at  Fort  Herkimer. 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  55 

The  excitement,  caused  by  this  affair,  was  universal.     The  c^p- 
whole  of  the  Mohawk  valley  was  thrown  into  the  wildest *- v— ' 
panic,  which  the  pitiable  sight  of  the  women  and  children  1767# 
who  had  escaped  the  massacre,  only  served  to  intensify. 
The  inhabitants  of  Stone  Arabia  and  Cherry  Valley  hast- 
ened to  send  to  Albany  and  Schenectady  their  effects  and 
valuables,  preparatory  to  following  them  themselves ;  so 
that  at  onetime  it  seemed  as  if  those  settlements  would  be 
entirely  depopulated.1 

At  the  time  that  this  massacre  occurred,  Sir  William 
was  confined  to  his  room,  having  been  so  ill  for  some 
weeks  previous  as  to  have  been  unable  to  turn  himself 
in  his  bed.  He,  however,  immediately  dispatched  his 
deputy,  George  Croghan,  to  the  scene  of  the  massacre, 
with  orders  to  call  the  Tuscaroras  and  Oneidas  to 
account  for  not  having  given  the  Palatines  timely  notice 
of  the  danger.  But  those  castles  were  not  to  blame. 
Fifteen  days  before  the  massacre,  the  Oneidas,  having 
learned  from  some  Swegatchie  Indians  of  the  design 
of  the  French  upon  the  flats,  sent  a  message  to  the  Ger- 
mans, warning  them  of  their  danger  and  desiring  them  to 
be  on  their  guard.  Six  days  afterward,  having  received 
additional  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  movements,  the 
chief  Oneida  sachem  came  down  to  the  Palatine  village, 
and  in  a  meeting  with  the  inhabitants  told  what  he  had 
heard,  and  advised  them  to  collect  all  their  women  and 
children  in  the  largest  block-house,  and  make  the  best 
defence  they  could;  at  the  same  time  suggesting  the 
importance  of  acquainting  the  Baronet  with  the  news  as 
quickly  as  possible.  The  Germans,  however,  not  only 
never  sent  word  to  Sir  William,  but  manifested  the  utmost 
indifference  to  this  timely  warning — laughing  in  the  face 
of  the  sachem,  and,  in  the  latter' s  language,  "  slapping  their 
hands  on  their  buttocks,  saying  they  did  not  value  the 
enemy."2  It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  previous  solicitude 


1  Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Abercrombie. 

2  Speech  of  Conaghquies,  or  the  chief  Oneida  sachem,  to  George  Croghan. 


56  LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

c?ilP'  °^  tne  Palatines,  with  their  singular  apathy  on  this  occa- 

srw  si°n-     History,     however,     furnishes    numerous    similar 

instances  of  individuals,  and  even  communities,  who  from 

an  habitual  watchfulness,  have  suddenly  become  careless 

and  indifferent. 

Upon  the  return  of  Mr  Croghan,  and  learning  the  true 
facts  of  the  case,  the  Baronet,  justly  incensed,  wrote 
another  letter  to  Abercrombie,  asking  him  without  any 
circumlocution,  "whether  or  not  he  intended  to  come  and 
protect  their  settlements,"  and  telling  him  plainly  that 
they  were  too  weak  to  resist,  as  the  garrisons  were  little,  if 
any  protection  to  the  settlers ;  the  enemy  having  destroyed 
the  flats  under  the  very  walls  of  the  fort.1  "Pardon  my 
freedom,"  he  concluded,  "as  the  poor  people  have  nobody 
else  to  whom  they  dare  apply."2  There  was  just  cause 
for  the  Baronet's  indignation.  Had  his  advice  to  Aber- 
crombie, the  previous  September,  been  taken,  and  the 
forts  properly  garrisoned,  the  massacre  never  would  hav6 
occurred.  Fort  Herkimer  was  situated  on  the  opposite 
bank  of  the  Mohawk  almost  within  sight  of  the  flats,  and 
the  commander  of  that  post  had  received  notice  of  the 
enemy's  approach  only  the  day  previous,  from  two  Onei- 
das,  who  had  come  in  haste  from  their  castle  to  apprize 
him  of  his  danger.3  Owing,  however,  to  the  smallness  of 
his  garrison  he  had  been  unable  to  oppose  the  enemy,  who, 

Manuscript  private  Journal  of  Johnson.  This  statement  of  the  sachem 
was  confirmed  in  every  particular  by  the  Germans  themselves.  Manu- 
script journal  of  Johnson. 

1  Fort  Herkimer. 

2  Manuscript  letter ;   Johnson  to  Abercrombie,  10  Dec,  1757. 

3 Manuscript  letter;  Philip  Townsend  to  Johnson,  11  Nov.,  1757.  The 
Indians  who  brought  this  information,  and  who,  by  the  way,  were  sent  by 
the  same  Oneida  sachem  who  had  given  the  previous  warnings,  "finding 
the  Germans  still  incredulous,  the  next  morning  just  before  the  attack 
began,  laid  hold  on  the  German  minister,  and  in  a  manner  forced  him  over 
to  the  other  side  of  the  river  ;  by  which  means  he  and  some  who  followed 
him  escaped  the  fate  of  their  brethren." — George  Croghan's  account.  N.  Y. 
■  ■        ■ 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  57 

as  Sir  William  observes  in  the  letter  just  quoted,  had  crap. 
committed  the  outrage  before  the  very  eyes  of  the  garrison.1 


1757. 


Loudoun  was  in  Albany  when  the  news  of  the  massacre 
arrived.  Instead,  however,  of  attributing  the  disaster  to 
the  true  cause — that  of  having  failed  to  keep  the  enemy 
upon  the  defensive  by  a  vigorous  campaign,  the  preceed- 
ing  summer — he  now  attributed  it  to  the  Confederates  and 
the  mismanagement  of  Indian  affairs ;  and,  with  his  usual 
hasty  temper,  was  for  declaring  war  immediately  against 
those  nations.2  This  purpose  of  his  lordship — so  suicidal 
to  the  interests  of  the  English — excited  great  alarm  among 
judicious  people.  "  I  should  be  greatly  alarmed,"  wrote  Ban- 
yar, De  Lancey's  deputy  secretary,  to  Johnson,  "with  the 
apprehensions  of  our  approaching  war  with  these  people, 
more  to  be  dreaded  in  my  opinion  than  the  war  we  sus- 
tain already  against  five  times  their  number,  if  I  did  not 
hope  his  lordship's  resentment  would  abate  before  he  pro- 
ceeded to  action."  The  Baronet,  however,  understood  the 
viceroy  perfectly ;  and  by  judicious  management,  finally 
prevailed  on  him  to  give  up  his  rash  purpose. 

Had  Loudoun  persisted  in  his  mad  design,  it  is  impossi- 
ble, perhaps,  to  estimate  the  consequences  which  would 
have  resulted.  The  Six  Nations  once  having  taken  up  the 
tomahawk  against  the  English,  the  influence  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam, himself  would  have  been  powerless  to  have  arrested 
the  storm,  which,  with  the  violence  of  the  tornado,  would 
have  swept  through  the  province.  No  friendly  Indian 
runner  Would  have  warned  of  the  approaching  foe.  Al- 
bany and  Schenectady  laid  in  ashes — rich  farms  desolated — 
the  border  settlements   exposed   to   the   scalping   knife 

1  Mr.  Benton  in  his  History  of  Herkimer  County  (1856)  is  a  little  inclined 
to  censure  the  Baronet  for  not  warning  the  Palatines  in  time.  Had  he 
however,  when  he  wrote,  been  able  to  refer  to  the  original  papers  which 
have  since  come  to  light,  he  undoubtedly  would  have  taken  the  view  sus- 
tained in  the  text. 

2  Manuscript  correspondence  between  Banyar  and  Johnson. 

8 


58  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

CmP'  and  fire-brand, — would  have  been  only  a  few  of  the  scenes 
^v— '  witnessed.  Nor  would  the  province  of  New  York  have  been 
'  the  only  sufferer.  The  barriers,  which  the  Six  Nations 
had  always  presented  against  incursions  from  Canada,  once 
broken,  those  nations,  together  with  countless  hordes  of 
Indians  from  the  great  lakes  to  Acadia,  would  have  pene- 
trated into  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  to  be  joined  by  the 
Delawares,  Cherokees  and  other  Southern  tribes,  leaving 
in  their  bloody  track  horrors  which  the  pen  shrinks  from 
depicting.  In  time  the  English  might,  perhaps,  have  been 
successful,  but  not  until  the  red  men  had  been  entirely 
exterminated ;  and  long  years  added  to  the  contest.  The 
arresting  of  these  calamities  from  the  country,  due  entirely 
— as  I  think  I  am  justified  in  saying,  from  the  collection 
of  documents  to  which  I  have  had  access — to  the  influ- 
ence and  persuasions  of  Sir  "William  Johnson,  is  not  the 
least  important  of  the  services  rendered  by  the  latter  to 
the  cause  of  public  humanity. 

Of  a  far  different  character,  was  the  confidence  reposed 
in  Sir  William  Johnson,  by  Governor  Denny  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. "It  gives  me  a  great  deal  of  satisfaction,"  wrote 
the  latter  to  the  Baronet,  "  that  you  are  pleased  to  approve 
of  my  conduct  at  the  late  treaty.1  I  shall  always  be 
attentive  to  follow  your  advice  in  all  Indian  affairs,  that 
you  shall  think  proper  to  recommend  to  my  care  in  this 
province."2 

1  Referring  to  a  treaty  at  Easton  recently  concluded  with  some  of  the 
Delawares  by  the  governor. 
2 Manuscript  letter;  William  Denny  to  Johnson,  10  Nov.,  1757. 


' 


CHAPTER  IV. 

1758. 

The  campaign  against  Canada,  of  1758,  opened  withc^£p- 
great  apparent  spirit.  Not  only  did  the  hostile  incursions "— v-' 
of  the  Canadian  Indians  continue  very  annoying  to  the 
frontier  settlements,1  hut  the  mother  country  and  the 
colonies  alike  felt  that  they  had  much  to  accomplish  to 
repair  the  losses  and  disappointments  of  the  two  preceding 
years.  Indeed,  the  repeated  failures  of  Braddock  and 
Webb,  and  Lord  Loudoun,  had  chagrined  and  exasperated 
the  nation.  The  elder  Pitt,  who  had  succeeded  the  silly 
Newcastle,  even  declared  in  parliament  that  there  appeared 
to  be  a  determination  on  the  part  of  the  officers  in  com- 
mand, against  any  vigorous  execution  of  the  service  of 
the  country ;  and  when,  during  the  same  year,  the  king 
was  remonstrated  with  on  appointing  so  young  and  rash  a 
madman  as  Wolfe  to  conduct  the  meditated  expedition 
against  Quebec,  the  sturdy  Brunswicker  vexedly  replied — 
"  If  he  is  mad,  I  hope  he  will  bite  some  of  my  generals." 
It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  England  determined 
to  put  forth  her  whole  energies  in  the  three  formidable 
expeditions  this  year  projected ; — against  Louisburg  under 
General  Amherst ;  against  Fort  Du  Quesne,  on  the  Ohio ; 
and  the  third  and  most  formidable  division  against  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Crown  Point,  with  a  view  of  striking  a  blow 
upon  Montreal. 

1  In  March,  a  party  of  seven  hundred  Canadians  and  Indians  fell  upon  a 
detachment  of  two  hundred  rangers  under  Captain  Rogers,  near  the  narrows 
of  Lake  George,  and  after  killing  one  hundred  and  forty-six,  took  three 
prisoners,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight.  In  justice,  however,  to  Rogers,  it 
should  be  stated,  that  before  setting  out  in  this  fatal  expedition,  he  asked 
for  four  hundred  men,  which  were  refused  him. — Rogers'  Journal. 


60  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  With  the  great  commoner's  entrance  into  power  a  new 
v-v— *  order  of  things  arose  in  America.  Lord  Loudoun  was 
1757-  superseded  in  March  by  Abercrombie,  and  General  Webb 
soon  after  followed  the  former  to  England. '  The  same 
vessel  which  brought  the  news  of  Loudoun's  recall,  brought 
also  circular  letters  from  the  minister  to  the  colonial 
governors,  informing  them  that  the  British  cabinet  had 
determined  to  send  over  a  large  force  for  offensive  opera- 
tions against  the  French  both  by  sea  and  land ;  and  calling 
upon  them  for  as  large  a  number  of  men  as  they  felt  able 
to  raise  according  to  their  population.  "  Arms,  ammu- 
nition, tents,  provisions  and  boats,  it  was  declared,  would 
be  furnished  by  the  crown;  and  the  Provincial  governors, 
meanwhile,  were  desired  to  buy  clothes  and  pay  their 
troops,  and  appoint  the  officers  of  the  various  regiments."2 
All  the  provincial  colonels  were  to  be  made  brigadier  gen- 
erals, and  the  lieutenant  colonels,  while  in  service  in 
America,  were  to  rank  as  colonels. 3  These  tidings  were 
hailed  by  the  colonists  with  delight ;  sick,  as  their  hearts 
had  so  long  been,  with  hope  long  deferred.  The  recall  of 
Loudoun  was  accepted  by  them  as  a  desire  of  the  parent 
government  to  conciliate;  and  they  all,  New  England 
especially,  entered  into  the  work  of  cooperation  with 
alacrity.  Massachusetts  raised  seven  thousand  men,  Con- 
necticut five  thousand,  and  New  Hampshire  one  regiment 
of  eight  hundred.  Rhode  Island  and  New  Jersey  were 
not  backward,  and  the  assembly  of  New  York  having 
voted  without  hesitation,  in  March,  to  raise,  clothe  and 
pay  two  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty  men,  besides 
providing  for  the  support  of  every  needy  soldier's  family 
in  his  absence,  twenty  thousand  Provincials  were  in  Albany, 
and  ready  to  take  the  field  early  in  May. 

1  General  Webb's  recall  was  attributed  at  the  time  to  the  representations 
of  Colonel   Monro  to  the  ministry.     Manuscript  letter:  Guy  Johnson  to 
Sir  William  Johnson. 
2Grahame. 

'Manuscript  letter:  Rev.  John  Oglevie  to  Johnson,  28th  March,  1758. 
. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    RART.  61 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  Admiral  Boscawen,  with  chap. 
twenty  ships  of  the  line  and  eighteen  frigates  freighted  ^-^ 
with  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  men  under  Amherst, 1758- 
sailed  from  Halifax  for  the  reduction  of  Louisburg,  and 
arrived  before  that  fortress  On  the  second  of  June.  The 
garrison  of  this  place,  under  the  command  of  the  Chevalier 
de  Drocourt,  included  besides  twenty-five  hundred  regulars, 
three  hundred  militia,  and  before  the  close  of  the  seige, 
they  were  joined  by  three  hundred  and  fifty  Canadians  and 
sixty  Indians — thus  increasing  their  force  to  about  twelve 
hundred  men.  The  governor,  advised  of  the  approach  of 
the  English  fleet,  had  taken  unusual  measures  for  a  vigor- 
ous defence,  so  that  upon  Boscawen' s  arrival,  the  latter 
found  the  harbor  closed  by  the  sinking  of  six  ships  in  the 
channel,  while  a  chain  of  fortifications  along  the  coast  for 
two  and  a  half  leagues,  seemed  to  guard  the  remote  places 
on  the  coast  against  a  landing  of  the  English.  These 
precautions,  however,  did  not  defeat  the  resolution  and 
daring  of  General  Wolfe,  who,  having  found  a  spot  which 
had  not  been  properly  secured,  landed  the  troops  under  a 
brisk  and  well-directed  fire  of  the  enemy,  with  but  little 
loss.  Having  dislodged  the  enemy  from  their  breastworks 
of  felled  trees,  "Wolfe  took  possession  of  the  artillery  which 
had  been  left  by  the  French  in  their  flight,  and  with  his 
own,  advanced  under  the  direction  of  Amherst,  cautiously 
throwing  up  entrenchments  as  he  proceeded,  until  Louis- 
burg itself  was  invested  the  same  day.  On  the  opposite 
side  of  the  town,  the  siege  was  also  pressed  with  vigor, 
though  at  the  same  time,  owing  to  the  known  strength  of 
the  place  and  the  resolute  character  of  its  defenders,  with 
due  caution.  At  length  the  shipping  of  the  French 
having  been  nearly  destroyed,  and  two  of  their  vessels 
captured,  thus  placing  the  harbor  in  the  entire  possession 
of  the  English,  the  governor  surrendered  at  discretion  on 
the  twenty-sixth  of  July.  During  the  seige  fifteen  hun- 
dred of  the  garrison  and  four  hundred  of  the  English  were 
either  killed  or  wounded.     It  was,  however,  a  victory  well 


62 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  worth  the  cost.  Five  thousand  prisoners  including  the 
^^  marines  and  sailors  graced  the  triumph ;  and  as  two  years 
1758.  previously  the  colors  taken  by  the  French  at  Oswego  had 
been  sent  to  adorn  the  churches  of  Montreal  and  Quebec, 
so  the  colors  taken  from  Louisburg  "were  carried  in 
grand  procession  from  Kensington  palace  to  the  cathedral 
of  St.  Pauls." 1 

^  While  preparations  were  making  for  a  formidable  and 
vigorous  campaign  against  Ticonderoga,  under  General 
Abercrombie,  who  had  resolved  to  lead  the  expedition  in 
person,  the  French  were  making  corresponding  exertions 
to  repel  the  expected  invasion.  With  a  view  of  creating 
a  diversion,  by  annoying  the  colony  of  New  York  from 
another  quarter,  they  were  said  to  be  preparing  to  invade 
the  Mohawk  valley,  by  the  way  of  Oswego  and  the  Oneida 
carrying-place.  A  party  of  their  Indians  from  Swegatchie 
had  made  a  bold  irruption  toward  the  close  of  April,  upon 
Burnetsfield,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Mohawk,  and 
destroyed  the  entire  settlement— massacring  men,  women 
and  children— thirty-three  in  number— being  the  whole 
population  save  two  persons.  There  had  likewise  been  out- 
rages at  the  German  Flats,  where  several  Indians  had  been 
killed  by  the  inhabitants.  In  this  exigency  the  militia  were 
promptly  ordered  into  the  field,  to  rendezvous  at  Canajo- 
harie,  whither  Sir  William  repaired  on  the  fourth  of  May 
to  lead  them  against  the  enemy— reported  on  the  same  day 
to  be  in  force  at  the  Oneida  carrying  place. 

Meantime  it  was  well  known  that  the  French  had  not 
desisted  from  their  efforts  to  seduce  the  five  westernmost 
cantons  of  the  Six  Nations  from  their  allegiance  to  the 
English.  Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  Baronet,  they 
had  long  had  their  Jesuit  priests  among  the  Oneidas  and 
Onondagas ;  and  a  variety  of  circumstances  had  occurred 
to  induce  the  Mohawks  to  distrust  their  brethren  of  the 

1  Grahame.    Smollett. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  63 

other  tribes.    Under  these   circumstances,  Sir    William  chap. 
received  the  invitation  thus  noted  in  his  journal.  >_v_/ 

April  Ath.  Sir  William  had  an  invitation  from  the   Six1758- 
Nations  to  attend  a  grand  meeting  to  be  held  at  Onondaga 
within  a  few  days  hence,  where  he  intends  to  proceed,  in 
case  the  last  alarm  should  prove  groundless." 

The  Baronet  arrived  at  Canajoharie  in  the  evening,  and 
attended  a  dance  of  their  young  warriors,  having  the 
scalp  of  one  of  the  hostile  Indians  engaged  in  the  recent 
irruption,  who  had  been  killed  at  the  German  Flats.  He 
is  thus  spoken  of  in  the  journal — in  the  hand- writing  of 
Peter  Wraxall,  his  private  secretary. 

"  The  body  of  Otqueandageghte,  an  Onondaga  Warrior, 
who  lived  for  some  years  at  Swegatchie,  and  formerly  a 
mate  of  Sir  William,  was  found.  His  name  was  engraved 
on  the  handle  of  his  knife,  and  how  often  he  had  been  to 
war  together  with  this  inscription — Otqueandageghte  le 
camera  de  Jeanson." 

Sir  William,  we  have  seen,  was  highly  respected  by  the 
Six  Nations,  and  by  the  Mohawks  in  particular  was 
greatly  beloved.  His  conduct  moreover  in  another  diffi- 
culty which  had  occured  in  January  between  the  garrison 
of  Fort  Hunter  and  the  Mohawks,  in  which  he  had  taken 
the  part  of  the  Indians  and  caused  the  garrison  to  be  removed 
on  account  of  their  conduct,  had  endeared  him  more  than 
ever  to  the  latter.1  This  affection  was  not  only  manifested 
by  their  actions,  but  often  in  their  speeches,  at  their  coun- 
cils, and  in  their  concern  for  his  welfare  when  sick,  and 
for  his  safety  when  in  the  field.2    Such  being  their  feelings 

1  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  grievances  suffered  by  the  Indians  from 
the  garrison,  see  a  speech  made  in  reference  to  this  matter  to  Sir  William 
by  one  of  their  chiefs,     Appendix  No.  i.  of  vol.  n 

2  To  this  point,  at  the  close  of  a  small  council  Sir  William  says — "  When 
I  drank  to  them  at  parting,  they  in  return  drank  my  health,  and  thanked 
God  I  had  recovered  my  late  illness.  They  then  all  said  that  it  was  happy 
I  did  not  die  then ;  for,  said  they,  '  had  you  died,  we  and  the  English 
would  get  by  the  ears  very  soon,  we  see  ;  and  we  fear  it  will  be  the  case 


64 


LIFE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  toward  the  Baronet,  they  were  reluctant,  under  existing 
**v— •  circumstances,  to  allow  him  to  place  himself  in  the  power 
1758.  0f  tke  jn(jianB  a]30Ut  to  assemble  at  the  great  council  fire 
at  Onondaga.  They  were  likewise  apprehensive  that  he 
might  incur  danger  from  some  of  the  French  scalping 
parties.  These  explanations  will  render  the  following 
additional  extracts  from  the  diary  intelligible : 

"  May  5th.  Sir  William  having  no  farther  accounts  of 
the  enemy's  appearance,  sent  a  scout  of  two  Mohawks, 
two  Canajoharies,  and  a  white  man,  to  go  as  far  as  Wood 
creek  and  the  Oneida  lake,  in  order  to  obtain  the  certainty 
of  the  alarm.  About  noon  all  the  women  of  the  chief 
men  of  their  castle  met  at  Sir  William's  lodging,  and 
brought  with  them  several  of  the  sachems,  who  acquainted 
Sir  William  that  they  had  something  to  say  to  him  in  the 
name  of  their  chief  women." 

"  Old  Mcholas  (Brant1)  being  appointed  speaker,  open- 
ed his  discourse  with  condoling  with  Sir  William  for  the 
losses  his  people  had  sustained,  and  then  proceeded  : 

"Brother :  We  understand  you  intend  to  go  to  a  meet- 
ing to  Onondaga ;  we  can't  help  speaking  with  this  belt  of 
wampum  to  you,  and  giving  our  sentiments  on  your  intended 
journey.  In  the  first  place  we  think  it  quite  contrary  to 
the  customs  of  any  governors  or  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs  being  called  to  Onondaga  upon  public  business,  as 
the  council  fire  which  burns  there  serves  only  for  private 
consultations  of  the  Confederacy ;  and  when  matters  are 
concluded  and  resolved  upon  there,  the  Confederacy  are  to 
set  out  for  the  great  fire-place  which  is  at  your  house,  and 
there  deliver  their  conclusion.     In  the  next  place  we  are 

when  you  die  or  leave  us.'  "  Again  at  another  council  the  chiefs  com- 
menced their  speech. 

"  Brother,  we  are  extremely  glad  to  see  you  so  well  recovered  of  your 
late  very  dangerous  illness,  and  thank  the  Great  Spirit  above  for  it.  Had 
you  been  taken  away  from  us  at  that  time,  our  case  would  have  been  melan- 
choly, and  our  situation  extremely  precarious.  It  will  be  eo,  we  fear, 
whenever  we  lose  you." — Diary,  Jan.  14-19,  1758. 

1  Father  of  Joseph. 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  65 


IV, 


almost  convinced  that  the  invitation   is  illegal,   and  not  chap. 
agreed  upon  as  desired  by  the  Confederacy,  but  only  the  C 
Oneidas — which  gives  us  the  more  reason   to  be  uneasy  * 
about  your  going,  as  it  looks  very  suspicious.    Did  not  they 
■ell  you,  when  they  invited   you,   the   road  of  friendship 
was  clear,  and  every  obstacle  removed  that  was  in  before  ? 
They  scarce  uttered  it,  and  the  cruelties  were  committed 
at  the  German   Flats,  where  the  remainder  of  our  poor 
brethren  were  butchered  by  the  enemy's  Indians.     Is  this 
a  clear  road  of  peace  and  friendship  ?    "Would  not  you  be 
obliged  to  wade  all  the  way  in  blood  of  the  poor  innocent 
men,  women  and  children  who  were  murdered  after  being 
taken  ?  .  ,  , 

"  Brother :  By  this  belt  of  wampum,  we,  the  women, 
surround  and  hang  about  you  like  little  children,  who  are 
crying  at  their  parents,  going  from  them,  for  fear  of  their 
never  returning  again  to  give  them  suck ;  and  we  earnestly 
beg  you  will  give  ear  to  our  request,  and  desist  from  your 
journey.  "We  flatter  ourselves  you  will  look  upon  this 
our  speech,  and  take  the  same  notice  of  it  as  all  our  men 
do ,  who,  when  they  are  addressed  by  the  women,  and 
desired  to  desist  from  any  rash  enterprise,  they  immedi- 
ately give  way,  when,  before,  every  body  else  tried  to  dis- 
suade them  from  it,  and  could  not  prevail." 

Gave  the  belt. 

"  Canajoharie,  May  7th.  This  afternoon  Sir  William  had 
a  meeting  with  the  chief  women  of  this  castle,  and 
returned  them  thanks  for  their  condolence  of  the  fifth 
instant.  At  the  same  time  he  condoled  with  them  for  the 
loss  of  one  of  the  tribe  of  the  Bear,  that  belonged  to  the 
chief  of  that  tribe,  with  a  stroud  blanket,  a  shirt,  and 
stockings." 

A  string  of  wampum. 

"Sir  William  told  them  that  he  would  answer  their 
speech  concerning  his  journey,  when  the  messengers  who 
nad  gone  to  Oneida  came  back.     He  also  made  private 


BART. 

chap,  presents  to  a  few  of  the  head  women  of  each  tribe,  with 
s"J£~'a  blanket  and  shirt  each." 

1758.  a  jfay  9^  rp^  messengers  that  were  sent  to  Oneida  to 
ask  the  opinion  of  that  nation  with  regard  to  Sir  William's 
journey  to  Onondaga  returned,  and  reported  that  after  the 
chiefs  of  the  Upper  castle  were  met  they  delivered  their 
message  to  them.  Whereupon  they  gave  the  following 
reply: 

"  Brother  Waraghiyaghey :  We  take  your  message  very 
kind  and  are  glad  you  were  so  ready  to  attend  our  meet- 
ing to  be  held  at  Onondaga,  and  that  you  acquainted  us  of 
your  being  on  the  road." 

Returned  Sir   William's  message  belt. 

"Brother :  Your  desire  of  having  pur  young  men  come 
down  to  the  German  Flats  in  order  to  escort  you  here, 
should  have  been  willingly  complied  with,  but  as  contrary 
to  our  expectation  the  enemy  have  committed  fresh  hos- 
tilities and  spilt  blood  upon  the  road  you  are  to  pass  : 
besides  as  we  have  certain  intelligence  of  three  different 
bodies  of  the  enemy  now  making  preparations  at  the  fol- 
lowing places  on  Lake  Ontario,  viz :  one  at  Cayahagey 
or  Fish  Creek,  the  other  at  Oswego,  and  another  at  Magara, 
which  are  to  rendezvous  at  the  Oneida  carrying  place,  and 
there  make  a  descent  upon  your  country,  we  sincerely 
advise  and  beg  of  you  to  stop  where  you  are  and  not  to 
proceed  any  farther.  For  should  anything  happen  to  you 
on  your  journey,  the  loss  to  us  would  be  very  irreparable, 
and  our  Brethren,  the  English,  might  suspect  us  of  having 
a  hand  in  it ;  at  the  same  time  we  think  your  presence  at 
home  will  be  very  necessary  in  order  to  prepare  for  receiving 
the  enemy. 

"  Wherefore  by  this  Belt  of  Wampum  we  desire  you 
will  be  easy  in  your  mind,  and  be  assured  that  as  soon  as 
the  meeting  is  over  you  shall  have  a  genuine  and  full 
detail  of  every  matter  transacted  at  Onondaga." 

Gave  a  large  Belt. 

"May  10th.  This  afternoon  Sir  William   returned  his 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  67 

answer  to  the  speech  of  the   chief  women  of  this  castle  chap. 
made  to  him  on  the  fifth  instant,  which  is  as  follows :         w-' 

"  Dyattego,  your  tender  and  affectionate  speech,  made1758- 
some  days  ago,  I  have  considered,  and  therefore  have  dis- 
patched messengers  to  Oneida,  in  order  to  inquire  how 
things  stand  there  after  what  happened  at  the  German 
Mats,  and  whether  my  presence  at  the  meeting  would  be 
still  necessary.  These  messengers  are  returned,  and  I 
find  by  them  that  the  sachems  of  Oneida  likewise  disap- 
prove my  proceeding  any  farther,  for  sundry  reasons  they 
give  in  their  reply.  Wherefore  I  shall  comply  with  your 
request  to  return,  and  heartily  thank  you  for  the  great 
tenderness  and  love  expressed  for  me  in  your  speech." 

Returned  their  Belt." 

"  May  13th.  Sir  William  having  ordered  a  scout  to  go 
to  Oswego,  and  settled  everything  else,  dismissed  the  mi- 
litia and  returned  home,  and  arrived  at  his  house  the  same 
day." 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  the  same  month,  the  Baronet 
held  a  meeting  with  the  sachems  and  warriors  of  the 
Mohawks,  and  informed  them  that  General  Abercrombie 
expected  that  he  would  join  him  in  about  three  weeks  at 
Lake  George,  and  bring  with  him  all  the  Indians  he  could 
muster.  The  Mohawks  assured  him  that  they  would  attend 
him  to  a  man,  at  the  same  time  cheerfully  offering  to  escort 
his  messengers  to  all  the  other  cantons  of  the  Confederacy. 
The  Baronet  also  received  at  this  time  a  letter  from  the 
Stockbridge  Indians  tendering  him  their  services  in  the 
proposed  campaign  against  Ticonderoga.  This  latter  offer, 
however,  was  not  accepted. 

For  the  prosecution  of  the  campaign  against  Ticon- 
deroga and  Crown  Point,  an  army  of  regular  troops  and 
Provincials  was  assembled,  unprecedented  for  its  numbers 
in  the  annals  thus  far  of  American  warfare.  General 
Abercrombie,  as  before  remarked,  determined  to  lead  the 
expedition  in  person.     The  rendezvous  of  the  formidable 


68 


BART. 


chap,  army  destined  upon  this  service,  was  at  the  head  of  Lake 
v_v_/  George,  where  the  charred  ruins  of  Fort  William  Henry 
1758.  jqi  remained. 

The  morning  of  the  fifth  of  July — the  day  of  the 
embarkation — was  clear  and  beautiful.  The  spectacle  was 
full  of  life  and  animation,  and  withal  very  imposing.  The 
forces  collected  on  the  occasion  numbered  seven  thousand 
British  troops  of  the  line,  and  upward  of  ten  thousand 
Provincials,  exclusive  of  the  many  hundreds  of  non-com- 
batants necessarily  in  the  train  of  such  an  army.  The 
flotilla  for  their  transportation  to  Ticonderoga,  consisted 
of  nine  hundred  bateaux,  and  one  hundred  and  thirty-five 
whale-boats,  together  with  a  sufficient  number  of  rafts  to 
convey  the  heavy  stores  and  ammunition,  and  the  artillery 
to  cover  the  landing  of  the  troops,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  works  first  to  be  invested.  The  utmost  confidence  of 
success  inspired  both  officers  and  men,  and  all  was  activity 
and  gayety  in  getting  in  motion,  from  the  instant  the  reveille 
started  the  armed  host  from  their  repose  at  the  dawn, 
until  the  embarcation  was  complete.  So  sure  were  all  of 
an  easy  victory,  that  they  went  forth  as  to  a  grand  review, 
or  the  pageant  of  a  national  festival.  A  part  of  England's 
"chivalry  was  gathered  there,"  of  whom  was  the  accom- 
plished Lord  Howe,  distinguished  alike  for  his  generosity, 
his  gallantry  and  his  courage.  Many  other  young  noble- 
men of  high  bearing  and  promise,  were  also  there ;  together 
with  a  still  greater  number  of  nature's  noblemen,  in  the 
persons  of  New  England's  hardy  sons,  both  in  commission 
and  in  the  ranks.  Nor  were  the  spirited  colonists  of  New 
York  unrepresented.  Their  sons,  both  of  English  and 
Dutch  descent,  sustained  a  generous  rivalry  in  their  chi- 
valrous bearing,  and  evinced  an  equal  readiness  to  "rush 
to  glory  or  the  grave,"  for  the  honor  of  their  country. 
These  proud-spirited  Americans,  with  the  blood  of  freemen 
hotly  coursing  through  their  veins,  neither  knew  nor  cared 
whether  they  were  descended  from  the  Talbots,  the  John 
of  Gaunts,  or  the  Percys ;  but  their  hearts  beat  as  high, 


LIFE  OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  69 

and  their  souls  were  as  brave,  and  their  sinewy  arms  could  chap. 
strike  as  heavy  blows,  as  those  who  could  trace  the  longest  Wy—/ 
ancestry,  or  wore  the  proudest  crest.  There,  also,  was  the 1768- 
proud  Highland  regiment  of  Lord  John  Murray,  with  their 
bag-pipes,  their  tartan  breacan,  fringed  down  their  brawny 
legs,  and  their  black  plumes  in  their  bonnets.  What  an 
array,  and  what  a  splendid  armament,  for  a  small  and  quiet 
lake,  sequestered  so  deeply  in  the  interior  of  what  was  then 
a  woody  continent,  and  embedded  in  a  wild  and  remote 
chasm,  among  a  hundred  mountains !  Yet  in  this  lonely 
and  inhospitable  region,  "  where  there  were  nothing  but 
rocks  and  solitudes,  and  bleak  mountains  to  contend  for, 
was  to  be  the  theatre  on  which  the  disputes  between  the 
rival  courts  of  St.  James  and  St.  Gloud  were  to  be  decided — 
and  on  which,  the  embattled  hosts  of  Europe,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  a  thousand  leagues  from  their  respective  homes, 
were  to  be  joined  in  the  bloody  conflict  for  empire!" 

The  morning  being  perfectly  clear,  after  the  light  mists 
which  floated  gracefully  along  the  sides  of  the  hills  had 
disappeared,  the  sky  glowed  brighter  and  purer  than  many 
in  that  army  had  ever  seen  it.  Before  them,  at  their  feet,  lay 
the  crystal  waters  of  the  lake  like  a  mirror  of  molten  silver 
— the  green  islands  tufted  with  trees,  floating  as  it  were  in 
the  clear  element.  In  the  camp,  on  the  open  esplanade 
by  the  shore,  was  the  mustering  of  troops,  the  hurrying 
to  and  fro  of  the  officers,  the  rattling  of  armor,  the  neigh- 
ing of  steeds,  with  all  the  inharmonious  confusion  which 
such  a  scene  must  necessarily  present.  Beyond,  wide 
spread  upon  the  lake,  were  the  thousand  barges,  shifting 
and  changing  places  as  convenience  required,  the  banners  of 
the  different  regiments  streaming  gaily  in  the  breeze,  while 
the  swell  of  cheerful  voices,  the  rolling  of  the  drums,  the 
prolonged  and  exhilarating  notes  of  the  trumpet,  as  they 
resounded  among  the  mountains,  combined  to  throw  over 
the  whole  wild  region  an  air  of  enchantment. 

Indeed  the  whole  of  this  memorable  passage  of  Lake 
George  resembled  more  the  pageant  of  a  grand  aquatic 


70 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  gala,  or  a  dream  of  romance,  than  a  chapter  of  stern  his* 
w^  tory.  Stretching  down  the  lake,  the  scenery  partook  of 
1768-  the  same  wild  and  glorious  character,  and  every  mile  of 
their  progress  disclosed  new  objects  of  wonder,  or  presented 
fresh  sources  of  delight.  It  was  a  day  of  unmingled  plea- 
sure. A  fine  elastic  breeze  swept  through  the  gorges  of 
the  mountains,  serving  to  brace  the  nerves,  and  produce  a 
glow  of  good  feeling,  humor  and  hilarity,  which  lasted  till 
the  setting  sun.  The  animal  spirits  were  often  cheered^ 
and  enlivened  by  favorite  airs  from  the  well  appointed 
regimental  bands.  Wheeling  aloft,  with  untiring  wing, 
as  if  moving  with,  and  watching  over  the  armament,  were 
several  noble  bald-eagles,  whose  eyries  hung  on  the  beetling 
crags,  affording  to  the  soldiers  a  happy  presage  of  victory ! 
The  bag-pipes  of  the  Highlanders  would  thrill  every  soul 
in  the  armada  with  the  pibroch,  or  an  expert  bugleman 
electrify  the  multitude  by  causing  the  hills  and  the  glens 
to  echo  with  the  stirring  notes  wound  from  his  instrument. 
The  effect  of  the  varying  and  shifting  movements  of  the 
barges  among  the  islands,  with  their  different  streamers 
^  fluttering  in  the  air,  now  shooting  in  this  direction,  and 
now  running  in  that>-was  exceedingly  fine,  animating  and 
romantic.  Taking  these  movements  in  connexion  with 
the  nodding  of  plumes,  the  dazzling  glitter  of  polished 
armor,  and  the  flashing  of  the  oars,  as  at  every  stroke  they 
rose  from  the  sparkling  waters,  the  whole  prospect,  seen  at 
a  glance,  was  of  surpassing  magnificence.  Far  different 
was  the  scene  presented  the  following  day,  when  amid  the 
lengthening  shadows  of  the  mountains,  a  solitary  barge 
bore  back  the  remains  of  him  who  was  the  soul  of  the 
expedition — Lord  Howe. 

The  landing  of  the  troops  was  effected  in  good  order  in 
a  cove  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake  at  noon  of  the  following 
day.  Here  the  troops  formed  in  four  columns  and  began 
their  march,  leaving  behind  all  the  artillery  and  heavy 
baggage,  which  could  not  be  transported  until  the  bridges, 
that  the  advanced  guard  of  the  enemy  had  burned  in  their 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  71 

retreat,  could  be  rebuilt.  The  purpose  of  Abercrombie  chap. 
was  to  hasten  forward  and  carry  Ticonderoga  bj  storm  ^v—* 
before  the  reinforcements  which,  it  was  said,  were  hastening 1758, 
to  the  relief  of  Montcalm  under  De  Levy,  could  arrive. 
But  the  British  general  could  easier  manoeuvre  his  troops 
in  Hyde  Park,  than  conduct  them  through  dense  woods, 
and  over  morasses  covered  with  thick  and  tangled  under- 
brush. He  grew  confused ;  the  guides  became  bewildered ; 
and  to  increase  the  general  perplexity,  the  advance  party 
fell  in  with  a  body  of  the  enemy,  under  De  Trepezee,  who 
had  lost  their  way,  and  in  the  skirmish  that  ensued  the 
gallant  Howe  fell  at  the  head  of  his  men.  The  utter  route 
of  De  Trepezee's  party,  however,  was  but  a  small  compen- 
sation for  the  loss  which  the  English  had  sustained  in  the 
death  of  their  young  leader.  The  fate  of  this  officer,  who 
was  the  life  of  the  men,  at  once  threw  a  damper  and  a 
gloom  over  the  entire  army ;  and  from  that  moment  "  an 
almost  general  consternation  and  languor"  took  the  place 
of  the  previous  confidence  and  buoyancy. 1  Utterly  dis- 
comfited at  this  untoward  occurrence  on  the  very  threshold, 
as  it  were,  of  the  expedition,  Abercrombie  uncertain  what 
course  to  pursue,  drew  back  his  army  early  the  next  morn- 
ing to  the  landing  place. 

While  the  British  general  was  yet  hesitating,  Colonel 
Bradstreet  with  Rogers  and  four  hundred  rangers,  pushed 
forward,  rebuilt  the  bridges,  and  took  possession  of  some 
saw  mills  which  the  French  had  erected  at  the  lower  rapids, 
about  two  miles  from  Ticonderoga.2  The  indomitable 
energy  of  the  provincial  colonel,  reassured  Abercrombie, 
who  now  advanced  with  his  army  to  the  saw  mills,  and 
sent  forward  Clerk,  his  chief  engineer,  together  with  Stark 
and  a  few  rangers,  to  reconnoiter  the  enemy's  works.  The 
party  returned  at  dusk.     Clerk  reported,  that,  although  to 

1  Rogers's  Journal. 

2  These  rapids  are  caused  by  the  descent  of  the  waters  of  Lake  George 
into  Lake  Champlain.  The  outlet  of  Lake  George  is  four  miles  in  length, 
and  in  that  distance  falls  about  157  feet. 


72  LITE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  an  unpracticed  eye,  the  defences  of  the  French  appeared 
•v—  strong,  yet  in  reality  they  would  offer  but  a  feeble  resistance 
175a  to  the  charge  of  the  British  bayonet.  The  cool  Stark, 
however,  was  of  a  different  opinion.  Without  doubt  recol- 
lecting the  successful  resistance  which  the  rude  and  hastily 
constructed  breastworks  of  Johnson,  three  years  before,  had 
opposed  to  the  flower  of  the  French  regulars,  he  rightly 
judged  that  the  defences  of  Montcalm  were  capable  of 
withstanding  a  powerful  attack,  and  so  informed  Aber- 
crombie.  His  advice,  however,  was  rejected  by  that  com- 
mander, as  worthy  only  of  an  ignorant  Provincial  unac- 
quainted with  British  prowess ;  and  the  army  having  rested 
on  their  arms  that  night,  the  English  commander,  early  on 
the  morning  of  the  eighth,  gave  orders  to  advance  without 
artillery,  and  to  carry  the  enemy's  works  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet. 

Just  as  the  army  were  leaving  their  encampment,  they 
were  overtaken  by  Sir  William  Johnson  with  three  hundred 
Indians.  The  Baronet  had  fully  intended  to  join  Aber- 
crombie  at  the  rendezvous  at  the  head  of  Lake  George. 
Why  he  did  not,  will  appear  from  the  following  letter 
written  by  him  to  that  general. 

"  Camp  in  the  woods  within  ten  miles  of  Fort  Edward, 
July  5th,  1758-6  in  the  morning. 
"Sir: 

B I  arrived  here  last  night  with  near  two  hundred  Indians 
of  the  Five  Nations  and  others.  Mr.  Croghan  and  some 
of  the  Indian  officers  are  within  a  day's  march  of  me  with 
about  one  hundred  more,  as  I  hear  by  letters  from  him.  I 
hope  they  will  he  with  me  at  Fort  Edward  this  afternoon, 
and  with  you  at  the  lake  to-morrow.  I  set  oft*  from  my 
house  last  Thursday  with  as  many  as  I  could  then  get 
sober  to  move  with  me,  which  were  but  very  few,  for  liquor 
was  as  plenty  among  them  as  ditch  water,  being  brought 
up  from  Schenectady  by  their  and  other  squaws  as  well  as 
whites,  and  sold  to  them  at  night  in  spite  of  all  I  could  do. 
These  have  since  joined  me  by   small   parties.     I  assure 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  73 

your  excellency,  no  man  ever  had  more  trouble  than  I  have  chap. 
had  to  get  them  away  from  the  liquor ;  and  if  the  fate  of  w-v— • 
the  whole  country  depended  upon  my  moving  a  day  sooner,  1758* 
I  could  not  do  it  without  leaving  them  behind,  and  dis- 
gusting all  the  nations.     When  I  have  the  honor  of  seeing 
your  excellency,  I  shall  be  able  to  let  you  know  the  many 
difficulties  I  had  to  surmount,  since  I  received  your  orders. 
"  I  am  with  all  due  respect, 

"  Your  Excellency's  most  obedient 
"  and  most  humble  servant. 

"  WM.  JOHNSOK 
"His  Excellency, 

"Major  General  Abercrombie."1 
Eor  the  defence  of  Ticonderoga  against  the  formidable 
preparations  of  the  English,  Montcalm  had  but  thirty-six 
hundred  and  fifty  men.  Instead,  however,  of  despairing, 
he  caused  a  heavy  breastwork  of  logs  to  be  constructed 
within  six  hundred  paces  of  the  main  works ;  while  at  the 
same  time,  trees  were  felled,  and  laid  with  their  branches 
outward,  for  a  distance  of  a  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the 
log  breastwork.  Then  throwing  off  his  coat  in  the  trenches, 
and  forbidding  his  men  to  fire  a  musket  until  he  should 
give  the  word,  he  calmly  awaited  the  approach  of  the 
British. 

At  one  o'clock,  the  English,  preceded  by  Captain  Rogers 
and  his  sharp  shooters,  advanced  gallantly  in  four  columns 
to  the  attack.  At  the  first  onset,  the  ranks  of  the  English 
were  thrown  into  confusion  by  the  branches  of  the  trees, 
and  at  the  same  time,  at  a  signal  from  Montcalm,  a  terrific 
fire  was  opened  upon  them  from  swivels  and  small  arms. 
In  vain  was  it,  that  the  English  rallied  and   endeavored 

1  Manuscript  letter :  In  the  text,  I  have  stated  that  Abercrombie  was 
joined  by  Johnson  with  three  hundred  Indians.  Rogers,  it  is  true,  says  in 
his  journal,  four  hundred  and  forty,  but  as  it  appears  from  this  letter  writ- 
ten on  the  5th,  that  his  whole  available  force  was  only  three  hundred,  and 
us  he  must  have  started  immediately  to  join  Abercrombie,  Rogers,  I  think, 
U,  mistaken. 

10 


74  LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  again  and  again  to  penetrate  through  the  trees  to  the 
^-^w  entrenchments  beyond.  The  more  they  struggled  the 
1758.  more  they  became  entangled  in  the  branches,  while  rank 
after  rank  was  mowed  down  by  the  well  directed  and  gall- 
ing fire  of  the  enemy.  Driven  from  the  left,  they  attempted 
the  centre,  then  the  right,  till  at  length  after  sustaining 
without  flinching,  the  enemy's  fire  for  over  five  hours,  they 
retreated  in  the  utmost  disorder,  having  lost  in  killed  and 
wounded,  nineteen  hundred  and  sixty-seven  men. 

The  British  were  still  more  than  twelve  thousand  strong, 
•  with  plenty  of  artillery,  with  which  the  enemy  might  easily 
have  been  driven  from  their  entrenchments.  Abercrombie, 
however,  instead  of  bringing  up  his  artillery  and  rallying 
his  men,  had  retreated,  upon  the  first  news  of  the  defeat, 
from  the  mills  (where  he  had  remained  during  the  fight) 
leaving  orders  for  the  army  to  follow  him  to  the  landing; 
and  while  the  entire  night  was  spent  by  Montcalm  in 
strengthening  his  defences  and  encouraging  his  men,  the 
English  were  retreating  in  the  footsteps  of  their  valorous 
commander.  Reaching  the  landing  early  on  the  morning  of 
the  ninth,  the  army  in  wild  affright  would  have  rushed  into 
the  bateaux  and  sunk  the  greater  portion  of  them,  had 
not  Colonel  Bradstreetby  his  coolness  convinced  them  that 
there  was  no  immediate  danger,  and  prevailed  upon  them 
to  embark  quietly  and  in  good  order.  ISTor  did  Abercrom- 
bie breathe  freely  until  Lake  George  was  between  himself 
and  the  French,  and  his  artillery  and  ammunition  fairly 
on  their  way  to  Albany. 

Great  was  the  consternation  among  the  colonists,  at  the 
unexpected  repulse  of  the  gallant  army  that  had  so  recently 
gone  forth  from  among  them,  as  they  supposed,  to  a  sure 
victory.  A  panic  seized  the  inhabitants  along  the  whole 
of  the  Hudson  and  Mohawk  valleys.  Every  rumor,  no 
matter  how  wild  or  absurd,  was  quickly  spread,  and  eagerly 
believed. \    A  small  party  of  Indians,  who  had  attacked  a 

1  "My  mother  and  Katy  keep  up  their  spirits  as  well  as  can  be  expected 
considering  the  frequent  shocks  they  get  from  the  reports  that  fly  through 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  75 

convoy  of  wagoners   at  Halfway  Brook  between  Fort  chap. 
Edward  and  Lake  George,  was  magnified  by  the  excited  ^~, 
citizens  of  Albany  into  a  large  army  following  the  retreat- 1758- 
ing  footsteps  of  the  English ;  and  when,  a  few  days  after- 
ward, the  same  party  waylaid  and  defeated  a  body  of  rangers 
under  Rogers  and  Putnam  who  had  been  sent  out  to  inter- 
cept them,  the  rumor  reached  the  settlements  that  the 
French  army  was  on  its  march  to  Albany  and  had  advanced 
as  far  as  Fort  Edward.     In  Schenectady  and  Albany,  the 
militia,  by  order  of  the  Baronet,  were  called  out,  and  the 
guards  doubled ;  while  for  additional  protection,  large  num- 
bers of  men,  stationed  in  the  block  houses,  kept  a  sharp 
watch  by  day  and  by  night. 1 

Colonel  Bradstreet  burned  to  retrieve  the  disgrace  which 
the  shameful  retreat  of  the  army  had  brought  upon  British 
arms.  Early  in  the  spring  he  had  asked  permission  to  lead 
an  expedition  against  Fort  Frontinac,  but  had  been  put  off 
by  Abercrombie  with  frivolous  excuses.  Now,  however, 
he  renewed  his  importunities,  and  with  so  much  success, 
that  a  council  of  war  by  a  small  majority  granted  him  the 
required  permission ;  and  the  first  of  August  found  him  at 
the  Oneida  carrying  place  in  close  consultation  with  Gen- 
eral Stanwix,  who  by  the  orders  of  Abercrombie  through 
the  representation  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  was  erecting 
there  a  strong  fort.  Having  received  from  Stanwix  a  force 
of  twenty-seven  hundred  Provincials,  eleven  hundred  of 
whom  were  E"ew  Yorkers,  and  having  been  joined  by  Red 
Head  with  forty-two  of  his  warriors,  the  colonel  embarked 
at  Oswego  in  open  boats  upon  Lake  Ontario.  The  success 
which  rewarded  his  resolution,  will  be  seen  from  the  fol- 

the  country  about  the  army.  Our  ears  have  been  filled  with  nothing  these 
several  days  but  the  report  of  death,  blood  and  slaughter.  We  heard  that 
Lord  Howe  was  killed,  and  five  thousand  of  our  men  blown  up  with  a  mine 
at  Ticonderoga,  and  that  the  York  and  Jersey  forces  made  three  thousand 
of  that  unhappy  number,  which  filled  us  with  the  greatest  concern." — Man- 
uscript Letter  to  Lt.  Col.  Clinton  from  his  son-in-laiv  J .  McClaghey. 
1  Manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnso"        '  • 


76        V 

chap,  lowing  letter  to  Sir  William  from  Captain  Thomas  Butler, 
v_^_/  whom  the  former  had  dispatched  with  the  expedition  in 
1758.  charge  of  the  Indian  warriors  : 

Cadaracqui,  28th  Aug.,  1758. 
u  Sir : 

"  I  am  to  acquaint  you  that  upon  the  25th  instant  we 
landed  without  any  opposition  within  one  mile  of  the 
French  Fort  where  we  encamped.  Early  in  the  morning 
of  the  26th,  we  landed  our  cannon,  drew  them  near  the 
fort  upon  which  we  fired  and  they  at  us,  which  lasted  the 
whole  day,  and  not  one  of  our  people  hurt.  In  the  night 
we  got  two  entrenchments  made  within  two  hundred  yards 
of  the  enemy's  fort.  The  enemy  fired  away  hriskly  with 
cannon  and  small  arms  at  us  all  this  night,  with  but  little 
fire  from  us,  only  once  in  a  while  a  bomb.  On  the  twenty- 
seventh  our  cannon  played  on  the  fort  very  briskly,  which 
the  monsieurs  finding  too  hot,  came  out  to  capitulate,  and 
about  twelve  o'clock  we  took  possession.  The  remainder 
of  the  day  was  spent  in  destroying  the  fort,  shipping,  &c, 
the  latter  of  which  were  nine,  and  not  one  escaped.  In 
the  evening  the  French,  being  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  went  to  Canada  according  to  agreement,  but  are  to 
return  the  like  number  of  our  prisoners,  among  whom  is 
to  be  Colonel  Schuyler. 1  It's  undescribable  the  quantity 
of  stores  we  found  here.  We  have  a  brig  and  a  schooner 
which  we  keep  to  carry  plunder  to  Oswego.  In  the  whole 
of  this  action  we  have  not  lost  a  man,  and  only  two  or 
three  slightly  wounded.  One  of  the  enemy  had  his  thigh 
shot  off  whom  Red  Head  scalped.  They  lost  some  by  the 
bursting  of  their  cannon,  and  some  few  wounded  by  our 
shot.  We  are  making  ready  to  set  off  this  day,  but  the 
wind  is  pretty  hard  ahead.  This  will  go  by  some  Onon- 
dagas  whom  Col.  Bradstreet  sends  express, 
"lam  Sir, 

"  With  all  respect, 

"  THOMAS  BUTLER. 

1  Col.  Schuyler  was  taken  by  Montcalm  at  the  surrender  of  Oswego. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  77 

"  P.  8.   The  enemy  have  not  one  vessel  left  in  this  lake.  chap. 
"  Sir  ¥m.  Johnson,  Bart."  *  s-^ 

The  single  brief  postscript  in  the  above  letter,  reveals, 1768- 
perhaps,  more  than  anything  else,  the  importance  of  this 
victory  of  Bradstreet — a  victory  that  more  than  compen- 
sated for  the  defeat  of  Abercrombie.  By  it,  the  possession 
of  the  entire  lake  was  wrested  from  the  French,  and  the 
communication  between  Canada  and  her  posts  in  the  Ohio 
valley  completely  cut  off.  These  advantages  were  at  once 
seen  by  the  English,  who  now  felt  as  much  elated  and 
encouraged,  as  the  French  were  correspondingly  depressed, 
"lam  not  discouraged,"  wrote  Montcalm,  admitting  by 
this  very  remark  his  deep  chagrin,  "  nor  are  my  troops. 
We  are  resolved  to  find  our  graves  under  the  ruins  of  the 
colony."  By  no  one  was  the  capture  of  Frontinac  appre- 
ciated more  than  by  Secretary  Pitt.  Understanding 
thoroughly  the  topography  of  America,  his  comprehensive 
mind  at  once  perceived  that  it  was  but  one  more  step  to 
the  possession  of  Fort  Du  Quesne ;  and  while  the  minister 
was  yet  hoping  for  that  result,  the  deed  had  already  been 
accomplished. 

The  command  of  the  forces  destined  against  Fort  Du 
Quesne,  was  given  to  Brigadier  General  Forbes,  who  set 
out  from  Philadelphia  with  the  main  body  of  the  army  in 
the  early  part  of  July.  Serious  delays,  however,  retarded 
the  advance  of  the  army,  some  of  which  were  due  to  the 
conduct  of  Forbes  himself,  while  for  others  he  was  not 
responsible.  Before  advancing  upon  Du  Quesne,  Forbes 
wished  to  hold  a  conference  with  the  Delawares  and  the 
Six  Nations. 2  This  project  was  strenuously  opposed  by 
Sir  William  Johnson,  who  perceived  that  if  such  a  council 
was  held,  its  effect  would  be  to  seriously  diminish  the  num- 
ber of  those  Indians  whom  he  proposed  to  take  with  him 
to   join  the   expedition    against    Ticonderoga.    Finally, 

1  Manuscript  letter  :  Red  Head  and  his  braves  received  $2500  from  Sir 
William,  for  their  services  on  this  occasion. 

2 Manuscript  letter:  Governor  Denny  to  Johnson,  30th  Aug.,  1758. 


78  LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  Forbes  consented  to  pospone  the  council  until  autumn, 
w^_  though  not  until  a  lengthy  correspondence  had  been  held 
1758.  upon  the  subject  between  Governor  Denny,  Sir  William 
and  Abercrombie,  and  the  latter  had  imperatively  com- 
manded him  to  relinquish  his  design. 1  Scarcely,  however, 
had  this  matter  been  settled,  when  Forbes  insisted,  against 
the  advice  of  Colonel  "Washington  and  other  Provincial 
officers,  upon  sending  forward  fifteen  hundred  men  to  open 
a  new  road  to  the  Ohio  which,  it  was  insisted,  would  make 
the  route  to  Fort  DuQuesne  sixty  miles  nearer  than  by  the 
old  Braddock  road. 2  General  Forbes,  also,  was  taken  ill, 
and  the  contractors  were  remiss  in  furnishing  the  requisite 
number  of  wagons  for  the  transportation  of  the  stores 3 — 
so  that  it  was  not  until  the  middle  of  September  that  the 
main  army  reached  Raystown.  Instead,  however,  of 
advancing  immediately  with  the  entire  force  at  his  com- 
mand, Forbes  sent  forward  Bouquet  to  occupy  Loyal  Hanna 
with  two  thousand  men.  "This  is  the  advance  party," 
wrote  George  Croghan  fromEaston  to  Sir  William  Johnson, 
"  and  I  dread  every  day  to  hear  that  the  enemy  have  given 
them  a  thrashing." 4  His  apprehensions  were  indeed  well 
founded,  for  even  while  he  was  writing  the  above  sentence, 
a  party  of  Highlanders  that  Bouquet  had  sent  out  on  his 
own  responsibility  to  reconnoitre  the  fort,  fell  into  an 
ambuscade  of  French  and  Indians,  and  were  completely 
routed.  Three  hundred  men  were  either  killed  or  wounded ; 
and  Major  Grant,  the  leader  of  the  party,  and  nineteen 
officers,  were  carried  prisoners  into  Canada. 

1  Manuscript  correspondence  between  General  Abercrombie  and  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson. 

2 "  General  Forbes  wrote  to  me  the  26th,  that  he  had  been  ill,  but  was  so 
well  recovered  as  to  propose  to  join  the  army  at  the  camp  at  Rays  Town. 
Fifteen  hundred  of  the  Provincials  are  sent  forward  to  complete  the  new  road 
on  the  other  side  of  Laurel  Hill,  which  is  a  shorter  cut  to  Fort  Du  Quesne 
than  Mr.  Braddock's  road  by  at  least  sixty  miles,  and  falls  on  the  Ohio 
above  the  French  fort.— Manuscript  letter :  Governor  Denny  to  Johnson,  30th 
August,  1758. 

8  Manuscript  letter :  George  Croghan  to  Johnson,  Sept.  1768. 

*  Idem. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  79 

On  the  fifth  of  November,  Forbes  with  his  army  reached  chap. 
Loyal  Hanna.  The  season  was  far  advanced,  and  the  army  wv— / 
were  yet  more  than  forty  miles  from  their  destination. 1758- 
A  council  of  war  decided  that  the  army  should  go  into 
winter  quarters,  and  buildings  for  that  purpose  were  already 
erecting  at  Raystown.1  Washington  could  scarcely  con- 
tain his  displeasure  at  such  a  determination,  and  upon  its 
being  ascertained  on  the  the  twelfth  from  three  prisoners, 
that  the  garrison  of  Fort  Du  Quesne  was  in  no  condition 
to  resist  an  attack,  he  obtained  permission  to  push  forward 
with  his  Virginians,  while  the  main  army  should  follow  in 
his  rear.  Such  was  the  energy  which  the  young  hero 
infused  into  the  army,  that  on  the  twenty-third,  the 
advance  were  within  a  day's  march  of  the  fort ;  and  on  the 
approach  of  the  English,  the  next  day,  the  garrison,  num- 
bering scarcely  five  hundred  men  and  poorly  supplied 
with  provisions,  fired  their  fort,  and  in  wild  terror  fled 
down  the  Ohio  ;  and  the  next  morning,  the  red  man,  as  he 
timorously  approached  the  smouldering  ruins,  beheld  the 
cross  of  Saint  George,  where  for  so  long  had  floated  the 
lilies  of  France. 

As  the  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the  Ohio  valley  had 
begun  the  contest,  with  the  reoccupation  of  that  valley 
was  the  war  in  America  virtually  brought  to  a  close; 
and  as  Du  Quesne,  who  had  been  most  active  in  expelling 
the  English  from  the  Ohio,  had  given  his  name  to  the  fort, 
so  was  it  just,  that  the  statesman,  through  whose  energy 
the  fort  at  length  fell,  should  be  ever  remembered  by  the 
name  of  Pittsburg. 

The  Delawares  and  the  Shawanese  of  the  Alleghany  and 
Ohio  were  yet  upon  the  war  path,  and  although  the  horrors 
of  the  border  warfare  were  somewhat  mitigated  by  the 
peace  with  Teedyuscung,  they  were  by  no  means  at  an 
end.  More  especially  were  the  frontiers  of  Virginia 
exposed  to  the  invasions  of  the  Shawnese.     Efforts  for  a 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Croghan  to  Johnson,  Sept.,  1758. 


80  LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  more  general  pacification  were  therefore  continued,  under 
WYwthe  auspicies  of  the  Quakers.  But  the  French  were 
1758.  strongly  posted  in  the  beginning  of  this  year  at  Yenango 
and  Fort  Du  Quesne  ;  and  they  were  assiduous  and  plausi- 
ble in  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the  Indians,  and  lavish 
in  their  presents.  It  was  consequently  a  difficult  matter 
to  obtain  access  to  the  Indian  towns  thickly  studding  the 
more  western  rivers,  or  induce  the  tribes  to  open  their 
ears  to  any  body  but  the  French. 

A  most  fitting  and  worthy  agent  to  bear  a  message  of 
peace  to  those  Indians,  was,  however,  found  in  the  person 
of   Christian   Frederick    Post.     He  was  a  plain,  honest 
German,  of  the  Moravian  sect,  who  had  resided  seventeen 
years  with  the  Indians,  a  part  of  which  period  had  been 
passed  in  the  valley  of  Wyoming,  and  he  had  twice  married 
among  them.     He  was  therefore  well  acquainted  with  the 
Indian  character,  and  was  intimately  known  to  many,  both 
Shawanese  and  Delawares,  who  had  also  resided  at  Wyo- 
ming.    The  service  required  of  him  was  alike  severe  and 
arduous.     A  dreary  wilderness  was  to  be  traversed,  ravines 
threaded  and  mountains  scaled ;  and  when  these  obstacles 
were  surmounted,  even  if  he  did  not  meet  with  a  stealthy 
enemy  before,  with  his  life  in  his  hand  he  was  to  throw 
himself  into  the  heart  of  an  enemy's  country — and  that 
enemy  as  treacherous  and  cruel,  when  in  a  state  of  exas- 
peration, as    ever  civilized    man  has    been    doomed  to 
encounter.     But  Christian  Frederick  Post   entered  upon 
the  perilous   mission  with  the  courage  and   spirit  of  a 
Christian.     Accompanied  by  two  or  three  Indian  guides, 
he  crossed  the  rivers  and  mountains  twice  in  the  summer 
and    autumn  of   this  year,  visited  many  of   the   Indian 
towns,  passed  and  repassed  the  French  Fort  at  Venango, 
and  held  a  council  with  the  Indians  almost  under  the  guns 
of  Fort  Du  Quesne.     Far  the  greater  part  of  the  Indians 
received    him    with    friendship,     and   his    message    of 
peace  with  gladness.     They  had  such  perfect  confidence 
in  his  integrity  and  truth,  that  every  effort  of  the  French 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  81 

to  circumvent  him  was  unavailing.  They  kept  a  captain  chap. 
and  more  than  fifteen  soldiers  hanging  about  him  for  sev-  w^-> 
eral  days,  watching  his  every  movement,  and  listening  to1'68- 
all  that  was  said ;  and  various  schemes  were  devised  at  first 
to  make  him  prisoner,  and  ultimately  to  take  his  life  ;  but 
although  one  of  his  guides  had  a  forked  tongue,  and  was 
seduced  from  him  at  Fort  Du  Quesne,  yet  the  Indians 
upon  whom  he  had  thrown  himself,  with  so  much  confi- 
dence and  moral  courage,  interposed  for  his  counsel  and 
protection  in  every  case  of  danger,  and  would  not  allow  a 
hair  of  his  head  to  be  injured.  He  was  charged  with  mes- 
sages both  from  Teedyuscung  and  Governor  Denny.  To 
the  former  they  would  not  listen  for  a  moment.  Indeed 
that  chieftain  seemed  to  be  the  object  of  their  strong  dis- 
like, if  not  of  their  positive  hate.  They  would,  therefore, 
recognise  nothing  that  he  had  done  at  Easton ;  but  they 
received  the  messages  of  the  governor  with  the  best  pos- 
sible feeling.  It  was  evident  from  all  their  conversation 
with  Christian  Post,  whose  journal  is  £,s  artless  as  it  is 
interesting,  that  they  had  been  deceived  by  the  representa- 
tions of  the  French,  and  deluded  into  a  belief  that,  while 
it  was  the  intention  of  the  English  to  plunder  them  of  all 
their  lands,  the  French  were  themselves  actuated  solely  by 
the  benevolent  motive  of  driving  the  English  back  across 
the  water,  and  restoring  the  Indians  to  all  the  possessions 
which  the  Great  Spirit  had  given  them.  Convinced  by 
Post  of  the  fraud  that  had  been  practised  upon  their  under- 
standings, their  yearnings  for  peace  gathered  intensity 
every  day.  Several  times,  during  his  conversations  with 
the  chiefs  of  different  towns,  as  he  undeceived  them  in 
regard  to  the  real  designs  of  the  French,  their  minds 
seemed  filled  with  melancholy  perplexity,  a  conviction  of 
what  was  not  wide  of  the  truth  flashed  upon  them,  and 
once  at  least,  the  apprehension  was  uttered,  that  it  was  but 
a  struggle  between  the  English  and  French,  which  should 
possess  their  whole  country,  after  the  Indians  had  been 
exterminated  between    them.     *'Why  do  not  the  great 

11 


82  LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  kings  of  England  and  France,"  they  inquired,  "  do  their 
v-^L>  fighting  in  their  own  country,  and  not  come  over  the  great 
1758.  Waters  to  fight  on  our  hunting  grounds?"  The  question 
was  too  deep  for  honest  Christian  Frederick  Post  to 
answer.  However,  the  inclination  of  the  Indians  was 
decidedly  toward  the  English,  and  the  result  of  his  second 
embassy,  in  the  autumn  of  this  year,  after  encountering 
fresh  difficulties  and  dangers,  was  a  reconciliation  with  the 
Indians  of  the  Ohio  country,  in  consequence  of  which,  the 
French  were  obliged  to  abandon  the  whole  of  that  territory, 
as  we  have  seen,  to  General  Forbes,  after  destroying  with 
their  own  hands  the  strong  fortress  of  Du  Quesne. 

Great,  however,  as  was  the  influence  of  Christian  Frede- 
rick Post  with  the  western  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  he 
is  by  no  means  entitled  to  the  entire  credit  of  bringing 
about  a  peace.  The  efforts  of  Sir  "William  Johnson  were 
incessantly  directed  to  the  same  end,  and  the  many  councils 
which  he  held  at  his  own  house  this  year  with  the  Dela- 
wares, Shawanese,  Cherokees  and  Catawbas,  were  not 
without  their  effect.  The  fact  was,  the  French  were  omit- 
ting no  exertions  to  win  the  Six  Nations  from  their  alliance 
with  the  English.  In  this  design  they  wrere  partially  suc- 
cessful, and  the  British  Indian  superintendent,  great  as 
was  his  influence  with  the  red  men,  had  his  hands  full  to 
prevent  the  mass  of  the  Six  Nations  from  deserting  him, 
during  the  years  1756  and  1757,  and  joining  the  French. 
True,  the  Mohawks,  Oneidas,  and  Tuscaroras,  as  has  been 
seen,  maintained  their  allegiance  to  the  British  crown, 
and  were  not  backward  upon  the  war-path ;  but  the  Onon- 
dagas,  Cayugas  and  Senecas,  against  the  strongest  remon- 
strances of  Sir  William,  had  declared  themselves  neutral ; 
while  large  numbers  of  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas  actually 
took  up  the  hatchet  with  the  "Western  Indians,  in  alliance 
with  the  French.1 

The  defection  probably  would  have  been  greater,  but 
for  circumstances  that  occured  at  Fort  Du  Quesne,  late  in 


1  Manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 


LIFE  OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  83 

the  year  1757,  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  present  year.  chap. 
These  circumstances,  which  will  be  presently  explained,  w^ 
while  they  evinced  the  absence,  for  a  time,  of  the  usual 1758- 
tact  and  sagacity  of  the  French,  had  admirably  opened 
the  way  for  Christian  Post's  mission,  while  they  had  the 
effect  of  at  once  relieving  Sir  William  from  his  embarras- 
sing position  in  regard  to  the  equivocal  attitude  of  three 
of  the  Six  Nations.  It  has  been  seen  that  the  Baronet 
had  interposed,  not  only  directly  but  through  the  means 
of  some  of  his  Indians,  in  producing  the  partial  peace  with 
the  Delawares  and  Teedyuscung.  Sir  William  had  also 
succeeded  in  forming  an  alliance  with  the  Cherokees,  some 
of  whom  had  gone  upon  the  war-path  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Fort  Du  Quesne.  They  were  likewise  exerting 
themselves  to  detach  the  Western  Indians,  as  far  as  might 
be,  from  the  French.1 

It  was  in  this  posture  of  affairs,  that  late  in  the  year 
1757,  a  war-party  of  the  Twightwees,  (Miamies,)  in  a 
frolic  close  by  the  fortress  of  Du  Quesne,  killed  a  number 
of  cattle  belonging  to  the  French  in  the  fort.  In  a 
moment  of  exasperation,  without  pausing  to  reflect  upon 
the  consequences,  the  French  fired  upon  the  aggressors, 
and  killed  some  ten  or  twelve  of  their  number.  The 
Twightwees  were  deeply  incensed  at  this  outrage,  and  the 
Western  Indians  sympathized  at  the  loss  of  their  braves. 
It  was  not  long,  probably,  before  their  resolution  was  taken 
not  only  to  withdraw  from  the  French  service,  but  to 
avenge  the  untimely  fall  of  their  warriors.1 

While  the  Twightwees  were  thus  brooding  over  this 
wrong,  the  Delawares  intercepted  a  French  dispatch,  in 
which  the  project  was  proposed  and  discussed,  of  cutting 
off  and  utterly  exterminating  the  Six  Nations — forming, 
as  they  did,  so  strong  a  barrier  between  the  French  and 
English  colonies.     The  Indians  found  some   one  among 

them  to  read  the  document,  and  they  no  sooner  under- 

_ 

1  Manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 

'Ibid. 


84 

chap,  stood  its  full  purport,  than  they  repaired  to  the  fortress  in 
*~J—<  a  body,  and  charged  the  project  home  upon  the  commander. 
1758.  That  officer  was  either  confused,  or  he  attempted  to  dis- 
semble. He  likewise  tried,  but  without  success,  to  obtain 
the  document  from  them.  They  kept  it,  and  its  contents 
were  the  occasion  of  wide-spread  consternation  among  the 
Indians.  But  this  is  not  all.  In  March,  of  this  year,  a 
deputation  of  the  Senecas  waited  upon  Sir  William,  with 
a  message  from  the  Delawares,  the  purport  of  which  was, 
that  the  French  had  recently  convened  a  great  council  of 
the  North-western  Indians  at  Detroit,  at  which  the  same 
project  of  exterminating  the  Six  Nations  was  proposed 
and  discussed.  The  pretext  urged  upon  them  by  the 
French  was,  that  the  Six  Nations  were  wrongfully  claim- 
ing the  territory  of  their  western  brethren,  and  were  they 
to  be  crushed  and  extinguished,  there  would  be  no  more 
difficulty  upon  the  subject.  The  Western  Indians  would 
come  into  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  own  again,  without 
question  as  to  jurisdiction.  TKey  therefore  proposed 
that  all  the  Indians  should  join  them  "  in  cutting  off  the 
Six  Nations  from  the  face  of  the  earth."  This  proposition 
startled  the  Delawares,  who,  after  the  council,  determined 
to  apprise  the  Senecas  of  the  plot,  and  send  to  them  the 
hatchet  which  they  had  received  from  the  French  to  use 
against  the  English.  They  desired  the  Senecas  to  keep 
the  hatchet  for  them,  as  they  were  determined  not  to  use 
it  again,  unless  by  direction  of  their  cousins.  Having 
received  the  message  and  the  hatchet,  the  Senecas  called 
a  council  to  deliberate  upon  the  subject.  The  hatchet  they 
had  resolved  to  throw  into  deep  water,  where  it  could  not 
be  found  for  three  centuries,  and  they  now  came  to  Sir 
William  with  the  information,  and  for  counsel.  It  so  hap- 
pened that  the  information  was  in  full  confirmation  of  the 
predictions  which  Sir  William  had  many  times  uttered  to 
the  Indians,  in  his  efforts  to  prevent  any  friendly  inter- 
course between  them  and  the  French.  These  predictions 
the  Senecas,  in  their  present  troubles,  remembered  with 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  85 

lively  impressions  of  the  Baronet's  sagacity ;  and  the  chap. 
result  of  the  interview,  was  an  entire  alienation  of  the  w^_ , 
Senecas  and  Cayugas  from  the  French.  1768- 

On  the  nineteenth  of  April  following,  the  Shawanese 
and  Delawares  of  Ohio,  sent  a  message  of  peace  to  Sir 
William.  A  council  of  the  Mohawks  was  immediately 
convened,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Superintendent,  and  it 
was  determined,  in  the  event  of  war,  that  the  Shawanese 
and  Delawares  should  find  an  asylum  from  the  French  at 
Venango  and  Fort  Du  Quesne,  once  more  in  the  valley  of 
Wyoming.  But  the  evacuation,  by  the  French,  of  the  Ohio 
country  soon  afterward,  as  already  mentioned,  rendered 
no  such  formal  removal  necessary.1  Meantime  another 
and  much  larger  council  was  holden  at  Easton,  in  Octo- 
ber, at  which  all  the  Six  Nations,  and  most  of  the 
Delaware  tribes,  the  Shawanese,  the  Miamies,  and  some 
of  the  Mohickanders  were  represented.  The  number  of 
Indians  assembled  was  about  five  hundred.  Sir  William 
was  present  in  his  Deputy,  George  Croghan,  and  the 
governments  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  were  like- 
wise represented.  Teedyuscung  assumed  a  conspicuous 
position  as  a  conductor  of  the  discussions,  at  which  the 
Six  Nations  were  disposed  for  a  time  to  be  offended — 
reviving  again  their  claim  to  superiority.  But  the  Dela- 
ware chief  was  not  in  a  humor  to  yield  the  distinction  he 
had  already  acquired,  and  he  sustained  himself  through- 
out with  eloquence  and  dignity.2 

The  object  of  this  treaty  was  chiefly  the  adjustment  of 
boundaries,  and  to  extend  and  brighten  the  chain  of 
friendship,  not  only  between  the  Indians  themselves,  but 
between  their  nations  collectively  and  the  whites.  It  was 
a  convention  of  much  harmony  toward  the  close,  and  after 
nineteen   days  sittings,   every   difficulty  being   adjusted, 

they  separated  with  great  cordiality  and  good  will. 

j 

1  Manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 
'Chapman. 


■      ■ 

CHAPTEE  V. 

1759. 

chap.  On  the  last  day  of  January,  a  new  assembly  met. 
w^^/  Although  the  term  of  the  one  elected  in  1752,  would  not 
1769.  expire  until  February  of  this  year, 1  yet  the  lieutenant 
governor  had  chosen  on  the  sixteenth  of  December  last  to 
dissolve  it,  "  not,"  as  he  said,"  for  any  distrust  of  their  pro- 
ceedings, but  as  his  majesty's  commands  for  the  operations 
of  the  ensuing  year  against  the  enemy  had  not  come  over, 
and  probably  would  not  arrive  till  near  the  time  when  the 
assembly  must  expire  by  the  limitation  of  the  septennial 
act;  if  the  assembly  should  not  during  their  continuance 
go  through  the  business  then  to  be  recommended  to  them, 
the  public  service  would  be  delayed  and  perhaps  disap- 
proved." 

Upon  the  return  of  the  members  to  the  new  assembly,  it 
was  at  once  evident  that  the  power  of  the  De  Lancey  faction, 
so  long  dominant  in  the  house,  was  at  an  end.  The  real 
motive  of  Mr.  De  Lancey' s  controversy  with  Clinton,  was 
now  apparent ;  while  the  course  that  he  had  pursued  in 
relation  to  the  college  charter,  and  the  consequent  preem- 
inence given  to  one  denomination  in  the  minority,  had 
alienated  many  of  his  warmest  friends.2  It  is  not  sur- 
prising, therefore,  that  the  various  expedients  which  had 
been  adopted  to  procure  the  return  of  the  old  members — 
among  which  had  been  the  passing,  at  the  close  of  the 
last  session,  a  five  pound  act  for  the  benefit  of  the  trading 
factors — should  have  proved  unavailing.  Fifteen  new 
members  were  elected  to  the  house,  who,  being  the  lead- 

1  By  a  law,  the  same   assembly  could  not  continue   sitting  longer  than 
seven  years. 

2  Smith. 


LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  87 

CHAP. 

ers  of  the  sectaries,  were  of  course  opposed  to  the  lieuten- s-^-' 
ant  governor ;  while  at  the  same  time,  "  their  abilities  only  175*8. 
increased  the  difficulties  of  managing  their  humors,  and 
the  more  so  as  by  their  opulence  they  were  indifferent  to 
the  smiles  or  frowns  of  a  party  they  meant  to  check  and 
subvert."1  Philip  Livingston,  a  popular  alderman,  was 
elected  to  represent  the  city.  William  Livingston,  who 
had  exerted  himself  so  strenuously  in  opposing  the  sec- 
tarian college  charter,  was  returned  from  his  brother's 
manor,  and  three  others  of  the  same  name  were  sent  by 
different  districts.2  "From  this  time,"  says  Smith,"  "  we 
shall  distinguish  the  opposition  under  the  name  of  the 
Livingston  party,  though  it  did  not  always  proceed  from 
motives  approved  of  by  that  family." 

The  spirit  of  faction,  however,  in  the  present  assembly 
was  not  rife ;  and  although  the  influence  of  Mr.  De  Lan- 
cey  was  still  powerful  in  the  council,  yet  both  branches  of 
the  legislature  felt  that  the  exigencies  of  the  times  were 
too  great  for  them  to  waste  their  energies  in  party  wrang- 
ling. They  fully  realized  the  fact  that  their  very  existence 
was  at  stake ;  and  they  now  cheerfully  cooperated  with 
the  parent  government  in  repelling  the  common  enemy. 
The  wheels  of  government  therefore  rolled  smoothly  with- 
out any  of  that  jarring  which  had  been  so  characteristic 
of  former  assemblies.  The  answer  of  both  branches  to  the 
opening  speech  of  the  executive,  congratulating  them  on 
the  reduction  of  Fort  Du  Quesiie,  was  full  of  warm,  and 
without  doubt,  sincere  professions  of  zeal  for  the  welfare 
of  the  crown  and  their  country :  and  to  the  request  of  the 
minister,  the  latter  part  of  February,  for  twenty  thousand 
troops  from  New  York  and  New  England,  they  responded 
heartily.  It  was  at  once  resolved  to  raise  and  equip  two 
thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty  men  as  their  proportion ; 
while  to  stimulate  enlistments,  a  bounty  of  fifteen  pounds 
was  offered  to  each  recruit,  with  an  additional  sum  of  twenty 
—  1 

1  Smith. 

» Sedgwick's  £t/e  of  Livingston. 


1758. 


88  LIFE    OF    SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

CH£P-  shillings  to  the  recruiting  officer*  These  expenses  were  to 
be  defrayed  by  the  emission  of  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  in  bills  of  credit,  to  be  sunk  in  nine  years  by  a 
tax,  beginning  with  twelve  thousand  pounds  for  the  present 
year.  Several  other  acts  of  a  praiseworthy  character  were 
passed ;  and  after  a  most  satisfactory  and  harmonious  ses- 
sion, the  house  adjourned,  on  the  seventh  of  March,  in  order 
that  the  members  might  hasten  to  their  different  counties 
to  urge  forward  the  enlistments* 1 

Although  the  fall  of  Fort  Du  Quesne  placed  the  result 
of  the  war  beyond  doubt,  yet  Niagara,  Ticonderoga,  and 
Crown  Point,  were  still  in  possession  of  the  French,  and 
until  those  posts  had  been  relinquished  by  the  latter,  there 
could  be  no  security  for  the  frontiers.  The  experience, 
moreover,  of  past  years,  showed  conclusively  that  until 
Canada  had  been  brought  under  the  dominion  of  the 
British  Crown,  no  peace  could  ever  be  established  on  a 
permanent  basis  between  the  two  great  powers.  It  was 
therefore  determined  by  the  minister,  that  while  the  early 
summer  should  witness  the  reduction  of  Niagara  and  the 
forts  upon  Lake  Champlain,  General  Wolfe,  by  a  bold  push, 
should  make  himself  master  of  Quebec.  The  military 
operations  of  this  year  were  entrusted  to  Sir  Jeffrey 
Amherst,  who,  late  in  the  fall  of  1758,  had  been  appointed 
commander-in-chief  of  his  majesty's  forces  in  America,  in 
place  of  Abercrombie  who  had  been  recalled.  The  quali- 
ties which  Amherst  possessed  peculiarly  fitted  him  for  the 
command  in  America.  To  sound  judgment,  he  united 
determined  energy ;  and  while  the  operations  of  his  mind 
were  slow,  they  were  reliable.  Methodical,  and  perhaps 
at  times,  plodding,  yet  when  necessity  arose  for  decisive 
action,  he  was  not  found  wanting. 2  Upon  hearing  of  the 
disgraceful  repulse  of  Abercrombie  while  at  Louisburg  the 

1  Smith.     Journals  of  the  assembly. 

2  In  the  copy  of  Knox's  Journal,  there  is  in  the  first  volume,  an  engraving 
giving  a  three-quarters  view  of  General  Amherst's  face — the  face  of  a  bold, 
prompt  and  determined  man.     The  head,  squarely -built,  and  covered  with 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  89 

preceding  summer,  he  had  without  orders,  immediately  mjj* 
sailed  for  Boston,  and  with  four  regiments  had  marched  w— ' 
thence  to  the  head  of  Lake  George  to  reinforce  that  gen- 
eral. Amherst  was  not  brilliant,  but  the  colonists  had 
become  tired  of  brilliant  men  who  were  continually  devising 
fine  plans,  which  they  never  accomplished  ;  and  although 
he  had  been  among  them  but  a  short  time,  yet  so  great  was 
their  confidence  in  him,  that  the  assembly,  at  his  request, 
and  upon  his  promise  that  it  should  be  repaid  in  the  course 
of  a  year,  loaned  the  crown,  in  July,  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  pounds,  in  addition  to  the  sums  already 
voted,  for  the  further  expenses  of  the  campaign.  The 
"New  England  colonies  were  also  prompt  in  their  measures ; 
so  that  when  Amherst  removed  his  head  quarters  from 
New  York  to  Albany  near  the  end  of  May,  he  found  at 
that  city,  twelve  thousand  Provincials,  chiefly  from  New 
York  and  New  England,  ready  and  willing  to  take  the  field. 

Meanwhile,  Sir  William  Johnson  was  using  all  his 
influence  to  secure  for  the  summer's  campaign  a  full  com- 
plement of  Indian  braves.  On  the  eighteenth  of  January, 
he  held  a  conference  at  Canajoharie  castle  with  the  Mohawk 
and  Seneca  chiefs,  and  after  condoling  with  them  for  their 
losses  by  sickness  with  three  strings  of  wampum,  and  for 
their  losses  by  the  war  with  a  like  number  of  strings,  he 
addressed  them  as  follows : 

"Brethren  of  the  two  Mohawk  castles  and  Senecas:  I  take 
the  first  opportunity  of  acquainting  you,  that  his  majesty 
has  been  pleased  to  appoint  Lieutenant  General  Amherst 
commander-in-chief  of  all  his  forces  in  North  America,  in 
the  room  of   Lieutenant  General  Abercrombie,   who   is 

short,  crisp  hair — hair  which  could  not  very  easily  have  been  powdered  into 
submission — is  firmly  set  on  a  rather  large  neck.  The  eyes,  keen,  and  on 
the  alert,  look  straight  ahead.  The  nose  is  Grecian,  prominent  and  almost 
on  a  line  with  the  broad,  slightly  retreating,  not  very  high  forehead.  The 
mouth  is  firm,  but  pleasant ;  the  lower  jaw  rather  heavy,  the  chin  being 
well  marked — what  would  now-a-days  be  called  a  "fighting  chin."  It  is 
altogether  the  face  of  a  man,  kind  in  civil  life,  but  in  action,  watchful^ 
stem,  persevering  and  brave. 


90  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  called  home :  also  that  the  general  has,  by  letter,  desired 
v—^  I  would  use  my  utmost  endeavors  to  get  as  great  a  number 
1758.  0f  0U1,  brethren,  the  Six  Nations,  to  join  him  early  next 
spring  against  our  common  enemy,  as  I  possibly  can. 
This  I  shall  endeavor  to  do,  and  would  be  glad  of  your 
advice  and  assistance  therein,  which  by  this  belt  of  wampum 
I  desire  you,  as  our  steady  friends,  will  afford  me. 

A  Belt. 
"Brethren:  As  you  are  all  acquainted  with  the  late 
cruel  and  unprecedented  murder  of  John  M'Michael, !  one 
of  our  people,  by  a  Cayouga 2  Indian  near  Fort  Stanwix, 
whom  he  employed  to  escort  him  to  Fort  Herkimer,  I  shall 
not  repeat  the  disagreeable  circumstances  to  you,  as  I  am 
sensible  it  affects  you  as  well  as  me.  I  would  now  only 
ask  your  opinion  what  are  the  proper  steps  to  be  taken  in 
the  affair,  as  it  will  always  have  great  weight  with  me. 

Three  Strings. 
"  Brethren :  I  lately  received  these  strings  of  wampum 
from  the  Oneidas  by  Captain  Fonda,  by  which  they  say  I 
am  invited  to  a  meeting  proposed  to  be  held  soon  at  Onon- 
daga, where  you  are  also  desired  to  attend.  I  am  ready 
and  willing  to  go  if  you  think  it  will  be  for  the  good  of 
the  service.  At  the  same  time  I  must  observe  to  you,  that 
I  think  it  an  unprecedented  manner  of  inviting  either  you 
or  me,  without  some  of  the  Onondagas  coming  down  with 
it  as  usual.  I  nevertheless  submit  it  to  your  judgment, 
as  being  better  acquainted  with  their  forms,  and  expect 
you  will  give  it  me,  as  well  as  your  opinion  of  the  proper 
steps  for  me  to  take,  in  order  to  get  those  of  our  prisoners 
who  may  be  among  the  nations." 

Three  Strings. 
"  January  19.  The  sachems,  being  met  at  their  council 
room,  sent  to  acquaint  Sir  William  that  they  were  ready 
to  answer  what  he,  the  day  before,  had  laid  before  them. 

1  Mr.  Mc  Michael's  family  are  yet  among  the  most  respectable  residents 
of  Schenectady.  One  of  his  great  grandchildren  is  now,  1864,  the  proprie- 
tor of  the  American  Hotel  at  Saratoga  Springs,  N.  Y. 

2  Always  spelled  thus  by  Sir  Win.  Johnson. 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  91 

On  which  he,  with  the  same  gentlemen  who  attended  him  chap. 
yesterday,  went  to  the  meeting,  when  Aroshyadecka  alias  s-^— * 
old  Brant,  chief  of  the  Canajoharies,  spoke  as  follows :       1758- 

"  Brother  Waraghiyaghey :  We  are  much  obliged  to  you 
for  giving  us  so  timely  notice  of  the  general's  desire  and 
intentions,  and  we  hope  and  wish  that  he  may  be  ready  to 
take  the  field  very  early,  which  in  my  opinion  is  what 
should  always  be  done.  You  may  depend  upon  our  attach- 
ment and  assistance ;  being  determined,  as  we  declared  to 
you  at  the  beginning  of  this  war,  to  stand  or  fall  with  you. 
And  as  you  desired  our  opinion  with  regard  to  the  Six 
Nations,  we  have  considered  of  it,  and  think  it  best  that 
you  call  their  sachems,  chief  warriors  and  leading  women, 
down  to  your  house  as  soon  as  may  be,  where  we  shall  be 
ready  to  attend  and  assist  you  all  in  our  power. 

Returned  the  Belt 

"  Brethren :  The  late  murder  of  one  of  our  brethren, 
near  the  carrying  place,  by  one  of  the  upper  nations  in  the 
French  interest,  gives  us  great  concern,  and  we  think  he 
ought  to  be  severely  punished  for  it.  But  as  we  hope  the  Six 
Nations  may  now  act  a  better  part  than  they  have  hitherto, 
we  would  advise  you  not  to  say  anything  about  it  until 
they  come  to  the  meeting  at  your  house,  and  there  we 
think  the  milder  you  speak  to  them  the  better,  at  this 
time.     And  this  is  our  opinion. 

Returned  three,  Strings. 

"  Brother :  As  for  the  strings  of  wampum  lately  sent  by 
the  Oneidas  to  invite  you  and  us  to  a  meeting  at  Onondaga, 
we  think  with  you  that  it  was  not  according  to  our  ancient 
and  usual  custom,  nor  was  it  even  a  proper  invitation.  We 
are  of  opinion  that  your  inviting  them  all  down  here  is 
much  better  and  more  in  character.  Wherefore,  we  would 
be  very  glad  if  you  would  give  them  an  invitation,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  send  some  strings  of  wampum,  desiring 
they  would  bring  what  prisoners  of  our  brethren  may  be 
among  them. 

Three  Strings  of  Wampum. 


92  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART 


'"  Brother ;  We  return  you  our  hearty  thanks  for  the  con- 

v— ^w  fidence  you  repose  in  us,  and  be  assured  we  shall  ever  study 

1758-  to  act  so  as  to  continue  your  good  opinion  of  us.     We  are 

also  thankful  for  the  good  news  you  yesterday  told  us, 

and  we  heartily  congratulate  you  thereon,  and  hope  farther 

success  may  attend  the  king's  arms." 

The  course,  suggested  by  the  chiefs,  was  adopted  by  Sir 
William;  and  messengers,  with  the  usual  significant  belts, 
were  forthwith  dispatched  to  the  Cayugas  and  Onondagas. 
It  was  attended  by  the  best  results,  as  appears  from  subse- 
quent entries  in  the  Diary,  Mr.  M'Michael  who  had  been 
murdered  by  the  recreant  Cayuga,  was  a  trader  of  note, 
and  the  peculiar  atrocity  of  his  murder  had  created  a  deep 
feeling  of  indignation,  for  which,  the  circumstances  and 
duplicity,  stated  in  the  official  report  from  the  commanding 
officer  at  Fort  Stanwix  to  Sir  William,  were  a  full  warrant. 
The  Cayugas  lost  no  time  in  manifesting  their  sorrow  and 
detestation  of  the  crime,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  following 
extract  from  the  Baronet's  journal  : 

"  Fort  Johnson,  Feb  5th.  Skanarady,  Teughsaragarat,  and 
Ottanannio,  three  chiefs  of  the  Cayuga  nation,  arrived  here 
with  several  more,  and  after  being  introduced  by  Clement, 
the  interpreter,  began  and  said: 

"  Brother  Waraghiyaghey  :  The  unhappy  murder  of  one 
of  our  brethren  near  the  Oneida  carrying  place,  is  the 
occasion  of  our  coming  down  at  this  severe  season  of  the 
year.  Our  nation  would  not  be  at  rest,  nor  easy,  until  they 
had  spoke  to  you  about  it.  We  now,  in  their  behalf,  wipe 
away  the  tears  from  your  eyes,  so  that  yon  may  look 
pleasant  at  us.  We  likewise  remove  all  obstructions,  and 
clear  your  throat,  so  that  you  may  speak  clear  and  friendly 
to  us.  Lastly,  we  wipe  away  the  blood  of  our  brother, 
lately  killed  near  the  carrying  place,  that  the  sight  of  it 
may  no  longer  give  us  concern.  Three  Strings. 

"  Sir  William  told  them  that  he  would  be  ready  the  next 
morning  to  hear  what  they  had  farther  to  say,  and  would 
desire  his  neighbors,  the  Mohawks,  to  attend. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  93 

"  Wednesday,  Feb.  6th.  About  twenty  Mohawks  arrived,  chap. 
The  Cayugas  being  acquainted  that  Sir  William  was  ready,  v_^_, 
with  the  Mohawks  and  two  Onondagas  to  hear  them,  they 1759- 
entered  the  council,  and  Skanarady  spoke  as  follows  : 

u  Brother  Warraghiyaghey :  On  our  arrival  yesterday  we 
wiped  the  tears  from  your  eyes,  and  we  now,  agreeable  to 
the  custom  of  our  forefathers,  take  the  French  hatchet, 
(which  they  gave  to  one  of  our  foolish,  deluded  young 
men,  giving  him  great  rewards,  and  making  him  large 
promises  if  he  would  use  it  against  our  brethren,  the  Eng- 
lish,) out  of  your  head,  and  bury  it  in  a  deep  pool,  where 
it  can  never  be  found ;  also  with  this  belt  of  wampum  we 
assure  you  that  it  gives  our  nation  as  much  concern  as  it 
gives  you,  and  promise  the  greatest  care  shall  be  taken  to 
prevent  the  like  happening  for  the  future. 

A  Black  and  White  Belt. 

"  Brother :  With  this  belt  we  cover  his  grave,  that  the 
sight  of  it  may  no  longer  give  you  or  us  concern. 

A  White  Belt 

"  Brother :  With  these  strings  we  raise  up  your  head, 
now  hanging  down  with  concern  for  the  loss  of  one  of  our 
brethren,  and  beg  you  will  no  longer  keep  sorrow  in  your 
mind. 

Three  Strings  of  Wampum. 

" Brother:  Lastly,  we  most  earnestly  entreat  that  you 
will  not  for  what  has  happened,  neglect  the  management 
of  our  affairs,  as  your  neglect  of  them  at  any,  but  more 
particularly  at  this  time,  must  render  us  unhappy,  and 
throw  the  Confederacy  into  confusion." 

A  Belt  of  Black  and  White. 

On  the  eleventh  of  February,  Sir  William  proceeded  to 
Canajoharie,  at  which  place  he  had  invited  a  meeting  of 
the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Mohawks.  The  occasion 
and  the  proceedings  will  be  understood  from  the  annexed 
extract : 

"  Monday,  Feb.  12—S  at  night. 

Being  all  assembled,   Sir  William  told  them  that  the 


94  LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  reason  of  his  coming  to  their  castle  was  to  get  a  number 
w-of  their  briskest  men  to  join  Captain  Lottridge,  and  some 
•  of  the  Mohawks  and  Schoharies,  on  a  scout  to  Tienderago 
or  Crown  Point,  in  order  to  see  what  the  enemy  were 
about,  and  get  him  a  prisoner  from  whom  he  might  be 
able  to  get  better  intelligence  than  the  general  daily  receives, 
and  which  would  enable  the  general  to  take  proper 
measures  for  the  defence  of  the  country  until  the  opening 
of  the  campaign,— and  that  they  would  be  ready  in  two 
days  to  set  off  for  his  house,  where  they  would  be  supplied 
with  everything  necessary  for  such  service." 

A  painted  War-Belt  thrown  between  them. 
-N"o  sooner  was  the  belt  cast  among  them,  than  Douglass, 
a  chief  of  the  Bear  tribe,  arose,  took  the  belt  in  his  hand,' 
and  sang  his  war  song,  and  was  followed  by  several  more 
of  each  tribe.  Then  Aroghigadecka,  the  chief  sachem  of 
the  castle,  stood  up  and  said  : 

"  Brother  Warraghiyaghey :  We  the  sachems  and  warriors 
of  the  Canajoharie  castle  immediately  quit  our  hunting  on 
your  call,  and  made  all  the  haste  possible  to  meet  you  here, 
where  we  are  all  heartily  glad  to  see  you :  and  in  answer  to* 
your  desire,  without  any  hesitation,  I  am  desired  by  the 
young  men  present  to  tell  you  that  they  will  be  ready  to 
go  with  Captain  Lottridge  and  the  Mohawks,  on  the  service 
you  require,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  you  will,  m 
their  absence,  take  care  of  their  families,  who  are  extremely 
poor  and  in  great  want  of  provisions."1 

Here  returned  the  War  Belt 
"Sir  William  thanked  them  for  the  readiness  they 
showed  on  the  occasion,  and  told  them  he  would  give  their 
families  some  provisions  in  their  absence,  or  money  to 
purchase  it,  so  that  they  should  not  suffer.  He  then  gave 
them  an  entertainment,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  and 
parted.  He  left  that  castle  Tuesday  morning,  and  arrived 
at  Fort  Johnson  that  night." 

The  successes  of  the  campaign  of  1758  had  produced, 
as  the  Baronet  had  foreseen,  a  wonderful  change  in  their 


LIFE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  95 

temper ;  and  this  fact  added  to  their  sources  of  discontent  C^AP- 
against  the  Frencji,  as  narrated  in  the  last  chapter,  caused  *->-* 
all  the  Six  cantons  to  respond  with  alacrity  to  Sir  William's 
invitation  to  meet  him  at  Canajoharie  in  April,  preparatory 
to  their  going  with  him  upon  the  war  path.  Their  minds 
were  the  more  open  to  the  persuasions  of  the  superintend- 
ent, from  the  fact  that  at  the  late  treaty  at  Easton,  the  Pro- 
prietaries had  relinquished  all  claim  to  those  lands  on  the 
Ohio,  the  sale  of  which  at  Albany  in  1754,  had  produced 
among  them  so  much  discontent.  The  surrender  of  these 
lands,  which  had  been  effected  solely  by  his  influence  and 
representations,  gave  him  a  still  stronger  hold  upon  their 
affections,  of  which  at  the  council  in  April  he  did  not  fail 
to  avail  himself.  "  I  hope,"  said  he  to  their  speaker,  "  that 
this  surrender  will  convince  you  and  all  other  Indians  how 
ready  your  brethren  the  English  are  to  remove  from  your 
hearts  all  jealousies  and  uneasiness  of  their  desiring  to 
encroach  upon  your  hunting  lands,  and  be  a  convincing 
proof  to  you  how  false  the  accusations  of  the  French  are 
that  we  are  at  war  with  them,  in  order  to  get  your  country 
from  you ;  for  you  see  while  the  French  keep  their  forts  in 
the  midst  of  your  country  and  fight  us  in  order  to  secure 
the  possession  of  them,  we  give  up  these  lands  which  you 
had  sold  us;  Brethren,"  continued  he,  "I now  deliver  up 
this  said  instrument  of  release  and  surrender  to  you."  Sir 
William  then  informed  them  of  the  recall  of  Abercrombie, 
and  the  desire  of  his  successor  for  as  many  Indian  allies 
as  would  willingly  join  in  assisting  his  majesty's  arms,  and 
added :  "  and  now  all  that  remains  for  me  to  do  at  present 
is  to  offer  you  General  Amherst's  hatchet,  which  I  now 
do,  and  make  no  doubt  you  will  cheerfully  accept  and 
make  a  proper  use  of  it,  as  that  will  procure  you  a  share 
in  all  the  honors  of  this  campaign,  and  in  all  the  advan- 
tages which  we  have  abundant  reason  with  the  blessing  of 
God  to  expect  from  the  issue  of  it." 

The  result  was,  that  Sir  William  joined  General  Prideaux 


96  $M   OP   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap  at  Oswego,  with  seven  hundred  braves.1  Many  of  the 
cj»  Swegatchie  Iroquois  also,  perceiving  with  native  sagacity 
1769-  that  the  star  of  Trance  in  the  western  hemisphere  was  on 
the  wane,  hastened  to  make  their  peace  with  the. English, 
by  joining  their  kindred  hi  the  Earonet's  little  army ;  so 
that  upon  the  latter' s  arrival  at  Niagara,  he  had  a  force  of 
nine  hundred  and  forty-three  Indian  warriors.3 

The  importance  of  securing  Niagara  for  both  a  trading 
and  a  military  post,  had  been,  early  in  this  year,  urged  upon 
the  lords  of  trade  and  General  Amherst  by  Sir  William 
Johnson,  with  whom  the  latter  was  now  on  terms  of  warm 
friendship.  Commanding  the  portage  between  Lake 
Ontario  and  Lake  Erie,  it  was  enabled  to  secure  a  monopoly 
of  the  fur  trade  with  the  western  Indians ;  and  on  this 
account  it  had  been  an  eye  sore  to  the  English  for  many 
years. 

On  the  hrst  of  July,  General  Prideaux,  leaving  Colonel 
Haldimand  with  a  battalion  of  Provincials  to  keep  watch 
at  Oswego,  sailed  for  Port  Niagara  with  twenty-two  hun- 
dred regulars  and  Provincials,  exclusive  of  his  dusky  allies 
under  the  Baronet,  and  upon  the  seventh  invested  that 
fortress. 3     Hardly  had  Prideaux  sailed,  when  a  detachment 
of  fifteen  hundred  regulars,  Canadians  and  Indians  under 
Lacorne,  hastened  from  La  Galette4  with  the   intention 
of  surprising  and  cutting  off  the  forces  left  with  Haldimand. 
They  were,  however,  foiled  in  their  design,  for  the  colonel, 
having  thrown  up  a  breastwork,  defended  himself  so  va- 
liantly, that  the  enemy  after  a  severe  action  of  three  hours, 
retreated  into  the  woods.     The  next  day,  which  was  the 
sixth,  the  French  renewed  the  attack,  but  were  repulsed 


1  Manuscript  letter:  Johnson  to  Sir  William  Baker,  28th  Sep.,  1759. 

2  Manusciipt  letter:  Johnson  to  Secretary  Pitt,  24th  Oct.,  1760. 

3  Called  also  by  the  French  Isle  Royal— now  Chimney  Island. 

*  "Manuscript  orderly  book  of  the  2d  New  York  regiment  of  Provincials, 
during  the  march  of  the  army  and  seige  of  Fort  Niagara  in  1759,  under 
Generals  Prideaux  and  Sir  Wm.  Johnson."  Preserved  by  John  McKenzie 
of  the  44th  Royal  Scots,  late  of  Albany,  N.  Y. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  97 

and   driven  to  their  boats,  with  a  loss  of  six  killed  and  chap. 
several  wounded.  ^-v— ^ 

On  the  nineteenth  of  July,  General  Prideaux  having1759' 
been  killed  by  the  bursting  of  a  shell  carelessly  discharged 
from  a  cohorn  by  one  of  his  own  gunners,  the  Baronet  suc- 
ceeded to  the  command.  The  latter  had  carefully  studied 
the  plans  of  the  late  general,  and  now  executed  them  with 
precision  and  skill.  The  siege  was  therefore  pressed  with 
even  more  energy  than  by  Prideaux,  and  approaches  were 
made  and  new  batteries  opened  each  day  nearer  the  fort. 
On  the  twenty-second,  under  the  well  directed  tire  of  the 
artillery,  a  large  breach  was  made  in  the  walls  and  the 
battery  and  parapet  of  the  flag  bastion  completely  demo- 
lished. Meanwhile  the  cannonading  on  both  sides  was 
continued  without  cessation,  though  with  more  vigor  on 
the  part  of  the  beseigers.  Showers  of  hot  shot  and  shell 
rained  upon  the  fort  day  and  night,  while  the  continued 
pouring  of  grape  and  musketry  into  the  breach  is  described 
by  one  of  the  garrison  as  terrific.  In  the  meantime, 
D'Aubry,  trembling  for  the  fate  of  this  important  post, 
gathered  from  the  forts  at  Detroit,  Venango,  La  Boeuf 
and  Presque  Isle,  an  army  of  twelve  hundred  men,  and 
with  these  and  a  large  force  of  Indian  auxiliaries,  hastened 
to  raise  the  seige.  Sir  William,  however,  apprised  of  his 
approach  by  Indian  scouts,  was  on  the  alert,  and  on  the 
twenty-fourth  of  July,  leaving  a  large  force  in  the  trenches 
to  prevent  the  garrison  from  cooperating  with  D'Aubfey, 
marched  out  with  his  army  to  meet  the  enemy.  His  light 
infantry,  supported  by  the  grenadiers,  were  detailed  to 
occupy  the  road  from  the  falls  to  the  fort,  along  which 
the  French  were  advancing,  while  his  Indians  were 
judiciously  posted  on  his  flanks.  On  the  first  appearance 
of  the  enemy,  the  Mohawks  proposed  a  talk  with  the 
French  Indians,  hoping  to  induce  them  to  either  take  part 
with  them  or  remain  neutral.  No  attention  being  paid  to 
their  solicitations,  the  Indians  on  each  side  simultaneously 
raised  the  war  whoop,  and  both  armies  joined  in  fierce 

13 


98  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

CH£P-  combat.  While  the  British  regulars  charged  the  enemy  in 
TJgzi  front  with  the  bayonet,  the  Confederates  delivered  a  gall- 
ing fire  upon  their  flanks,  which  threw  them  into  con- 
fusion. ISTo  sooner  was  this  perceived  by  the  English, 
than  they  charged  with  such  irresistible  fury,  that  the 
French  gave  way  and  fled  in  wild  confusion,  many  of  them 
falling  at  every  step,  cut  down  by  the  pursuing  foe.  In 
this  action  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  French  were  killed, 
and  ninety-six  privates  and  seventeen  officers  taken  pri- 
soners, among  whom  were  D' Aubrey  himself,  and  the 
famous  French  partizan  Marin. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  Sir  William  sent  Major 
Harvey  to  the  commander  of  the  fort,  with  an  account  of 
D 'Aubrey's  defeat,  advising  him  at  the  same  time  to  sur- 
render "  lest  by  forcing  him  to  extremities,  he  should  not 
have  it  in  his  power  to  restrain  his  Indians,  who  would  by 
an  obstinate,  fruitless  resistance,  become  too  much  enraged 
to  be  withheld. ' ' \  Captain  Pouchet  yielded  to  this  advice ; 
and  at  seven  o'clock  the  next  morning,  the  garrison,  con- 
sisting of  six  hundred  and  seven  men  and  eleven  officers, 
surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  The  male  pri- 
soners were  escorted  by  a  detachment  of  three  hundred  of 
the  forty-fourth  regiment  to  Oswego,  whence  they  were 
sent  to  England  by  way  of  £Tew  York ;  while  the  women 
and  children  were  at  their  own  request  allowed  to  go  to 
Montreal."2 

Thus  had  the  Baronet  a  second  time  during  this  war, 
won  laurels  upon  the  field  of  Mars.  Without  any  military 
training,  he  had  achieved  his  successes   solely  by  native 

courage  and  sagacity.3    Both  moreover,  wrere  victories  in 

1 — | j 1 

l"  Sir  William  Johnson  merits  the  highest  applause  from  his  king  and 
country ;  and  his  inclination  to  put  a  stop  to  the  farther  effusion  of  human 
blood  was  truly  laudable." — Knox's  Journal. 

2  Sir  William  Johnson's  private  manuscript  diary  kept  during  the  seige  of 
Niagara.  Knox's  Historical  Journal.  M.  Pouchet's  Journal.  Orderly  Book 
of  the  2d  Regiment.     Smollett. 

3  "  The  war  in  general  was  distinguished  by  the  singular  success  of  Sir 
William  Johnson,  and  the  celebrated  Lord  Clive,  two  self-taught  generals, 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  99 

which  the  escutcheon  of  his  fame  remains  untarnished  by  chap. 
any  cruelties  on  the  part  of  his  savage  allies.     The  latter,  v_J— / 
although  feeling  keenly  the  loss  of  several  of  their  hraves, 1759- 
neither  by  word,  nor  look,  nor  deed,  offered  the  least  insult 
to  the   captured  garrison ;  nor  was  any  of  their  private 
property  taken ;  and  only  such  plunder  carried  off  by  the ' 
Indians,  as  was  allowed  to  them  by  the  Baronet  as  legit- 
imate spoils.     When  it  is  remembered  that  Sir  William 
had  with  him  nearly  one  thousand  Indians,  many  of  whom 
having  been  until  lately  hostile,  were  consequently  not  so 
much  under  his  influence,  this  fact  furnishes  perhaps  the 
strongest  proof  of  his   wonderful  hold  upon  the  respect 
and  affections  of  the  red  men.     For  a  long  time  after  this 
victory,  the  Baronet's  name  was  the  toast  in  New  York 
and  in  England.     His  praise  was  upon  all  lips.     "  This 
will  gain  him  fresh  laurels,"  wrote  Charles  Clinton  to  his 
son,"  and  will  place  him  high  in  the  esteem  of  his  sov- 
ereign and  of  every  true  subject." ! 

By  the  fall  of  Niagara,  was  broken  the  last  remaining 
link  in. that  chain  of  fortresses  which  had  served  to  unite 
Canada  with  Louisiana,  and  a  fatal  blow  given  to  that 
cherished  project,  for  the  attainment  of  which,  France  had 
labored  for  many  years.  All  communication  with  Canada 
being  thus  cut  off,  and  nearly  all  their  officers  having  been 
taken  prisoners  in  the  action  of  the  twenty-fourth,  the 
forts  at  Venango,  Presque  Isle  and  La  Boeuf  were  imme- 
diately blown  up  and  deserted — their  garrisons  retiring  to 
Detroit,  so  that  General  Stanwix,  who  had  been  placed 
over  the  western  department,  took  possession  of  them 
without  opposition. 

The  Baronet  tarried  several  days  at  Niagara  after  the 
siege,  repairing  the  works,  and  ministering  to  those  prison- 

who,  by  a  series  of  shining  actions,  have  demonstrated  that  uninstructed 
genius  can,  by  its  own  internal  light  and  efficacy,  rival  if  not  eclipse,  the 
acquired  advantages  of  discipline  and  experience." — Smollett. 

i  "  The  gentlemen  in  New  York  talk  of  presenting  you  with  a  medal  in 
gold  worth  £500." — Manuscript  letter:   Corey  to  Johnson,  2§d  Aug.>  1769. 


chap,  ers  who  had  been  obliged  through  sickness  to  remain.     At 

*— v — •  length  having  performed  the  obesqnies  of  the  unfortunate 

*  Prideaux,1  he  left  Colonel  Farquahar  in  charge  of  Magara 

with  seven  hundred  men,  and  embarked   for  Oswego  the 

fifth  of  August,   arriving  there   on  the   afternoon  of  the 

seventh.2 

Brigadier  General  Gage,  who  had  been  detached  by 
Amherst  to  take  the  place  of  Prideaux,  arrived  on  the 
sixteenth  of  August  at  Oswego.  The  Baronet  was  in 
favor  of  pushing  on  immediately  and  demolishing  the 
forts  at  La  Galette  and  Oswegatchie,  but  the  general 
would  not  permit  the  movement.  The  vascillating  con- 
duct of  Gage  in  this  matter,  as  well  as  the  sentiments  of 
the  Baronet  upon  the  subject,  and  the  manner  also  in 
which  the  latter  was  engaged  during  the  season,  will  best 
appear  to  the  reader  from  the  following  from  Sir  William's 
private  diary,  kept  by  him  at  this  time  ;3 

"  Osivego,  Thursday,  16  Aug.  1759.  Brigadier  General 
Gage  arrived  here  in  the  afternoon  with  300  drafts  for  the 
three  regiments  here.  I  gave  up  the  command  to  him, 
and  General  Amherst's  instructions  to  the  late  Brigadier 
Prideaux,  also  his  last  letter  to  him,  which  I  received  on 
my  way  from  Niagara.  He  then  showed  me  a  letter  or 
two  he  received  from  General  Amherst  with  orders  to 
proceed  to  this  place,  and  take  the  command  ;  also  to  pro- 
ceed to  Niagara  if  not  yet  taken.  If  taken  and  the  troops 
returned,  then  to  proceed  to  La  Galette  and  take  post 
there,  which,  in  case  General  Wolfe  should  be  defeated, 
would  make  a  frontier,  with  Magara,  Oswego,  and  Crown 
Point.     He  told  me  that  on  reading  General  Amherst's 

i  "  28,  A,ug.  Buried  Brig.  Gen.  Prideaux  in  the  chapel  and  Colonel  John- 
son, with  a,great  deal  of  form.  I  was  chief  mourner." — Sir  William  John- 
son's private  diartj. 

2  For  the  orders  ,g|ven  to  Colonel  Farquhar  for  his  guidance  while  in 
charge  of  Niagar^  by  Johnson,  see  appendix  No.  n. 

8  The  reader  is  referred  to  appendix  No  m  of  this  vol.  for  this  curious 
and  important , diary  which  h&e  , never  before  seen  the  light,  and  which  is 
(fchere  published  in  full. 


LIFE!   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  101 

letter,  he  gave  him  as  his  opinion  that  he  thought  it  im-  CIJAP- 
practicable  to  establish  there  a  post  in  so  short  a  time,  and  v-^-/ 
furnish  it  with  provisions." 

"Friday  17.  Fine  weather.  General  Gage  agreed  to 
the  plan  of  the  fort  proposed  by  Engineer  Lowers,  viz :  a 
pentagon.  Accordingly  they  set  about  it,  and  marked  out 
the  ground.  This  day  I  made  up  an  affair  between  Colo- 
nel Massey  and  Captain  Forbes,  which  otherwise  was  to  be 
tried  by  a  general  court  martial.  The  drafts  were  this 
day  divided  among  the  regiments  here." 

"  Saturday '18.  A  fine  morning.  Colonel  Haldimand 
came  to  my  tent  and  on  our  talking  over  several  matters, 
among  other  things  I  asked  him  whether  the  general  had 
said  anything  to  him  about  advancing  to  Swegatchie.  He 
answered  that  the  general  had  showed  h  im  all  his  instruc- 
tions, but  said  nothing  about  going  to  La  Galette;  on 
which  I  gave  him  my  opinion,  that  our  going  to  La  Galette 
and  destroying  it  was  practicable  and  might  favor  Gen- 
eral Amherst's  designs,  but  to  remain  there  was  impossible 
on  account  of  provisions,  and  being  too  late  to  make  such 
a  respectable  work  there,  as  the  French  would  not  be  able 
to  take.  He  expressed  himself  entirely  against  attempt- 
ing it,  for  the  above  reasons,  and  farther  that  the  enemy 
might  carry  on  an  expedition  against  it  in  the  winter; 
adding  also  that  if  one  of  our  convoys  should  be  cut  off, 
it  would  ruin  the  whole  and  oblige  us  to  abandon  even 
this  post  &c.  General  Gage  expressed  himself  the  same 
way  and  added  farther  that  his  honor  was  as  dear  to  him, 
as  General  Amherst's  would  be  to  him,  and  did  not  under- 
stand running  his  "head  against  a  wall  or  attempting  im- 
possibilities, with  a  great  deal  more  to  that  purpose,  and 
what  I1  thought  not  unreasonable,  after  telling  me  the 
state  of  every  thing,  particularly  the  artillery,  ammunition 
and  provision.  I  told  General  Gage  that  I  thought  our 
going  and  destroying  La  Galette  practicable,  but  not  to 
take  post  there,  for  the  several  reasons  given  to  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel  Haldimand  the  same  day.     The  general  then 


102  LIFE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  said  lie  would  get  a  few  boats  built,  to  carry  each  a  pair  of 

v^^w  large  cannon  in  the  bow,  to  guard  against  the  French  ves- 

1760.  se]Sj   an(j  Would  then  make   a  trial.   I  asked  him   if  he 

would  have  me  send  for,  the  several  nations  of  Indians  to 

come   immediately  and  join   us,   to  which  he  made   no 

answer." 

"Sunday  19.  Lieutenant  Francis  with  his  party  returned 
with  several  whale  boats  from  Irondequat.  Also  came  in 
this  day  some  Onondagoes  who  told  me  they  were  sentto  let 
me  know  that  several  sachems  and  others  were  comino;  to 
Oswego  to  meet  me,  also  two  sachems  of  the  Messissagaes, 
and  would  be  here  in  four  or  five  days ;  that  they  had  a 
great  many  furs  and  skins  to  trade,  and  hoped  there  would 
be  plenty  of  goods  for  that  purpose.  I  represented  to 
General  Gage  the  necessity  of  having  traders  come  up  here 
and  to  Niagara  for  that  end.  He  told  me  to  act  in  that 
as  I  thought  best  for  the  service,  and  to  give  papers  to  such 
as  I  thought  deserved  them." 

"Monday  20.  I  gave  General  Gage  a  rough  draft  of  the 
river  St.  Lawrence  below  La  Galette,  drawn  by  Red  Head. 
Dined  with  General  Gage,  after  which  we  took  a  walk  and 
talked  together  about  going  down  to  La  Galette,  to  which 
he  agreed,  as  soon  as  artillery,  vessels,  &c,  could  be  got 
ready." 

u  Tuesday  September  11th  The  general  desired  me  to  stop 
the  Cayugas  and  others  from  coming  here,  as  he  finds  it 
impracticable  to  move  from  here  on  an  expedition,  but 
to  keep  a  few  Indians  to  scout  about  here  to  prevent  scalp- 
ing. He  told  me  that  he  entirely  gave  up  all  thoughts  of 
proceeding  to  La  Galette,  but  desired  I  would  keep  it  very 
private- 
General  Gage,  however,  was  still  undetermined  as 
appears  by  the  following  extract. 

"  Saturday  15th.  About  11  o'clock  the  general  called  me, 
Colonels  Haldimand,  Massey  and  Graham  to  his  tent,  and 
asked  our  opinions  what  number  of  men  we  thought  suffi- 
cient to  carry  on  the  fort  so  as  to  leave  it  this  campaign  on 


BART.  103 

barbette,  which  he  said  was  as  far  as  the  engineers  expected  chap- 
to  get  it,  and  what  number  of  men  for  the  guards   of  the  w^l* 
camp,  woods,  &c,  and  also  what  number  of  men  we  thought 1759- 
necessary  for  incidental  duty  or  fatigue.     "We  were  of 
opinion  that  1100  men  would  be  sufficient  to  work  at  the 
fort,  200  for  guard  in  our  absence,  100  for  incidental  duty, 
and  an  addition  of  42  men  to  Captain  Schuyler's  company 
of   bateaux  men.     Then  the  general  cast  the  whole  up, 
and  it  appeared  there  were  about  1000  rank  and  file  to  go 
on  the  expedition,  besides  Indians,  the   number   of  whom 
was  unknown,  as  they  were  constantly  coming  in  and  the 
Cayugas  all  expected  the  next  day. 

I  told  the  general  that  our  going  and  destroying  La  Ga- 
lette  would  be  the  means  of  drawing  all  the  Swegatchie 
Indians  away  from  the  French,  and  if  we  did  not  attempt 
it  might  be  the  means  of  rivetting  them  more  firmly  in  it ; 
besides  that  our  destroying  La  Galette  might  make  us 
masters  of  the  French  vessels,  which  then  would  be  cutoff 
from  any  relief— all  he  said  was  that  it  all  depended  on 
General  Wolfe.  After  various  opinions  we  ended  our 
meeting  in  nothing,  no  resolution  having  been  taken.  A 
little  later  the  general  told  me  I  had  better  stop  the  Cayu- 
gas  then  on  their  way,  and  send  those  here  home,  by  tell- 
ing them  the  season  was  too  far  advanced,  and  could  not 
complete  this  post  if  we  went  on  any  expedition." 

"  Sunday  16th.  The  general  called  me,  Colonels  Massey 
and  Graham,  to  his  tent  to  hear  what  intelligence  De 
Quegue  learned  from  the  French  prisoners,  by  which  the 
general  would  have  it  that  the  enemy  was  very  strongly 
entrenched  there,  [La  Galette]  with  numbers  superior  to 
ours.  After  all  he  desired  the  opinion  of  the  gentlemen 
present,  not  as  a  council  of  war,  but  to  enlighten  him,  as 
lie  owned  he  was  at  a  loss  what  steps  to  take.  The  first 
who  spoke  his  opinion  was  Colonel  Massey,  who  thought  it 
would  be  imprudent  to  go  with  any  thing  but  a  flying  light 
body  of  troops,  about  five  hundred,  in  order  to  destroy  La 
Galette.     I  gave  the  general  my  opinion  as  thus— that  I 


*v 


104  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  was  of  opinion  a  body  of  six  hundred  men  might  carry 
~v-^  La  Galette,  and  the  Indians  from  thence,  which  would  be 
1759-  a  thing  of  great  consequence, — that  if  the  enemy  were 
weak  at  Isle  Gallot  they  might  probably,  on  our  destroying 
La  Galette  abandon  it,  if  they  did  not  learn  our  small 
number,  which  should  be  carefully  concealed;  that  the 
vessels  might  also  fall  by  our  proceeding  to  La  Galette. 
If  we  found  the  enemy  too  powerful,  I  thought  we  could 
retreat  with  care  and  good  conduct ;  that  if  we  did  not 
attempt  anything  that  way,  it  might  probably  fix  the  Swe- 
gatchie  Indians  firmly  in  the  French  interest,  and  be  the 
means  of  establishing  a  stronger  post  there  than  ever. 
The  other  two  gentlemen  were  very  reserved,  Haldimand 
in  particular.     We  broke  up  without  any  resolution. 

The  general  followed  me  and  desired  I  would  turn  the 
thing  in  my  mind  seriously  and  let  him  know  my  thoughts 
farther  about  it.  I,  on  this,  spoke  with  Colonel  Massey 
upon  the  subject,  who  said  he  would  gladly  go  in  case  I 
went.  I  told  him  I  was  resolved  to  go  if  allowed,  and 
would  go  directly  and  throw  myself  in  the  general's  way, 
expecting  he  will  ask  me  my  opinion.  I  did  so  several 
times  even  to  his  tent  door,  but  he  avoided  talking  with 
me  on  the  subject." 

"  Moiiday  17.  I  intend  this  day  to  ask  the  general  for  600 
men  to  go  to  La  Galette,  as  the  Indians  here  and  there 
both  are  desirous  of  it.  If  he  will  not  agree  to  it  I 
shall  then  desire  liberty  to  go  home." 

"  Wednesday.  The  Onondagoes  came  to  know  what  re- 
solution the  general  had  come  to,  on  examining  the  prison- 
ers brought  in  by  the  Indians,  agreeably  to  his  promise 
made  them  several  days  ago.  I  told  them  I  would  ac- 
quaint them  this  day  with  the  general's  resolution,  con- 
cerning which  they  wanted  to  know.  I  spoke  with  the 
general  about  it,  who  desired  I  would  acquaint  them  the 
season  of  the  year  was  so  far  advanced,  and  so  much  work 
to  be  done  here  to  finish  the  fort,  that  he  did  not  intend 


LIFE  OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  105 

to   proceed  farther  this  campaign,  and  that  they  might  chap. 
return  to  their  respective  habitations  and  country."  wv— ^ 

"  Wednesday  Oct.  3.  The  general  read  part  of  General 1759- 
Amherst's  letter  to  him  from  Crown  Point,  wherein  he 
expresses  his  concern  at  Mr.  Gage's,  not  taking  post  at  La 
Galette,  which  is  so  advantageous  a  pass,  and  nothing  to 
hinder  it,  as  all  their  force  is  employed  below.  He  then 
says  that  he  expects,  as  he  is  determined  not  to  take  part 
at  La  Galette,  that  he  will  complete  Fort  Stanwix  and 
this  post,  as  well  as  open  a  communication  between  this 
and  the  Mohawk  river ;  that  he  had  written  to  the  several 
governments  to  continue  their  troops  the  month  of  Novem- 
ber, which  he  does  not  doubt  they  will  come  into,  t  and  a 
great  deal  more  concerning  the  garrisons,  provisions  and 
artillery.  Six  hundred  men  to  be  left  here.  He  [Gage  J 
seemed  greatly  concerned  on  the  whole,  and  was  much 
surprised  at  the  general's  manner  of  writing.  In  the  eve- 
ning, he  desired  I  would  take  up  my  quarters  in  one  of 
the  barracks,  and  then  walked  away."1 

Thus  did  General  Gage,  against  the  urgent  advice  of 
Amherst  and  the  Baronet,  wile  away  his  hours  in  idleness ; 
deferring  until  the  next  season  what  might  easily  have 
been  accomplished  in.  this.  Perceiving  at  length  that  it 
was  no  part  of  his  general's  plan  to  push  the  campaign 
farther  this  year,  and  having  concluded  a  peace  with  the 
Ottawas  and  Mississageys,  Sir  "William  resolved  to  return 
to  Mount  Johnson,  from  which  he  had  now  been  absent 
more  than  three  months.  Accordingly  he  set  out  on  his 
return  on  the  fourteenth  of  October,  as  is  seen  by  the  fol- 
lowing extract  from  the  private  diary  just  quoted: 

"  October  13,  Saturday  morning.  I  began  to  pack  up  my 
little  things,  and  prepare  to  set  oft'  to-morrow,  if  God 

1 1  have  dwelt  at  length  upon  this  topic,  because  Sir  William  Johnson 
has  been  so  frequently  accused  by  his  enemies  of  being  deficient  in  energy. 
His  course  at  this  time,  contrasted  with  that  of  Gage,  is  manifest ;  and  these 
extracts  quoted  from  his  private  diary,  and  written  for  no  eye  but  his  own, 
and  therefore  not  written  for  effect,  will  have  full  weight  with  the  candid 
reader. 

14 


m 


LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  pleases.  As  there  is  nothing  to  do  here,  I  waited  on  the 
Osg»  general  for  leave  to  go  home,  which  he  readily  complied 
1759'  with." 

"Sunday  14.  Windy  dry  weather— the  wind  at  K  E.  I 

whs  up  early,  and  ordered  all  hands  to  strike  our  tents  and 

load  the  bateaux.' ' 

Meanwhile,  General  Amherst  with  over  eleven  thousand 
men  appeared  before  Ticonderoga  on  the   twenty-second 
day  of  July.     The  policy  of  the  French,  who  now  saw 
that  all  resistance  was  hopeless,  was   to  make  a  feint   of 
resisting,  and,  falling  back  from  post  to  post,  finally  con- 
centrate all  their  strength  at  Isle  AuxNoir.     Accordingly 
the  garrison   at  Ticonderoga,  four  days  after  they  were 
invested,   blew  up   their  works  and  withdrew   to  Crown 
Point.     Amherst  with  his  habitual  caution,  tarried  several 
days  to  repair  the  walls,  and  on  the  fourth  of  August  em- 
barked on  the  lake  and  took  possession  of  Crown  Point, 
which  the  enemy  had  also  abandoned  at  his  approach.     It 
was  the  intention  of  Amherst,  on  the  reduction  of  Crown 
Point,  to   cooperate   with  General  Wolfe  by  advancing 
upon  Montreal.     But    the    French    were   now  strongly 
entrenched  at  the  foot  of  the  lake,  and  were  moreover  pos- 
sessed of  four  large  vessels  heavily  armed.     Before  there- 
fore the  enemy  could  be  engaged  with  advantage,  a  naval 
force  must  be  created.     This  required  time  ;  and  it  was 
not  until  the  middle   of  October  that  the  vessels  were 
ready.     Hardly,  however,  had  the    English   commander 
embarked  with  his  entire  army,  when  a  succession  of  tem- 
pests and  head  winds  arose  completely  foiling  his  design. 
Captain  Loring,  however,  to  whom  had  been  given  the 
charge  of  the  fleet,  rode  out  the  storm,  and  proceeding 
down  the  lake  destroyed  two  of  the  enemy's  vessels. 

General  Amherst,  although  prevented  by  the  elements 
from  active  operations  during  the  remainder  of  the  year, 
could  not  remain  idle.  Previous  to  his  going  into  win- 
ter  quarters,  he   cut   a  road  through   to  New  England, 

. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  107 

rebuilt  the  fort  at  Ticonderoga,  and  began  the  erection  of  chap. 
an  elaborate  fortification  at  Crown  Point ;  while  under  his  ^^ 
direction,  near  the  ruins  of  Fort  William  Henry,  arose  17^>- 
another  fort,  to  which  was  given  the  name  of  Fort  George. 
While  Amherst  was  thus  fortifying  the  northern  fron- 
tier, Major  Rogers  with  one  hundred  and  forty-two  men 
set  out,  on  the  thirteenth  of  September,  from  Crown 
Point  to  destroy  the  Indian  settlement  of  St.  Francis. 
This  village  was  situated  about  three  miles  from  the  river 
St.  Lawrence,  midway  between  Montreal  and  Quebec ;  and 
for  many  years  had  been  the  hive,  whence  had  issued 
those  swarms  of  scalping  parties,  whose  devastations  upon 
the  New  England  border  had  been  so  frequent  and  terrible. 
After  a  wearisome  march  of  twenty-one  days,  Rogers 
halted  his  men  within  three  miles  of  the  village  to  recon- 
noiter.  Having  entered  the  town  in  disguise  and  made 
his  observations,  the  bold  ranger  returned  to  his  men  and 
disclosed  his  plans.  The  Indians  were  then  holding  a  high 
festival ;  and  it  was  arranged  that  when  sleep  had  closed 
their  eyelids,  the  attack  should  be  made.  Impatiently  the 
rangers  wait  for  the  distant  sounds  of  revelry  to  cease ; 
and  when,  three  hours  after  midnight,  the  village  even  to 
the  watch-dogs  is  wrapped  in  slumber,  with  stealthy  steps 
they  approach.  Halting  within  five  hundred  yards  of  the 
town,  they  lay  aside  their  packs,  unloosen  their  knives  in 
their  sheaths,  and  prepare  for  the  attack.  The  Indians, 
astounded  at  the  time  and  the  suddenness  of  the  onset, 
oifer  no  resistance ;  and  the  sight  of  six  hundred  English 
scalps  dangling  from  their  tent-poles,  is  not  calculated  to 
assuage  the  fury  of  the  assailants.  Before  seven  that 
morning,  the  deed  is  finished ;  and  amid  the  smoulder- 
ing ashes  of  the  town,  lay  the  scalped  and  blackened 
corpses  of  two  hundred  warrors.1  Terribly  had  the  suf- 
fering borderer  been  avenged !     By  the  orders  of  Amherst, 

1  Rogers's  Journal.  It  is  worthy  of  notice,  as  illustrative  of  the  fact  that 
the  Indians  are  fast  losing  their  traditions,  that  the  St.  Francis  tribe 
retain  no  remembrance  or  account  whatever  of  this  expedition  of  Rogers. 


108  LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  the1  women  and  children  were  spared  and  allowed  to 
v_v— i  escape.  Hastily  collecting  from  the  spoils  two  hundred 
1759.  gUineag  jn  money,  and  a  silver  image  weighing  ten  pounds, 
the  rangers  began  their  retreat  up  the  St.  Francis  river, 
with  the  intention  of  making  their  way  to  Fort  Dummond. 
The  retreat,  however,  was  unfortunate.  They  were  pur- 
sued and  lost  seven  of  their  number.  Finally  they  be- 
came separated;  and  although  the  majority  of  the  party 
regained  the  settlements,  yet  several  lost  their  way,  and 
after  wandering  in  the  wilderness  for  several  days,  perished 
with  hunger. 

For  the  capture  of  Quebec,  General  Wolfe  had  eight 
thousand  regulars,  besides  twenty-two  ships  of  the  line, 
and  an  equal  number  of  frigates  and  lightly  armed  vessels. 
With  this  force  he  appeared  off  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  a  few 
miles  below  Quebec,  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  June,  and 
upon  the  following  day  landed  his  army  in  safety.  It  was 
at  this  point,  when  he  saw  the  castle  of  St.  Louis  frowning 
upon  him  from  its  rocky  seat,  that  he  realized  for  the  first 
time  the  vastness  of  the  task  before  him.  For  the  pro- 
tection of  the  city,  Montcalm  had  stationed  several  armed 
vessels  and  floating  batteries  at  the  mouth  of  the  St. 
Charles  river,  which  half  encircling  the  rocky  promon- 
tory upon  which  the  city  is  built,  empties  at  its  base  into 
the  St.  Lawrence.  On  the  eastern  bank  of  the  St.  Charles, 
the  French  army  were  strongly  entrenched — their  encamp- 
ment extending  along  the  north  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
nine  miles  to  the  Montmorency.  Above  Quebec  the  ele- 
vated plateau,  int6  which  the  promontory  expands,  was 
strongly  fortified  on  the  river  side  to  Cape  Rouge,  a  dis- 
tance of  nine  miles.  These  were  the  obstacles  which 
Wolfe  must  overcome — a  place,  too,  strongly  fortified  by 
nature,  and  commanded  by  one  of  the  ablest  generals  of 
the  age.  The  difficulties  of  the  undertaking,  however, 
only  made  Wolfe  more  determined  to  succeed  ;  and  con- 
fident in  being  soon  reinforced   by  Amherst  he  began  the 


LIFE.  OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,,   BARE.  109 

siege  with  vigor.  On  the  thirtieth,  the  English  general  chap 
took  up  a  position  at  Point  Levi,  opposite  the  city,  andwj— • 
having  erected  his  batteries,  opened  the  same  day  a  brisk  175'J- 
fire  upon  the  town.  Although  the  red  hot  shot  from  his 
cannon  soon  set  the  lower  town  in  a  blaze,  yet  it  was  evi- 
dent that  the  citadel,  from  its  high  elevation  being  beyond 
the  range  of  the  artillery,  remained  wholly  uninjured ; 
nor  could  it  be  taken,  unless  from  batteries  erected  on  the 
north  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  Such  being  the  case, 
Wolfe  determined  to  attack  Montcalm  in  his  entrenched 
camp,  and  as  a  preparatory  step  to  this  design,  crossed 
with  the  larger  portion  of  the  army  and  encamped  on  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Montmorency.  The  rapid  and  roar- 
ing river  now  alone  separated  the  two  armies.  The  thirty- 
first  of  July  was  the  day  fixed  upon  for  the  assault.  Gen- 
erals Murray  and  Towns  end  were  directed  to  ford  the 
river  three  miles  above  the  tails,  and  corporate  with 
General  Moncktem,  who,  at  a  given  signal,  was  to  cross 
with  his  regiments  from  Point  Levi,  and  land  at  the  foot 
of  the  cataract  above  the  Montmorency.  The  impetuosity 
of  Monckton's  troops  defeated  the  entire  plan.  Thirteen 
companies  of  the  Grenadiers  and  two  hundred  of  the 
Royal  Americans,  having  rushed  up  the  steep  bank  with- 
out waiting  to  be  properly  supported,  were  repulsed  with 
fearful  loss,  and  driven  for  shelter  to,  a  redoubt  of  the 
enemy,  which  had  been  evacuated  by  the  latter  at  the 
beginning  of  the  attack.  At  this  moment  a  heavy 
thunder  storm  burst  upon  the  combatants ;  and  darkness 
falling  before  the  fury  of  the  elements  had  abated,  Wolfe 
ordered  the  river  to  be  recrossed,  but  not  until  over  four 
hundred  of  his  brave,  but  rash  men,  had  Men. 

August  came,  and  the  capture  of  Quebec  appeared  as 
far  off  as  ever.  Several  attempts  under  General  Murray 
to  destroy  the  French  shipping  had  been  unsuccessful,  and 
affairs  now  wore  a  gloomy  hue.  Weary  and  dejected, 
Wolfe  looked  daily  for  the  arrival  of  Amherst,  by  whom, 
as  he  had  ascertained  from  some  prisoners,  Crown  Point 


HO  LIFE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

CH£P-  was  already  taken.     His  hopes  from  that  quarter  were 
'Jjvj'  vain.     The  messengers,  whom  Amherst  had  sent  to  inform 
*  him  of  his  inability  to  assist,  came  not,  and  thus  weeks 
passed  in   gloomy  uncertainty.     Added  to  this,  the  anxie- 
ties and  perplexities  of  his  situation,  working  upon  the 
frame  of  Wolfe,  already  undermined  by  a  severe  and  pain- 
ful disease,  brought  on  a  violent  fever.1    His  mind,  never- 
theless triumphed  over  the  infirmities  of  the  flesh.     Call- 
ing a  council  of  war  around  him,  as  he  lay  in  the  little 
chamber  of  a  Canadian  cottage,  he  unfolded  to  Monckton, 
Townsend,  and  Murray  three  plans  of  attack.     The  coun- 
cil rejected  them  all  as  desperate  in  the  extreme,  and  pro- 
posed instead,  that  four  or  five  thousand  men  should  scale 
the  heights  back  of  Quebec,  and  thus  draw  the  French 
into  an  engagement.     With   a  view  also  of  misleading 
the  enemy,  Admiral  Holmes  was  to  ascend  the  river  in 
the    ships.     This    ruse    was   completely  successful;  and 
while  Wolfe  was   quietly   embarking    his   troops   above 
Point  Levi  in  transports  perparatory  to  the  assault,  Mont- 
calm,   supposing  that  the  English  were  on  the  point  of 
raising  the  seige,  sent   off  De  Levi  with  three   thousand 
men  for  the  protection  of  Montreal. 

The  evening  of  the  twelfth  of  September  was  clear  and 
calm.  Two  hours  before  daylight,  thirty  flat-boats,  con- 
taining sixteen  hundred  soldiers,  left  the  vessels  and  drop- 
ped slowly  down  with  the  current,  followed  at  a  short  dis- 
tance by  the  vessels  with  the  rest  of  the  troops.  As  if  the 
elements  had  combined  to  favor  the  English,  heavy  black 
clouds  now  drifted  over  the  sky,  obscuring  the  starlight 
and  making  the  night  intensely  dark.  With  muffled  oars 
the  boats  silently  neared  the  shore,  the  stillness  being 
unbroken,  save  when   Wolfe,  seated   in  the  bow   of  the 

1  "  I  have  this  day  signified  to  Mr.  Pitt  that  he  may  dispose  of  my  slight 
carcass  as  he  pleases,  and  that  I  am  ready  for  any  undertaking  within  the 
reach  and  compass  of  my  skill  and  cunning.  I  am  in  a  very  bad  condition, 
both  with  the  gravel  and  rheumatism  ;  but  I  had  much  rather  die  than  de- 
cline any  kind  of  service  that  oflers:"  Wolfe  to  WilUam  Eickson,  Decem- 
ber 1,  1758. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  Ill 

"boat  with  arms  folded,  repeated  in  scarcely  audible  tones  chap. 
that  mournfully  beautiful  stanza  from  Gray's  Elegy :  ^v^ 

1759. 
"  The  boast  of  heraldry,  the  pomp  of  power, 

And  all  that  beauty,  all  that  wealth  e'er  gave, 

Await  alike  the  inevitable  hour  ; 

The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave." 

"  Gentlemen,"  he  added  when  he  had  finished,  "  I  would 
rather  have  written  those  lines  than  take  Quebec  to-mor- 
row." 

In  the  gray  dawn  of  the  autumn  morning,  the  troops 
landed  in  a  small  cove.  Wolfe  led  the  way  up  the  steep 
ascent  followed  by  the  main  division,  and  by  colonel  Howe 
(brother  of  the  one  who  had  fallen  at  Ticonderoga)  with 
the  light  infantry  and  a  body  of  Scotch  Highlanders.  The 
rest  of  the  army  quickly  followed;  and  when  the  light 
mists  of  morning  had  floated  away,  &ve  thousand  British 
regulars  were  seen  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  upon  the 
plains  of  Abraham.  When  the  startling  intelligence  of 
the  event  was  borne  by  swift  messengers  to  Montcalm,  he 
could  scarcely  credit  his  senses.  " Surely,"  said  he,  "it 
can  be  but  a  small  party,  come  to  burn  a  few  houses  and 
retire."  He  was  soon  undeceived;  and  before  ten  o'clock, 
both  armies  stood  confronting  each  other  upon  the  plain. 

The  French  army  advanced  in  three  divisions  to  the 
attack,  preceded  by  fifteen  hundred  Canadian  and  Indian 
sharp  shooters,  who,  secreted  behind  shrubs,  opened  an 
irregular  fire.  When  they  had  advanced  within  forty  yards 
of  the  English,  the  latter  at  the  word  from  Wolfe,  opened 
such  a  terrible  fire,  as  to  throw  the  enemy  at  once  into 
disorder.  Seeing  them  falter,  the  British  grenadiers, 
burning  to  retrieve  their  disgrace  at  the  Montmorency, 
charged  with  such  uncontrollable  fury,  that  the  French  in 
a  confused  mob  broke  in  all  directions,  pursued  by  the  fleet 
Highlanders  who,  with  every  flash  of  their  broad  swords, 
cut  down  numbers  of  the  fugitives,  even  at  the  very  gates 
of  the  city. 

In  the  bayonet  charge,  Wolfe  received  a  slight  wound  in 


T 

C  ■ 

112  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  the  wrist.  Binding  a  handkerchief  around  the  wounded 
wv—  part,  he  continued  to  cheer  on  his  men.  A  moment  after 
17°9-  a  bullet  pierced  his  groin.  Nothing  daunted,  he  yet  fought 
on  until  a  third  ball  in  the  breast  stretched  him  upon  the 
ground.  He  was  tenderly  carried  to  the  rear  by  five  of 
his  men,  and  asked  if  he  would  have  a  surgeon,  to  which 
he  replied  in  the  negative.  At  this  moment  one  of  the 
officers,  who  was  supporting  the  dying  general,  exclaimed, 
uSee  how  they  run."  "Who  run?"  demanded  Wolfe 
with  -energy.  "  The  enemy,"  sir>  replied  the  officer,  *  they 
give  way  everywhere."  "  Then,"  continued  the  dying 
man,  "tell  Colonel  Burton  to  march  Webb's  regiment 
down  to  Charles  river,  to  cut  off  their  retreat  from  the 
bridge.  JSTow,  God  be  praised,  I  will  die  in  peace."  Then 
turning  upon  his  side,  his  spirit  peacefully  took  its  depar- 
ture. 1 


1  In  the  second  volume  of  Knox's  Journal  there  is  an  engraving  which 
presents  a  profile  view  of  General  Wolfe.  In  Warburton's  Conquest  of 
Canada  there  is  an  excellent  engraving,  "from  a  scarce  cotemporary 
print. "  In  t  he  background  are  flat  boats  crowded  with  troops,  and  detached 
squads  of  soldiers  clambering  up  the  heights;  while  in  the  foreground 
stands  General  Wolfe  armed  cap  a  pie,  his  right  hand  pointing  to  the  sum- 
mit to  be  gained.  But  this  full  length  portrait  gives  the  general's  face  only 
in  slight  profile,  and  is  not  so  provocative  of  study  as  the  generous  profile 
in  Knox's  Journal.  In  the  latter  engraving,  the  general's  hair,  which  is 
represented  as  long  and  not  very  abundant,  appears  gathered  behind  and 
neatly  tied  with  a  riband.  The  head  is  thrown  back  a  little,  and  the  oval- 
shaped  face,  with  full  cheeks  and  chin  (almost  a  double  chin,)  beautifully 
curved  mouth,  and  small  nose,  is  merely  expressive  of  gentleness  and  good 
nature, — that  is,  if  the  eyes  could  be  for  a  moment  left  out  of  sight.  They 
shine  with  a  clear,  steadfast  radiance,  which  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
the  scaling  of  the  heights  of  Abraham,  and  the  victory  at  Quebec  were  the 
achievements  of  youthful  genius,  rather  than  (as  Thackeray  intimates),  of 
good  luck.  A  stranger  to  the  fame  of  General  Wolfe  would  be  more  likely 
to  surmise  bis  portrait  to  be  that  of  a  poet,  than  of  a  soldier.  The  lips 
were  surely  more  fitly  framed  to  sing  the  pensive  song,  composed  and  sung 

by  General  Wolfe  at  his  mess  a  few  evenings  before  the  assault  on  Quebec, 

"Why,  soldiers,  why? 
Should  we  be  melancholy  boys  ? 
Why,  soldiers  why  ? 
'  ii\  Whose  business  'tis  to  die" — 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  JX3 

Very  nearly  at  the  same  moment  that  Wolfe  fell,  Mont-  chap. 
calm,  who  was  fighting  opposite  the  English  general,  also  >~* 
received  his  death  wound,  and  wTas  born  off  on  a  litter  to 1759- 
the  general  hospital.  When  told  that  death  was  inevit- 
able, he  replied,  "I  am  glad  of  it;"  and  when  informed 
that  he  had  but  ten  or  twelve  hours  to  live  at  the  most,  he 
exclaimed,  "So  much  the  better,  I  am  happy  that  I  shall 
not  live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec. ' '  When  consulted 
by  the  commander  of  the  garrison  in  relation  to  the  defence 
of  the  city,  he  replied,  "To  your  keeping,  I  commend  the 
honor  of  France.  As  for  me,  I  shall  pass  the  night  with 
God,  and  prepare  myself  for  death."  Early  the  next 
morning  he  expired.  The  English,  under  General  Town- 
send,  continued  their  preparations  for  a  siege,  but  before 
the  guns  were  ready  to  open  fire,  De  Kamsay,  at  the  urgent 
solicitation  of  the  citizens,  hoisted  the  white  flag ;  and  on 
the  eighteenth  of  September,  the  cross  of  St.  George  floated 
from  the  castle  of  St.  Louis.  The  shattered  army  of  the 
French  fled  to  Montreal ;  and  Admiral  Saunders,  dreading 
the  winter,  with  one  thousand  prisoners  bore  away  for 
England. 

The  news  of  the  fall  of  Quebec  was  hailed  both  in  Eng- 
land and  America  with  acclamations  of  joy.  In  England 
a  day  was  set  apart  for  public  thanksgiving ;  and  in  Ame- 
rica the  colonists  burned  bonfires,  throughout  the  land. 
Yet  amid  all  of  these  rejoicings,  the  glory  of  this  victory 
was  fringed  with  gloom  for  the  loss  of  the  gallant  Wolfe ; 
and  with  the  universal  delight,  was  mingled  a  deep  and 
heartfelt  sorrow  at  his  untimely  end.  Parliament  com- 
memorated his  services  in  a  monument  in  Westminster 
abbey,  and  Massachusetts,  holding  him  in  kindly  remem- 
brance, voted  to  his  memory  a  marble  statue.  The  young 
general  was  worthy  of  all  these  expressions  of  affection. 
To  a  passionate  fondness  for  his  profession  of  arms,  and  a 

than  to  give  the  orders  which,  carried  into  execution,  occasioned  the  over- 
coming of  almost  insurmountable  natural  obstacles,  and  the  overthrow  of 
Montcalm. 

15 


114  LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  warm  love  for  polite  letters,  he  united  a  singular  modesty ; 
<tt^£*  and  though  he  possessed  a  reputation  "  wide  as  the  civil- 
1/59  ized  world,"  yet,  in  the  quaint  language  of  Jeremy  Taylor, 
"  as  if  he  knew  nothing  of  it,  he  had  a  low  opinion  of  him- 
self;  and  like  a  fair  taper,  when  he  shined  to  all  the  room, 
yet  round  about  his  own  station  he  had  cast  a  shadow  and 
a  cloud,  and  he  shined  to  everybody  but  himself." 

■ 


' 


CHAPTER  VI. 
1759—1760. 

It  was  now  October,  and  the  time  for  which  provision  chap. 
had  been  made  for  the  pay  of  the  Provincial  troops  would  wv_ > 
soon    expire.     General    Amherst  anticipating  this,  had1759* 
written  to  the  several  colonial  governors  the  latter  part  of 
September,  requesting  that  their  men  might  be  kept  in  the 
field  two  months  longer,  in  order  that  the  campaign  which 
had  been  so  auspiciously  carried  on  during  the  summer, 
might  be  successfully  terminated.     In  response   to  this 
reasonable  request,  Mr.  De  Lancey  summoned  the  assem- 
bly to  meet  on  the  seventeenth  of  October.     On  account  of 
the  then  raging  small  pox  in  the  city,  the  house  met  in  the 
suburbs  at  the  lieutenant  governor's  country   seat,  which 
stood  within  the  recollection  of  persons  now  living  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Bowery  above  Grand  street. 

In  his  opening  message  on  the  first  day  of  the  session, 
Mr.  De  Lancey  informed  the  general  assembly  of  the 
peculiar  reasons  which  had  led  to  its  being  summoned  at 
this  time.  The  important  acquisitions  which  had  been 
gained  from  the  enemy,  rendered  it  necessary  that  such 
measures  should  at  once  be  taken  as  would  ensure  the 
advantages  of  the  summer's  campaign.  He  was  therefore 
desirous  that  provision  should  be  made  for  keeping  in  the 
field  those  of  the  Provincials  who  would  otherwise  be 
dismissed  on  the  first  of  November.  "  You  must  be  sensi- 
ble," he  continued,  "  that  the  enemy  have  had  very  small 
supplies  of  provisions  this  year  from  France,  and  that 
most  of  the  men  in  Canada  having  been  in  arms  this  sum- 
mer, their  crops  must  have  suffered  greatly.  In  this  press- 
ing situation  it  cannot  be   doubted   they  will   use  their 


116  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  utmost  efforts  to  repossess  themselves  of  their  strongholds, 
wv— /  if  it  were  only  with  a  design  of  getting  subsistence  from 
1759.  our  magazines  :  but  if  they  know  that  there  are  respect- 
able forts  to  oppose  them,  and  find  that  the  works  are  com- 
pleted, they  must  lay  aside  all  such  attempts  as  fruitless 
and  vain."  These  cogent  reasons,  however,  were  not 
needed  by  the  house  to  convince  it  of  the  necessity  of 
prompt  action.  On  the  same  day  it  voted  a  further  pro- 
vision of  one  month's  pay  to  the  troops  which  had  been 
raised  by  the  province  ;  and  in  addition,  it  resolved  with  a 
commendable  liberality,  to  supply  each  soldier  with  a  pair 
of  shoes  and  stockings  and  a  warm  waistcoat,  as  a  farther 
encouragement  for  them  to  continue  in  the  service.  The 
assembly  was  then  adjourned  to  the  fourth  of  November.1 
Meanwhile,  before  the  next  meeting  of  the  assembly, 
the  colonists  were  electrified  by  the  farther  successes  of 
British  arms  under  General  Wolfe  ;  and  by  the  cheering 
news  from  the  continent,  of  the  glorious  and  decisive  vic- 
tories which  had  crowned  the  efforts  of  England  and  her 
ally,  in  the  route  of  the  French  army  at  Minden,  and  the 
defeat  of  the  French  fleet  off*  the  coast  of  Algava.  There 
was  indeed  abundant  cause  for  gratitude  in  these  signal 
victories,  to  which  Mr.  De  Lancey,  in  his  message  to  the 
legislature  on  the  sixth  of  December,  did  not  fail  to  allude 
in  terms  of  deep  feeling. 

1760.  Although  Quebec  had  yielded  to  British  prowess,  there 
was  much  to  be  done  before  Canada  would  be  completely 
subdued.  Montreal,  Detroit,  and  La  Galette  yet  remained 
in  possession  of  the  French ;  and  it  was  evident  that  until 
the  last  vestige  of  French  supremacy  was  blotted  out,  the 
tribes  of  the  north  and  northwest,  would  allow  no  peace 
to  the  entire  line  of  the  border.  It  was  therefore  deter- 
mined by  the  ministry,  that  the  campaign  of  this  year  should 
complete  the  reduction  of  Canada.  Accordingly,  on  the 
twentieth  of  February,  the  lieutenant  governor  of  New 

Journal  of  the  Assembly. 


LIFE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  117 

York  received  a  circular  letter  from  Secretary  Pitt,  inform- chap. 
ing  him  of  the  determination  of  the  home  government  to  w^ 
prosecute  the  war  with  vigor.     The  assembly  was  there- im 
upon  convened  on  the  eleventh  of  March,  to  respond  to 
the  request  of  the  secretary  for  aid. 

"It  is  the  king's  pleasure,"  said  Mr.  De  Lancey  in  his 
opening  address,  "that  I  do  forthwith  use  my  utmost 
endeavors  and  influence,  to  induce  you  to  raise,  with  all 
possible  dispatch,  within  this  government,  at  least  as  large 
a  body  of  men  as  you  did  for  the  last  campaign,  and  even 
as  many  more,  as  the  number  of  its  inhabitants  may  allow, 
to  be  formed  into  regiments,  and  to  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  as  early  as  may  be,  to  march  to  the  rendezvous 
at  Albany,  or  such  other  place  as  his  majesty's  commander 
in  chief  in  America,  shall  appoint,  in  order  to  proceed 
from  thence,  in  conjunction  with  a  body  of  the  king's  Brit- 
ish forces,  so  as  to  be  in  a  situation  to  begin  the  operations 
of  the  campaign,  as  soon  as  shall  be  in  any  way  practicable, 
by  an  irruption  into  Canada,  in  order  to  reduce  Montreal, 
and  all  other  posts  belonging  to  the  French,  in  those  parts, 
and  farther  to  annoy  the  enemy  in  such  manner,  as  his 
majesty's  commander  in  chief  shall  from  his  knowledge 
of  the  countries  through  which  the  war  is  to  be  carried  on, 
and  from  emergent  circumstances,  judge  to  be  practicable." 
The  Provincial  officers  were  also  to  rank  according  to  their 
respective  commissions,  the  same  as  during  the  last  two 
years.  Arms,  ammunition,  artillery,  boats  and  vessels, 
were,  moreover,  to  be  furnished  as  heretofore  by  the  parent 
government ;  and  all  that  was  required  on  the  part  of  the 
colonial  legislators,  was  to  buy,  clothe  and  equip  their  own 
troops. 

With  renewed  confidence  in  the  triumph  of  British  arms, 
the  house  proceeded  harmoniously  in  the  work  for  which 
it  had  been  summoned.  A  motion  of  Robert  It.  Living- 
ston to  the  effect  that  an  address  should  be  presented, 
reminding  his  excellency  that  the  loan  to  General  Amherst 
was  yet  unpaid,  was  negatived ;  and  a  like  contribution  to 


118  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  that  of  the  previous  year,  was  voted,  together  with  a  new 
v-^— *  emission  of  sixty  thousand  pounds  to  defray  it,  to  be  sunk 
1760.  \yj  an  eight  year's  tax. ( 

Any  solicitude  that  might  have  been  felt  in  relation  to 
the  loan,  was  entirely  set  at  rest  by  a  special  message  from 
the  executive  on  the  fourteenth  of  May,  in  which  the  house 
was  informed  of  its  entire  repayment  into  the  treasury  by 
General  Amherst.  In  the  same  message,  also,  aid  was 
solicited  for  the  city  of  Boston,  which  had,  on  the  twentieth 
of  March,  suffered  by  an  extensive  conflagration,  by  which 
more  than  two  hundred  families  had  been  deprived  of  a 
shelter — many  of  whom  were  in  an  extremely  destitute 
condition.  The  action  of  the  assembly  in  response  to  this 
appeal,  was  commendable  in  the  highest  degree.  Although 
the  treasury  was  very  low,  owing  to  the  extraordinary 
demands  made  upon  it  during  the  war,  yet  twenty-five 
hundred  pounds  were  at  once  voted  for  the  relief  of  its 
suffering  neighbors.  Before  adjourning  the  session,  Mr. 
De  Lancey  gave  his  assent  to  several  bills,  among  which 
was  one  to  regulate  the  practice  of  medicine  and  surgery. 
" But,"  says  Smith,  "the  remedy  was  very  inadequate  to 
the  evil,  for  the  law  which  restrained  all  unlicensed  prac- 
tices under  the  penalty  of  five  pounds  for  every  offence, 
was  limited  to  the  capitol,  and  gave  the  right  of  examining 
the  candidates  to  incompetent  judges, — the  mayor  and  the 
attorney  general,  assisted  by  such  persons  as  they  should 
think  proper  to  call  upon." 

This  was  the  last  meeting  of  the  assembly  which  James 
De  Lancey  ever  attended ;  for  upon  the  thirtieth  of  July 
he  died  very  suddenly  from  an  attack  of  asthma,  a  malady 
to  which  he  had  for  many  years  been  subject.  The  day 
previous  to  his  decease,  he  had  visited  Staten  Island,  and 
dined  with  Governor  Morris,  General  Prevost,  Mr.  Walton 
and  several  other  distinguished  men  of  the  day.  Late  in 
the  evening,  he  crossed  the  bay,  seemingly  laboring  under 
great  depression  of  spirits,  and  drove  to  his  country  seat 

Journal  of  the  assembly.     Manuscript  minutes  of  the  council.     Smith. 


LIFE   OP   SIE   WILLIAM  J0HNS0X,    BART.  119 

in  the  suburbs.  The  next  morning  he  was  found  by  one  chap. 
of  his  little  children,  sitting  in  his  library  in  the  last  agonies  wv— / 
of  death.  "60. 

By  his  violent  political  enemies,  Mr.  De  Lancey  has 
been  represented  as  a  most  unprincipled  demagogue, 
while  by  his  satellites,  he  has  been  lauded  to  the  skies 
as  a  disinterested  citizen  and  patriot.  Neither  of  these 
views  is  correct;  and  the  truth,  as  is  generally  the 
case,  lies  between  the  two  extremes.  Mr.  De  Lancey, 
undoubtedly,  was  very  ambitious  and  fond  of  notoriety; 
aud  his  love  of  power  and  the  emoluments  of  office,  often 
led  him  into  the  commission  of  acts  from  which  otherwise 
he  would  have  shrunk.  While  he  has  been  praised  for  his 
"  broad  and  popular  principles,"  and  for  his  "  political  skill 
in  successfully  preserving  to  the  assembly  the  right  of 
annual  appropriations,"  yet  he  assumed  this  position  more 
from  a  determination  to  displace  Clinton  that  he  himself 
might  rule,  than  fromany  love  for  the  people.  His  course, 
in  1754,  in  relation  to  the  college  charter,  alienated  his 
warmest  friends;  and  although  he  subsequently  bitterly 
repented  of  giving  his  sanction  to  the  act  of  incorporation, 
yet  it  was  more  on  account  of  his  loss  of  popularity,  than 
from  any  feeling  of  liberality.  He  was,  however,  possessed 
of  many  amiable  and  noble  qualities,  and  private  virtues ; 
his  disposition  was  social  and  genial,  and  he  was  withal  a  good 
classical  scholar  and  a  profound  lawyer.  His  conduct  upon 
the  bench  was  generally  irreproachable ;  and  his  decisions, 
in  those  cases  in  which  the  feelings  of  the  political  partizan 
did  not  enter,  were  characterized  by  fairness  and  discrim- 
ination. His  death  occurring  at  this  time  was  a  great  loss 
to  the  province ;  for  numerous  as  were  his  faults,  he  was  a 
man  of  unquestioned  ability.  During  his  long  administra- 
tion, he  had  made  himself  thoroughly  conversant  with 
Indian  relations  ;  and  since  the  departure  of  Clinton,  had 
heartily  cooperated  with  the  Baronet  in  all  his  efforts  in 
that  department.  By  his  death  the  political  complexion 
of  the  province  underwent  a  material  change ;  and  Doctor 


120  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  Colden,  by  virtue  of  being  president  of  the  council,  took 
w^  the  charge  of  the  government  until  the  wishes  of  the  min- 
1760.  ig^ry  were  known. 

•  ■     . 
As  soon  as  the  snows  had  melted  from  the  hill  sides, 

De  Levi  was  sent  by  De  Yaudreuil,  with  ten  thousand  men 
to  invest  Quebec.  On  the  return  of  General  Townsend  to 
England,  Murray  had  been  left  in  charge  of  that  city  with 
seven  thousand  men,  and  with  ample  supplies  of  provisions 
and  artillery.  During  the  winter,  however,  the  garrison 
had  been  reduced  by  sickness  and  death  to  little  more  than 
three  thousand  effective  men.  Such  being  the  case, 
prudence  would  have  counselled  acting  strictly  on  the 
defensive.  Hot  so  thought  Murray,  who  on  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  April  sallied  forth  with  his  whole  available  force, 
and  attacked  the  advanced  guard  of  the  enemy,  under  De 
Bourlamarque.  The  latter  not  only  sustained  the  attack 
without  flinching,  but  pressed  the  English  so  vigorously, 
that,  fearing  his  retreat  would  be  cut  off,  the  English  com- 
mander fled  into  the  city,  leaving  behind  him  all  his  artil- 
lery and  a  thousand  men.  "  I  am  apprehensive,' *  wrote 
Amherst  to  the  Baronet,  in  communicating  this  defeat, 
"  that  unless  our  fleet  arrive  soon,  Mr.  Murray  may  be 
obliged  to  retreat  to  the  island  of  Orleans,  which  is  his 
intention  in  case  it  does  not."1  His  apprehensions  were 
fortunately  not  verified,  for  five  days  before  his  letter  was 
written,  a  fleet,  sent  by  the  foresight  of  Pitt,  appeared  in  the 
St.  Lawrence ;  and  De  Levi,  in  the  greatest  alarm,  retreated 
to  Montreal,  leaving,  in  his  turn,  all  his  stores  and  forty 
pieces  of  cannon  in  the  hands  of  the  English. 

During  the  winter  and  spring,  Sir  William  Johnson  was 
diligently  employed  in  attending  to  Indian  relations  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  and  in  founding  the  settlement  which  sub- 
sequently received  from  its  founder  the  name  of  Johnstown.1 

1  Manuscript  letter  :  Amherst  to  Johnson,  22d  May,  1760. 

i Manuscript  letter:  Johnson  to  Brig.  Gage,  28th  April,  1700.— It  has 
been  the  generally  received  impression  that  Johnstown  was  founded  by  Sir 
William  in  1770.      Vide  New  York  Historical  Collections,  p.  167. 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  121 

Teedeyuscung  still  felt  embittered  against  the  Proprietaries  chap. 
of  Pennsylvania  for  their  conduct  in  the  purchase  of  his  w^ 
lands  ;  and  in  answer  to  his  complaint  which  he  had  sent  to  176°- 
the  king,  the  Baronet  received  in  February  an  order  from  his 
maj  esty  requesting  him  to  examine  into  the  disputes  between 
the  Delaware  chief  and  the  Proprietaries.  Teedeyuscung, 
however,  ever  uneasy,  when  informed  by  the  superintend- 
ent of  the  prompt  attention  which  his  complaint  had 
received,  replied  that  as  he  was  engaged  with  the  governor 
of  Pennsylvania  in  bringing  about  a  meeting  with  the 
western  Indians  at  Easton,  the  adjustment  of  his  land  dif- 
ficulties must  be  postponed.  This  proj ect  was  immediately 
vetoed  by  Sir  William,  who  saw  that  it  would  seriously 
mar  the  plan  of  the  approaching  campaign.  Indeed,  this 
disposition  of  Governor  Hamilton  to  interfere  with  the 
management  of  Indian  affairs  without  consulting  his  wishes, 
was  a  source  of  much  solicitude  to  him,  and  he  often  com- 
plained of  it  as  being  utterly  subversive  to  his  influence. 

In  the  middle  of  February  a  council  was  held  at  Fort 
Johnson  with  the  delegates  of  the  Six  Nations,  for  the 
purpose  of  soliciting  their  aid  in  the  coming  campaign. 
There  was,  however,  no  need  of  urging ;  and  the  only  dif- 
ficulty which  the  Baronet  experienced,  was  in  restraining 
their  impatience.  Numerous  questions  were  asked  by  the 
different  chiefs,  when  they  were  to  start,  and  where  they 
were  to  be  sent.  They  were,  moreover,  desirous  that  their 
Iroquois  kindred  should  unite  with  them  against  the  French. 
Many  of  them  had  already  done  so,  and  deputations 
from  the  Caughnawagas  and  Skawendadeys  had  already  met 
them  in  council.  Other  tribes,  however,  still  held  back, ' 
and  the  influence  of  the  French  was  still  sufficient  to  infuse 
into  their  answers  to  the  friendly  messages  of  the  Con- 
federates, a  haughty  tone.  "If."  said  they,  "the  Six 
Nations  wish  us  to  join  them,  let  them  come  to  us."  This 
was  repeated  to  Sir  William,  on  the  present  occasion,  and 
he  was  not  long  in  inducing  the  Confederates  to  return  the 
reply, — that  if  they  would  come  to  Onondaga,  they  would 

16 


122  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  talk  to  them  there,  but  not  otherwise.  The  proceedings 
w^  of  the  conference  were  enclosed  by  the  Baronet  in  the  fol- 
1^60.  iowjng  letter  to  General  Amherst: 

Fort  Johnson,  March  7th,  1760. 
"Sir: 

"  As  your  excellency  was  pleased  to  tell  me  when  I  had 
the  honor  of  seeing  you  at  Albany  after  the  last  campaign, 
that  you  would  dispense  with  my  writing  to  you,  unless 
on  matters  requiring  your  immediate  cognizance,  I  deferred 
troubling  you,  and  gave  Brigadier  Gage  what  intelligence 
I  received,  which  has  not  been  very  material. 

"  I  am  now  to  acquaint  you  that  there  have  been  deputies 
from  the  Six  Nations  here  lately,  to  inform  me  what  passed 
between  them  and  deputies  from  the  Caughnawagas, 
Skawendadeys,  Swegatchys  and  other  French  Indians.  A 
copy  of  what  passed  at  said  conferences  I  herewith  send 
you.  There  have  also  been  two  Swegatchy  Indians  here, 
to  assure  me  that  the  greatest  part  of  their  people  were 
determined  to  leave  that  settlement  and  come  amongst  the 
Six  Nations  in  the  spring.  I  am  far  from  thinking  that 
this  seeming  good  disposition  of  theirs  proceeds  from  any 
real  regard  for  us,  but  from  the  low  circumstances  of  the 
enemy,  and  their  own  distresses. 

"  I  was  yesterday  honored  with  yours  of  the  23d  ult. 
Your  excellency  may  depend  upon  my  making  use  of  my 
utmost  influence  with  all  the  nations  in  amity  with  us,  and 
will  lose  no  time  in  preparing  as  many  Indians  as  I  can 
possibly  get,  to  join  his  majesty's  troops  in  such  operations 
as  your  excellency  may  think  fit.  Neither  shall  I  neglect 
to  continue  to  take  the  properest  steps  for  withdrawing  as 
many  Indians  from  the  French  as  I  possibly  can. 

"  My  success  will  depend  in  a  great  measure  a  good  deal 
on  circumstances,  and  the  wray  they  are  employed,  which 
they  are  very  pressing  to  know. 

"  The  clothing,  arms,  and  other  necessaries  I  shall  begin 
to  provide  as  soon  as  I  can  for  the  campaign,  for  which 
purpose  your  excellency  will  please  to  grant  me  a  warrant 


BART.  123 

for  at  least  five  thousand  pounds  sterling.     The  unavoid-  cmap. 
able  expense  of  supplying  great  numbers  of  several  nations  w^L 
(who  by  the  failure  of  their  crops  of  corn,  &c,  are  actually  176°* 
in  a  famishing  condition)  has  been  and  continues  very  con- 
siderable, notwithstanding  they  receive  some  allowance  at 
the  different  posts.    As  all  kinds  of  provisions  are  very 
scarce  and  difficult  to  be  got  here  for  any  price,  I  am  greatly 
distressed :  wherefore  should  be  glad  your  excellency  would 
please  to  order  some  pork,  peas  and  flour  to  be  laid  in  at 
my  house  here,  for  their  use,  not  being  able  to  compass  it 
myself  for  the  want  of  wagons,  battoes,  &c,  which  are 
employed,  or  said  to  be  so,  in  other  parts  of  the  service, 
whenever  I  have  occasion  for  any. 
"lam  Sir, 

"  Your  very  humble  serv't,     - 

"WM.  JOHNSON. 
"  Major  General  Amherst."  1 

To  this  letter  General  Amherst  replied  as  follows  : 

"  New  York,  16th  March,  1760. 
"  Sir :  The  last  post  brought  me  yours  of  the  7th  instant 
with  its  several  inclosures,  one  of  which  is  the  conference 
you  held  at  your  house  on  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
of  last  month  with  deputies  from  the  Six  Nations,  by 
which  I  see  that  the  French  Indians  assume  a  superiority, 
which,  from  the  present  low  circumstances  of  their  pre- 
tended friends  the  French,  little  becomes  them,  and  could 
not  have  been  expected ;  but  however,  since  they  persist 
in  so  obstinate  and  impolitic  an  attachment,  they  must 
take  the  consequences  that  will  ensue  from  a  continuance 
of  war,  which  I  am  determined  to  pursue  with  the  utmost 
vigor,  and  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  but  it  will  end  in  the 
entire  reduction  of  Canada;  lam  therefore  hopeful  that 
such  of  the  Confederate  nation  of  Indians  in  the  interest 
of  his  majesty,  will  not  be  shaken  by  any  speeches  of  their 
mistaken  brethren,  but  firmly  adhere  to  their  ancient  friends 

*  Manuscript  letter. 


124  LIFE  OP  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  and  allies ;  and  in  duty  to  the  king,  as  well  as  in  gratitude 

w- '  for  the   repeated  protection  and  support  they  have,  and 

176(X  daily  do  receive  from  his  bounty,  join  heartily  in  the  present 

cause,  and  be  aiding  and  assisting  in  the  punishment  of 

those,  who,  under  the  cloak  of  friendship,  do  them  such 

daily  and  manifest  injuries. 

"  Nothing  can  be  more  proper  than  your  speech  to  them 
upon  this  occasion,  and  I  am  hopeful  they  will  open  their 
eyes,  and  strictly  follow  your  counsel  in  not  going  to 
Canada,  since,  if  the  French  Indians  are  sincere,  they  may 
safely  meet  them  at  Onondaga :  and  therefore  I  beg  you 
will  continue  to  insist  upon  their  compliance  with  your 
advice. 

"  In  order  to  contribute  to  my  utmost,  to  your  success 
in  obtaining  as  many  Indians  as  possible,  to  join  in  the 
ensuing  operations,  and  to  withdraw  all  those  you  possi- 
bly can  from  the  enemy,  I  inclose  you  a  warrant  for  &ve 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  which  you  say  are  requisite  for 
providing  clothes,  arms,  and  other  neccessaries  for  them ; 
but  I  must  at  the  same  time  inform  you,  that  our  military 
chest  is  again  at  present,  so  low,  that  it  cannot  discharge 
that  warrant.  Wherefore,  if  you  can  obtain  credit,  for 
some  time,  for  these  things,  you  will  greatly  aid  the  serv- 
ice. With  regard  to  satisfying  these  Indians  in  relation 
to  where  they  shall  be  particularly  employed,  that  is  what 
I  cannot  yet  myself  determine ;  when  I  am  fixed  in  that 
respect,  you  shall  be  informed  of  it. 

"  So  soon  as  I  get  to  Albany,  I  shall  fix  with  the  new 
contractors  the  several  quantities  and  species  of  provisions, 
which  you  are  desirous  to  be  laid  in  at  your  house,  for 
the  use  of  the  needful  nations. 

"  Your  letter  to  Teedyuscung,  of  which  you  also  enclosed 
me  a  copy,  is  likewise  very  proper,  and  you  did  well  to 
guard  against  their  appointing  the  meeting  during  any 
time  of  the  campaign,  when  you  will  doubtless  be  wanted 
elsewhere ;  nothing  remains  therefore  now  for  you  to  do, 
than  when  you  are  informed  of  the  time  the  meeting  can 


LITE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  125 

take  place,  to  send  timely  notice  to  the  Proprietaries  com-  crap. 
missioners,  that  they  may  be  punctual  in  their  attendance  s-^-/ 
at  it.  lm 

"  I  am,  with  great  regard 
"Sir 
"  Your  most  obe't.  Humble  serv't. 
"JEFF.  AMHEKST. 
"  Sir  William  Johnson  Baronet"1 

While  the  Baronet  was  thus  engaged  at  home  in  feeding 
and  providing  for  the  wants  of  his  red  family,  his  influence 
was  again  required  to  dissipate  the  fears  of  the  Illinois 
and  Mississippi  Indians,  who  had  taken  alarm  at  the  move- 
ments of  the  English.  His  views  upon  the  course  best 
to  be  pursued  in  relation  to  this  matter,  is  seen  by  the 
following  letter  to  General  Gage : 

Sir  William  Johnson  to  Brigadier  General  Gage. 

"Fort  Johnson  March  17th,  1760. 

"  Dear  Sir. — The  enclosed  are  copies  of  two  letters  and 
some  intelligence  I  yesterday  received  from  Mr.  Croghan 
my  deputy  at  Pittsburg,  and  as  a  great  part  of  it  corre- 
sponds with  some  accounts  I  have  had  before,  as  well  as 
with  my  own  judgment  of  the  matter,  I  thought  it  my 
duty  to  transmit  them  to  you  without  delay,  that  General 
Amherst  may  be  apprised  thereof,  which  I  should  think 
he  could  already  be  by  General  Stanwix,  to  whom  Mr. 
Croghan  has  my  orders  to  report  every  item  of  intelli- 
gence he  receives. 

"  If  the  French  can  get  supplies  of  provisions  from  the 
Illinois  or  Mississippi,  which  I  think  they  have  ere  now,  it 
is  but  reasonable  to  expect  that  they  will,  with  what  Indi- 
ans they  may  be  able  to  collect,  attempt  cutting  off  our 
convoys  to  Pittsburg  &c,  which  I  think  they  may  readily 
do,  if  we  have  tolerable  large  escorts,  unless  the  Indians 
in  that  part  of  the  country  take  upon  them  to  keep  the 
road  uninfested,  or  at  least  assist  our  troops  therein ;  they 

1  Manuscript  letter. 


126  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  are  able  alone  to  do  the  former,  if  they  are  inclined  so, 
^-^w  but  I  am  afraid  that  the  building  so  respectable  a  fort  in 
1760.  their  country  as  Pittsburg,  being  not  at  all  agreeable  to 
any  of  the  surrounding  nations,  (though  they  may  not  now 
choose  to  declare  their  dislike  openly)  will  make  them 
very  lukewarm  in  our  cause.  If  that  should  be  the  case, 
there  is  but  one  thing — to  engage  them  heartily  in  the 
service,  that  is  to  act  generously  by  them  during  the  war. 
I  am  certain  if  they  are  properly  managed,  their  service 
will  balance  the  expense. 

u  My  best  respects  to  your  lady,  and  believe  me,  sir,  with 
the  greatest  regard 

"  Your  most  obe't.  humble  serv't. 
"¥M.  JOHSTSOK 
"  The  Hon.  Brig.  Gage."1 

In  accordance  with  the  views  thus  expressed,  George 
Croghan  received  orders  from  the  superintendent  to  hold 
a  conference  with  the  Indians  at  Fort  Pitt.  The  result  of 
his  deputy's  negotiations  was  satisfactory,  as  appears  by 
the  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  the  Baronet,  from 
Amherst  then  in  Albany,  under  date  of  May  sixteenth : 

"  Major  Tullekens  arrived  this  afternoon,  and  delivered 
me  the  copy  of  a  conference,  held  at  Fort  Pitt  on  the  sixth 
of  April  last,  between  your  deputy,  Mr.  Croghan,  and  the 
Western  Indians,  by  which,  as  well  as  by  what  the  major 
tells  me,  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  but  every  one  of  these 
people  will  readily  join  his  majesty's  arms;  indeed,  from 
the  present  situation  of  the  French,  who  certainly  cannot 
be  supposed  able  to  supply  those  savages  with  the  need- 
ful, and  the  want  the  latter  must  be  in  of  ammunition 
&c,  must  turn  them  all  over  to  our  interest,  both  in  those 
parts  as  well  as  in  these,  and  therefore  I  trust  you  will  have 
no  difficulty  in  bringing  those  expected  to  the  field,  at  the 
time  you  mentioned  to  me." 2 

1  Manuscript  letter. 
3  Ibid. 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  127 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  contemplated  a  simultaneous  chap. 
attack  on  Montreal  from  three  points.  General  Murray  w^ 
was  to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  from  Quebec;  Colonel1760- 
Haviland  was  to  proceed  down  Lake  Champlain,  taking 
possession,  on  his  way,  of  Isle-aux-noix;  and  General  Am- 
herst was  to  lead  the  main  army  by  way  of  Oswego,  with 
a  view  of  reducing  the  forts  at  La  Galette  and  Oswegatchie. 
For  these  operations  great  preparations  had  been  made  by 
Amherst,  who  had  determined  to  concentrate  against 
Canada  his  whole  available  force.  The  troops  under  Stan- 
wix  in  the  west  were  called  in,  and  the  garrisons  of  the 
smaller  forts  in  the  province  of  New  York,  even  to  the 
handfull  of  men  at  Fort  Johnson,  were  all  brought  into 
requisition.1  Although  General  Amherst  had  purposely 
delayed  his  advance  until  his  arrangements  could  be 
thoroughly  completed,  yet  he  was  detained  longer  than  he 
had  intended,  by  the  tardiness  of  the  colonial  levies.  "  The 
Provincial  troops,"  he  wrote  to  Johnson,  "  come  in  slow  ;'* 
and  the  delay  was  still  more  increased,  by  the  absence  of 
rain  for  several  weeks  past,  by  which  the  transportation  of 
stores  upon  the  Mohawk  and  Oneida  rivers  was  greatly 
retarded.2  At  length  all  his  arrangements  being  completed, 
Amherst  left  Schenectady,  on  the  twelfth  of  June,  with  an 
army  of  six  thousand  Provincials  and  four  thousand  regu- 
lars. On  the  twenty-fifth  of  July,  he  was  joined  by  Sir 
William  Johnson  with  six  hundred  plumed  and  painted 
warriors,  whose  number  was  increased  by  the  French  Iro- 
quois, before  the  army  left  Oswego,  to  thirteen  hundred 
and  thirty.  Ordering  his  officers  to  leave  their  chests 
behind,  and  their  men  to  be  equipped  as  lightly  as  possible, 
General  Amherst,  having  sent  forward  Colonel  Haldi- 
mand,  with  one  thousand  troops  to  clear  the  St.  Lawrence 

» "  When  the  troops  move  forward,  I  shall  not  think  it  requisite  to  leave 
any  guards  in  Forts  Hunter  or  Hendrik,  and  I  imagine  you  will  not  judge 
it  necessary  to  have  any  at  Fort  Johnson."— Manuscript  letter g  Amherst  to 
Johnson,  24  May,  1760. 

2  Manuscript  letter ;  Amherst  to  Johnson  16  May,  1760. 


128  LIFE  OP   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

CvlP'  °^  any  obstructions  SMB  might  impede  the  passage  of  the 
*— v—'  bateaux,  embarked  with  his  army  on  the  tenth  of  August. 
1760.  Qn  ^he  sixteenth  of  the  same  month,  the  advance, 
under  Haldimand,  came  in  sight  of  a  French  brig  armed 
with  six  twelve  pounders  and  four  two  pounders,  lying  at 
anchor  and  defending  the  entrance  to  Oswegatchie.  The 
same  evening  the  troops  landed  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
above  the  town  and  spent  the  night  under  arms,  unharm- 
ed by  the  guns  of  the  brig,  which  continued  to  fire  at  the 
camp  during  the  entire  night.  Early  the  next  morning, 
the  row-galleys  under  a  severe  fire  grappled  the  brig, 
which,  after  a  desperate  engagement  of  more  than  three 
hours,  struck  her  colors  and  surrendered  to  the  English. 
The  same  day  the  army  which  had  now  come  up,  took 
possession  of  the  town,  the  enemy  having  deserted  it  and 
fled  to  La  Galette,  or  Isle  Eoyal.  General  Amherst 
remained  at  Oswegatchie  only  long  enough  to  properly 
garrison  that  post,  and  on  the  seventeenth,  advanced 
against  Isle  Royal,  which  was  defended  by  Fort  Levi,  a 
formidable  work.  The  troops  worked  so  diligently,  that 
by  the  twenty-second,  three  batteries  had  been  placed  in 
position  on  the  main  land ;  and  on  the  ensuing  day,  the 
batteries,  assisted  by  three  vessels  under  Captain  Loring, 
opened  a  brisk  cannonade  upon  the  fort.  Nothing  being 
gained  by  this  fire,  and  the  vessels  having  suffered  consid- 
erable damage  from  the  enemy's  guns, — one  of  the  ships 
having  been  run  aground  and  abandoned — preparations 
were  made  to  carry  the  fort  by  storm.  This,  however,  was 
prevented  by  M.  Pouchot,  the  commandant,  who  on  the 
twenty-fifth,  sounded  a  parley,  and  surrendered  himself 
and  the  garrison  prisoners  of  war.1 

On  the  capitulation  of  Fort  Levi,  the  Indians,  having 
found  in  the  deserted  cabins  of  the  enemy  a  few  Mohawk 
scalps,  wished  at  once  to  fall  upon  the  garrison  and  com- 
mence a  general  massacre.     Sir  William's  influence,  how- 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Captain  George  Clinton  to  his  father.  Mante.  Knox's 
Journal. 


LIFE    OF    SIR    WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  129 

ever,  again  prevailed,  and,  though  not  without  much  ill  chap. 
temper,  they   retired   to  their  encampment.     That  same  ^-v— > 
night,  while  the  savages,  deeply  chagrined,  were  brooding  176°- 
over  this  fancied  grievance,  an  officer,  partly  in  anger  and 
partly  in  jest,  observed  to  some  one  in  his  tent,  that  the 
English  would,  on  their  return  from  the  expedition,  exter- 
minate   the   Indian  race.     An   Indian,   overhearing  the 
remark,  communicated  it  to  his  companions,  seven  hundred 
of  whom  immediately  loaded  their  muskets,  and  in  great 
wrath  threatened  to   return  home,  declaring  that  it  was 
high  time  to  provide  for  the  security   of  their  families.1 
The  next   day  many  of  them  made  good  their  threats, 
"  though  there  still  remained  a  sufficient  number,"  wrote 
Johnson  to  Secretary  Pitt,  "  to  answer  our  purpose  and 
bring  us  constant  intelligence." 

Previous  to  leaving  Oswego,  Sir  William  had  dispatched 
several  Indian  Messengers,  with  offers  of  peace  and  pro- 
tection, to  nine  tribes  residing  in  the  vicinity  of  Montreal, 
and  who,  being  able  to  bring  into  the  field  eight  hundred 
warriors,  had  it  in  their  power  to  give  considerable  trouble 
were  they  so  disposed.  Fortunately,  the  tribes  received 
this  embassy  with  favor ;  and  on  the  Baronet's  arrival  at 
Fort  Levi,  he  was  met  by  deputies  from  each  of  the  nine 
tribes,  who,  at  this  time  ratified  a  treaty  with  the  English, 
in  which  they  bound  themselves  to  a  strict  neutrality,  on 
condition  that  they  should  hereafter  be  treated  as  friends, 
and  that  all  their  past  enmity  should  be  forgotten.  The 
benefits  of  this  peace  were  soon  obvious.  Many  of  the 
Indians  joined  the  English  and  brought  in  numerous  pri- 
soners ;  while  the  remainder  preserved  such  a  strict  neu- 
trality, that  the  dangerous  rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence  were 
passed  in  comparative  safety,  and  the  entire  journey  to 
Montreal  accomplished  without  opposition.2 

1 "  Review  of  the  trade  and  affairs  of  the  Indians  in  the  northern  dis- 
trict of  America."  Drawn  up  for  the  lords  of  trade  by  Sir  William  John- 
son.    N.   Y.   Col.  Doc.  vii,  960. 

*  Manuscript  letter ;  Johnson  to  Pitt. 

17 


130  LIFE   OJF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap-  On  the  last  day  of  August,  General  Amherst  again 
csm^  embarked,  and  proceeding  cautiously  down  the  St.  Law- 
1760.  rencej  passed  the  rapids,  with  the  loss  of  only  forty-six 
nlen — a  loss  which  must  be  considered  trilling,  when  the 
vastness  of  the  armament  is  taken  into  account.  So  ad- 
mirably had  the  plans  of  Amherst  been  matured,  that  when, 
on  the  sixth  of  September,  he  appeared  before  Montreal, 
General  Murray,  on  the  same  day,  approached  it  from 
Quebec ;  and  the  next  day  Colonel  Haviland  also  joined  the 
army  with  his  division.  De  Vaudreuil,  seeing  the  folly  of 
farther  resistance,  signed  a  capitulation,  on  the  eighth  of 
September,  by  which  Canada,  with  all  her  dependencies, 
was  surrendered  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain.  General 
Gage  remained  in  Montreal  as  governor ;  and  General 
Amherst,  having  ordered  Murray  to  garrison  Quebec  with 
four  thousand  men,  returned  the  last  of  September  to  New 
York,  to  be  received  with  the  firing  of  cannon  and  a  general 
illumination. 

Thus  before  the  foliage  had  put  on  the  rich  tints  of  au- 
tumn, the  reduction  of  Canada  was  complete.  By  the  con- 
summate judgment  of  Amherst,  who  was  as  humane  as  he 
was  brave,  this  conquest  had  been  achieved  with  compara- 
tivly  little  bloodshed ;  and  the  nation's  joy,  on  the  reception 
of  the  intelligence,  was  marred  not  by  weeping  households, 
and  seats  vacant  at  the  fireside.  The  footsteps  of  the 
victors  were  traced  by  no  smouldering  ruins  nor  desolated 
farms  ;  and  the  harvests  in  the  open  fields  yet  waited  for 
the  sickle.  "  Sir  William  Johnson,"  wrote  Amherst  at 
this  time,  "has  taken  unwearied  pains  in  keeping  the 
Indians  in  humane  bounds;  and  I  have  the  pleasure  to 
assure  you,  that  not  a  peasant  woman  or  child,  has  been 
hurt  by  them,  or  a  house  burned  since  I  entered  what  wras 
the  enemy's  country."1 


i  A  tacit  tribute  to  Sir  William  Johnson  is  paid  by  General  Amherst,  in 
article  9th  of  the  "Articles  of  Capitulation  between  Major  General 
Amherst  and  the  Marquis  De  Vaudreuil."  The  article  as  proposed  by  the 
French  commander  reads  as  follows:—"  The  British  general  shall  engage 
to  send  back,  to  their  own  homes,  the  Indians  and  Moraijans,  who  make 


LIFE   OF   SIR    WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  131 

French  colors  still  floated  over  Detroit,  Michilimacki-.cHAP. 
nac,  and  the  more  remote  posts  of  St.  Marie,  Green  Bay,  Wyl, 
and  St.  Joseph.  Accordingly,  on  the  fourth  day  after  the  176°- 
capitulation,  Major  Rogers  received  orders  from  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, to  take  possession  of  those  posts,  in  the 
name  of  his  Britannic  majesty.  The  day  after  he  received 
his  instructions,  the  bold  ranger  set  out  upon  his  perilous 
mission  with  two  hundred  of  his  tried  followers,  in  fifteen 
whale-boats.  Ascending  the  foaming  surges  of  La  Chine 
and  the  Cedars,  and  halting  for  a  day  at  La  G-alette  to 
repair  the  damage  which  their  boats  had  received  from 
the  rapids,  they  landed  at  dusk  of  the  twenty-third,,  at  the 
ruins  of  Fort  Frontinac.  Here  they  remained  two  days 
feasting  on  venison  and  wild-fowl,  which  the  surrounding 
Indians,  anxious  to  make  friends  with  their  new  masters, 
hastened  to  bring  as  an  offering  of  peace.  In  this  manner, 
occasionally  amusing  themselves  with  killing  a  deer  or 
spearing  a  salmon,  the  rangers  coasted  along  the  northern 
shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  and  arrived,  on  the  first  day  of 
October,  at  Niagara.  At  this  post  the  party  stopped  a  day 
to  repair  the  boats,  which  were  again  in  a  leaky  condition, 
and  to  fit  themselves  out  with  blankets  and  warm  coats, 
which  the  increasing  severity  of  the  season  demanded. 
Leaving  Captain  Brewer  to  follow  with  the  men,  Rogers, 
accompanied  by  two  officers,  hastened  on  in  advance  to 
Fort  Pitt  with  dispatches,  with  which  he  had  been  charged 
by  Amherst,  for  Brigadier  General  Monckton.  Having 
faithfully  executed  this  trust,  he  rejoined  his  party  at 
Presque  Isle.  His  force  was  now  increased  by  Deputy 
Croghan,  who  by  the  orders  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  had 

part  of  his  armies,  immediately  after  the  signing  of  the  present  capitula- 
tion. And,  in  the  meantime,  the  better  to  prevent  all  disorders  on  the  part 
of  those  who  may  not  be  gone  away,  the  said  generals  shall  give  safe 
guards  to  such  persons  as  shall  desire  them,  as  well  in  the  town  as  in  the 
country."  The  Britiph  general,  as  if  sturdily  remanding  the  marquis  to 
the  facts,  writes  at  the  foot  of  the  article — "  The  first  part  refused.  There 
never  have  been  any  cruelties  committed  by  the  Indians  pf  pur  army  ;  and 
good  order  shall  be  preserved." 


132 

chap,  joined  him  with  a  number  of  Indians,  and  also  by  a  com- 
w^w  pany  of  Eoyal  Americans  under  Captain  Campbell.  As 
1760.  several  of  the  boats  and  a  large  quantity  of  provisions 
had  been  lost  in  the  passage  from  Niagara,  the  detach- 
ments were  divided  into  two  companies.  One  division 
under  Brewer,  took  the  land  route  to  Detroit  with  a  drove 
of  forty  oxen,  kindly  furnished  by  Colonel  Bouquet ;  and 
was  accompanied  by  Sir  William's  interpreter,  Captain 
Montour,  with  twenty  of  the  Six  Nations  to  serve  as  scouts. 
The  division  that  went  by  water  endured  much  hard- 
ship. The  chill  winds  of  late  autumn,  sweeping  across 
the  lake,  benumbed  the  joints  of  the  rowers;  and  many 
times  the  white  cap  waves  nearly  swamped  the  boats. 
Indeed,  it  required  the  utmost  precaution  to  prevent  the 
shipwreck  of  the  entire  party.  If  a  gale  arose  in  the  day 
time,  a  red  flag  from  the  major's  boat  warned  the  little 
fleet  to  land  ;  while  a  blue  flag  displayed  at  sunset,  signi- 
fied that  the  journey  might  be  continued  with  safety 
during  the  night.  Thus  cautiously  proceeding,  the  ran- 
gers on  a  dark  and  dreary  November  day,  drew  up  their 
boats  on  the  sands,  at  the  mouth  of  a  river  whose  precise 
locality  cannot  now  be  ascertained.1  In  the  midst  of  a 
cold  drizzling  rain  they  pitched  their  tents  under  the  shel- 
ter of  a   neighboring  forest,  and  prepared  to  remain  until 

1  Francis  Parkman,  in  his  elaborate  work  on  Pontiac,  eays  "  the  Cuyahoga 
river,  the  present  site  of  Cleveland."  Bancroft  thinks  it  to  have  been  the 
Elk,  now  the  Chagrin  river.  Rogers  himself  calls  it  the  Chogage.  That 
it  was  not  the  Cuyahoga  river,  I  am  inclined  to  think  from  this  fact,  viz  ;  In 
SirWm.  Johnson's  private  diary,  kept  by  him  on  his  journey  to  and  from 
Detroit  in  the  summer  of  1761,  occurs  this  entry  on  his  return  east,  just 
after  leaving  Sandusky  :  "  Embarked  this  morning  at  6  of  ye  clock,  and 
intend  to  beach  near  to  Cuyahoga  this  day."  From  this  it  would  seem 
that  the  river  as  well  as  its  orthography,  was  well  known  at  that  day  by 
the  name  of  Cuyahoga,  and  therefore  had  that  been  the  river,  at  the  mouth 
of  which  Rogers  stopped,  he  would  have  told  us  so,  instead  of  saying,  the 
Chogage.  It  was  probably  the  Sheawga — now  Grand  river — The  sim- 
ilarity of  the  two  words — Chogage  and  Sheawga,  is  obvious ;  while  a  ves- 
sel could  easily  keep  a  south-westerly  course  for  forty-eight  miles  after 
leaving  this  river — the  course  which  Rogers  says  he  took. 


' 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  133 


they  could  pursue  their  journey  under  more   auspicious  chap. 
signs.  *— v — f 

Scarcely  had  the  rangers  fastened  their  boats  securely  to  176°- 
the  shore,  when  they  were  waited  on  by  a  deputation  of 
Ottawas,  who  informed  their  leader,  that  the  great  Pontiac1 
was  the  king  and  lord  of  that  country,  and  that  he  was 
even  then  on  his  way  to  meet  him.  Presently  the  haughty 
chieftain  made  his  appearance,  and  demanded  of  the  ranger 
"why  he  had  ventured  into  his  country  with  troops 
without  his  permission."  When  told  by  Rogers  in  reply, 
that  his  mission  was  pacific ;  that  he  had  come  only  to 
carry  into  effect  one  of  the  conditions  of  the  capitulation 
of  Montreal ;  and  that  the  troops  were  merely  to  escort 
back  the  French  garrisons,  the  chieftain's  tone  softened, 
and  he  agreed  to  take  the  subject  of  their  farther  advance, 
into  serious  consideration.  "Meantime,"  said  the  chief- 
tain, presenting  a  belt  of  wampum,  "  I  stand  in  your  path." 

The  next  day,  Pontiac  sent  in  to  the  camp  gifts  of 
parched  corn  and  other  necessaries;  and  at  a  second  meet- 
ing the  chief  informed  the  ranger,  as  they  together  smoked 
the  calumet  of  peace,  that  he  had  now  the  most  friendly 
feelings  toward  him  and  his  company,  and  that  they 
could  pass  through  his  country  unmolested. 

The  detachment  were  again  in  motion  on  the  twelfth  of 
November ;  and  passing  in  safety, — through  the  influence 
of  Pontiac, — an  ambush  of  four  hundred  hostile  Indians, 
they  appeared  before  Detroit,  on  the  twenty-ninth  of 
November.  The  commander  of  that  post  had  already 
been  informed  of  the  mission  of  the  English,  by  a  letter 
from  De  Yaudreuil,  which  Major  Rogers  had  sent  forward 
in  advance  of  the  party.  On  the  appearance  of  the  Eng- 
lish, therefore,  the  garrison  marched  out  in  front  of  the  fort, 
and  laid  down  their  arms  amid  the  triumphant  yells  of 
seven   hundred  savages,  until  then  the  fast  allies  of  the 


1  The  name  of  Pontiac,  which  is  in  accordance  with  the  Ottawa  dialect, 
takes  a  d  in  the  Chippewa. 


134 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 


chap.  French.     But  there  was  one,  who  standing  aloof  from  the 
~v— *  rest,  shared  not  the  general  joy ;  and  as  the  French  colors 
'    '  were  lowered  from  the  flag-staff,  Pontiac  saw  in  that  act, 
the  downfall  of  Indian  supremacy  in  America.1 

1  Rogers's  Journal ;  Rogers's  account  of  North  America  ;  Parkman's  Life  of 
Pontiac  i    Schoolcraft' s  Lecture  upon  Pontiac,  1841,    Rogers  found  at  Detroit 
$500,000  worth  of  furs — Manuscript  letter ;  Johnson  to  Wharton,   23  May, 
1770. 


. 


- 


CHAPTER  VII. 
1761. 

With  the  capture  of  Quebec,  the  political  influence  of  chap. 
the  Indian  race  began  to  wane.  The  reason  is  obvious.  >— v—- 
So  long  as  the  two  great  powers  of  England  and  France1771- 
contended  for  the  mastery  among  the  rocks  and  solitudes 
of  North  America,  both  nations  had  striven  to  win  the 
affections  of  the  red  man,  that  they  might  convert  him 
into  a  powerful  ally.  In  this,  the  French  had  been  vastly 
more  successful  than  the  English.  This  was  owing,  as 
we  have  seen,  partly  to  the  religious  element  which  they 
introduced  into  their  persuasions,  but  more,  perhaps,  to 
their  having  treated  the  Indian  as  a  fellow  being.  All  the 
tribes  of  the  north  and  north-west,  and  some  of  the 
nations  in  the  south,  had  acknowledged  their  influence, 
and  cheerfully  yielded  to  their  sway.  The  causes  which 
prevented  their  winning  over  the  Six  Nations,  both  before 
and  during  the  life  of  Sir  "William  Johnson,  have  been 
fully  explained ;  although  indeed  even  of  that  people,  some 
few  from  each  nation  had  wandered  off  to  Oswegatchie, 
and  there  settled.  Thus  until  the  reduction  of  Canada,  the 
Indians  had  always  held  the  balance  of  power  in  America. 
Rapid,  however,  as  their  political  decline  would  have  been 
from  this  time,  had  no  extraneous  influences  intervened, 
yet  various  causes  greatly  hastened  this  result. 

Although  the  French  had  entirely  relinquished  the  idea 
of  ever  again  possessing  Canada,  yet  with  a  malicious 
pleasure  they  still  continued  to  stir  up  jealousy  and  hatred 
among  the  Indians,  against  the  English.  It  is  moreover 
the  sad  truth,  that  the  conduct  of  the  colonists  themselves 
was   directly  calculated  to  aid    their    efforts.     We  have 


136  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap-  already  seen,  how  strenuously  Sir  William  Johnson  labored 
w^L,  to  maintain  a  good  understanding  between  the  English 
1761.  garrisons  and  the  Confederates  ;  and  the  animosity  on  the 
part  of  the  soldiers  toward  the  Six  Nations,  which,  so  long 
as  it  had  been  necessary  for  their  own  safety  to  humor  the 
Indians,  had  been  curbed,  now  that  the  same  necessity 
no  longor  existed,  burst  forth  with  renewed  intensity* 
"  We  are  now  left  in  peace,"  wrote  some  Christian  Oneidas^ 
in  the  simplicity  of  their  hearts,  to  Sir  William,  "  and 
have  nothing  to  do  but  to  plant  our  corn,  hunt  the  wild 
beasts,  smoke  our  pipes,  and  mind  religion.  But  as  these 
forts,  which  are  built  among  us,  disturb  our  peace,  and 
are  a  great  hurt  to  religion,  because  some  of  our  warriors 
are  foolish,  and  some  of  our  brother  soldiers  don't  fear 
God,  we  therefore  desire  that  these  forts  may  be  pulled 
down,  and  kicked  out  of  the  way"  Scenes  between  the 
soldiers  and  the  Indians,  such  as  are  related  in  the  sachem 
Abraham's  speech,  in  Appendix  No.  1  of  this  volume, 
became  disgracefully  frequent ;  and  although  those  garrisons 
that  came  within  the  immediate  circle  of  the  Baronet's  influ- 
ence, and  therefore  more  under  his  control,  were  kept  within 
bounds,  yet,  in  forts  more  remote,  scenes  daily  occurred, 
the  relation  of  which  causes  the  honest  cheek  to  mantle 
with  shame  for  the  honor  of  the  English  race. 

But  these  were  not  the  only  wrongs  which  the  Indian, 
through  the  silent  watches  of  the  night,  brooded  over  on 
his  bear  skin  couch.  Unscrupulous  traders,  like  a  flock  of 
harpies,  hovered  over  their  prey  until  they  could  safely 
pounce  upon  their  victims ;  and  now  that  hostilities  had 
ceased,  they  poured  in  from  all  quarters  upon  the  frontiers 
of  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia.  Many  of  the 
traders  were  men  of  desperate  fortunes — villains  of  the 
vilest  sort ;  who,  while  they  cheated  and  plundered  the 
Indian,  hesitated  not  to  outrage  his  wife  or  daughter  to 
gratify  their  brutal  passions  : — "  offering  when  compared 
with  the  French  traders,  who  were  under  better  regulations, 
a  most   unfavorable   example   of   the   character  of   their 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  137 

nation."     The   government  officers,  also,  though  forced  chap. 
by  their  position  to  conduct  themselves  more  decorously,  in  v_^_ , 
many  instances  neglected  no  opportunity  of  cheating  the 1761- 
Indians,  by  selling  to  them  at  a  high  price,  those  articles 
that  the  government  had   sent  to  be  distributed  among 
them  as  presents.     Guns,  ammunition,  and  clothing,  more- 
over, which  the  French  had  always  been  in  the  habit  of 
giving  to  their  red  allies,  were  now,  through  a  mistaken 
policy,  suddenly  withheld ;  so  that  many  of  those  nations, 
who  had  thrown  away  the  bow  and  arrow  for  the  powder 
horn  and  rifle,  were   in  an  extremely  destitute,  if  not  a 
starving  condition. 

It  was  also  evident,  that  the  neglect  with  which  the  nations 
of  the  far  west  had  been  treated  by  the  English,  since  they 
had  occupied  the  posts  on  the  great  lakes,  was  another 
source  of  dissatisfaction.  In  the  spring  of  this  year, 
Alexander  Henry,  an  English  trader,  traveled  to  Michi- 
limackinac,  and  whenever  he  came  in  contact  with  the 
western  tribes,  he  found  the  most  inimical  feelings  against 
his  nation,  who,  said  the  Indians,  had  by  no  word  or  deed, 
done  anything  to  conciliate  them.  At  Michilimackinac, 
which  place  he  reached  at  great  peril  of  his  life,  he  was 
waited  upon  by  Minavavana,  a  Chippewa  chief,  who,  while 
he  promised  protection  to  the  trader,  inveighed  bitterly 
against  the  neglect  with  which  his  people  were  treated  by 
the  English,  as  shown,  more  especially,  in  the  fact  that  no 
treaty  had  yet  been  made  with  his  people,  nor  presents 
sent  to  them. 1 

1  Travels  of  Alexander  Henry. 

During  this  interval,  the  Chippewa  chieftain  delivered  to  Henry  the  fol- 
lowing phillipio : 

"  Englishmen!  Although  you  have  conquered  the  French,  you  have  not 
yet  conquered  us !  We  are  not  your  slaves  !  These  lakes,  these  woods, 
these  mountains,  were  left  to  us  by  our  ancestors.  They  are  our  inheritance, 
and  we  will  part  with  them  to  none.  Your  nation  supposes  that  we,  like 
the  white  people,  cannot  live  without  bread,  and  pork  and  beef.  But  you 
ought  to  know  that  He,  the  Great  Spirit  and  Master  of  Life,  has  provided 
food  for  us  upon  these  broad  lakes  and  in  these  mountains." 

18 


138  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.  While  the  savages  of  the  north  west  were  cherishing 
«— ^  these  hostile  feelings,  the  Delaware  and  Ohio  Indians  were 
1761-  again  viewing  with  suspicion  the  movements  of  the  Ohio 
company,  who,  having,  in  1760,  sent  to  England  for  such 
instructions  to  the  Virginia  government  as  would  enable 
them  to  successfully  prosecute  their  undertaking,  were  now 
preparing  to  colonize  their  original  grant.  Along  the  bor- 
ders, also,  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  the  settlers  who 
had  fled  to  the  cities  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  were 
gradually  reoccupying  their  old  farms ;  while  to  add  to  all 
these  grievances,  General  Monckton  had,  in  the  summer 
of  the  same  year,  by  a  treaty  at  Pittsburg,  prevailed  upon 
the  Indians  to  allow  the  building  of  military  posts  in  their 
wild  lands — each  stockade  having  land  enough  around  it 
for  a  garrison  garden.1 

But  while  these  gradual  encroachments  were  going  on 
in  the  west,  the  wrath  of  the  Confederates  was  kindled  at 
the  rumored  settlement  of  Wyoming  by  the  Connecticut 
settlers.  They  were  also  the  more  irritated,  as  they  had 
always  justly  considered  the  Wyoming  lands  as  their  own 
property,  the  right  to  which  they  had  never  relinquished. l 
"I  am  sorry  to  acquaint  you,"  wrote  Governor  Hamilton 
to  Sir  William  Johnson,  "  that  the  Wyoming  settlement 
still  goes  on, — the  very  place  appointed  by  the  Six  Nations 
for  the  residue  of  the  Delawares  and  other  tribes,  who  were 
obliged  to  remove  from  the  inward  forts  of  the  province 
on  account  of  the  great  increase  of  our  people,  which  spoil 
their  hunting ;  and  I  have  been,  and  still  am,  so  much  afraid 

North  American  Review,  July  1839. — At  a  council  held  in  August  of  this 
year,  at  Philadelphia,  a  sachem  of  the  Six  Nations  said :  "We,  your  breth- 
ren of  the  Seven  Nations,  are  penned  up  like  boys.  There  are  forts  all 
around  us,  and  therefore  we  are  apprehensive  that  death  is  coming  upon  us." 

"  Nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  the  lands  do  yet  belong  to  these 
nations ;  [the  Six  Nations]  having  never,  that  I  have  heard  of,  been 
fairly  and  openly  purchased  from  them.  Nor  can  the  people  of  any  other 
province  have  a  right  to  purchase  lands  in  the  very  heart  of  Pennsylvania 
— all  such  purchases  being  declared  null  and  void  by  an  ancient  and  stand- 
ing law  of  this  government. — Manuscript  letter;  Governor  Hamilton  to 
Johnson,  \2th  May,  1761. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  139 

that  this  manner  of  proc  eeding  will  occasion  a  fresh  rup-  chap. 
ture  with  the  Indians,  that  I  have  written  to  General  w^— > 
Amherst  upon  it,  and  prayed  his  interposition ;  in  addition 176L 
to  which,  I  now  also  beg  the  favor  of  yours  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  you  shall  judge  most  proper  ;  and  unless  by  these 
means  a  stop  can  be  put  to  this  enterprise,  I  despair  of  its 
being  done  at  all."1  Despite  of  all  efforts,  however,  the 
Connecticut  company  were  sufficiently  influential  to  settle 
the  valley ;  and  although  the  rupture  with  the  Six  Nations, 
which  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  so  much  feared,  did  not 
occur  during  the  life  time  of  the  Baronet,  yet  it  was  only 
deferred ;  and  from  the  massacre  of  Wyoming,  in  1778,  until 
the  close  of  the  revolutionary  struggle,  revenge  upon  Wyo- 
ming seemed  a  cherished  luxury  to  the  infuriated  savage, 
who  regarded  that  settlement  as  an  object  of  inextinguish- 
able rancor — of  unappeasable  hate.  In  addition  to  all  this, 
the  Mohawks  had  also  their  own  peculiar  wrongs  to  settle 
with  those  land  speculators  from  Albany  and  Schenectady, 
whose  frauds  they  yet  remembered  with  an  intensity  only 
increased  by  long  meditation  upon  the  subject. 

Yet  with  all  these  causes  of  irritation  rankling  in  their 
breasts,  and  with  the  example  before  them  of  the  Chero- 
kees,  who  were  now  waging  a  bloody  war  along  the  fron- 
tiers of  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas,  the  Six  Nations,  ever 
under  the  persuasive  influence  of  the  Baronet,  remained, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  Senecas,  faithful  to  their 
ancient  alliance.  Sufficient  apprehension,  however,  was 
excited  to  show  the  necessity  of  at  once  conciliating  the 
tribes  of  the  north  west.  In  June,  Captain  Campbell,  who 
had  been  left  in  charge  of  Detroit,  the  preceding  autumn, 
was  startled  by  intelligence  that  the  Senecas  had  not  only 
sent  belts  of  wampum  to  the  nations  from  Nova  Scotia  to  the 
Illinois,  inviting  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the 
English,  but  that  two  of  their  chiefs  were  even  then  hold- 
ing a  private  council  with  the  Wyandots,  to  induce  them 
to  massacre  the  neighboring  garrison  at  Detroit.     But  this 

1  Manuscript  letter;  Gov.  Hamilton  to  Johnson,  12th  May,  1761. 


140 


BART. 


1759. 


chap,  was  not  all.  Farther  investigation  revealed  that  the  Sen- 
eeas,  Shawanese  and  Delawares,  having  assembled  at  a 
certain  rendezvous,  were  to  fall  simultaneously  upon 
Niagara  and  Fort  Pitt,  the  garrisons  of  which  were  also 
to  be  tomahawked  and  scalped.  Immediately  upon  the 
receipt  of  this  information,  Captain  Campbell  sent 
expresses  to  General  Amherst  and  the  officers  commanding 
at  the  different  frontier  posts,  putting  them  on  their  guard ; 
and  thus  this  partially  matured  plot  was  for  the  present 
broken  up * 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Indian  relations,  when  in  the 
early  summer  of  this  year,  Sir  William  Johnson,  whose 
jurisdiction  extended  over  all  the  tribes  of  the  northern 
colonies,  determined,  at  the  request  of  General  Amherst, 
to  visit  Detroit.2  His  main  object  in  this  was  twofold: — 
first  to  conclude  a  solid  and  lasting  treaty  with  the  western 
tribes — the  neglect  of  which  had  been  a  source  of  so  much 
dissatisfaction  ;  and  secondly,  to  regulate  the  fur  trade, 
and  settle  the  prices  of  clothes  and  provisions  at  those  posts, 
which,  until  recently,  had  been  occupied  by  the  French. 
Since  the  close  of  hostilities,  the  conduct  of  many  of  the 
traders,  as  has  been  intimated,  had  been  shameful  in  the 
extreme ;  and  it  was  with  a  view  of  correcting  this  source 
of  annoyance,  that  the  entire  supervision  of  all  trade  along 
the  northern  tier  of  forts,  was  now  given  to  the  Baronet ; 
so  that,  hereafter,  no  trader  could  pursue  his  traffic  unless 
he  had  a  license  granted  him  by  the  latter,  or  by  his  deputy, 
George  Croghan.  But  Sir  William  Johnson  had  other 
motives  in  this  journey.  Among  the  Baronet's  papers,  I 
find  the  following  memoranda  of  several  matters  to  be 
attended  to  upon  his  arrival  at  Detroit:3 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Captain  Campbell  to  major  Walters,  commanding  at 
Niagara  "  17th  June,  1761 — two  o'clock  in  the  morning." 

2  Although  the  death  of  George  II.  in  October  1760,  dissolved  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson's  commission  as  superintendent,  &c,  yet  a  new  one  was 
granted  him  by  George  III,  "  during  the  king's  pleasure,"  in  March  of  this 
year. 

3  The  insertion  of  the  sememoranda  in  the  text  is  not  deemed  irrelevant, 


LIFE   OF   SIB   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART.  141 

"  1st.  To  learn  from  M.  La  Bute  and  St.  German  the  chap. 

vii. 

names  of  several  nations  of  Indians  in  this  country,  their  ^—v—' 
number  of  men,  places  of  residence,   their  connections, 1761, 
disposition  and  wars. 

"  2d.  How  many  posts  the  French  had  in  the  Indian 
country,  the  number  of  men  in  each,  how  maintained, 
from  whom  they  received  their  orders,  how  often  relieved,  how 
liked  by  the  Indians,  on  what  footing  trade  was  carried  on 
with  the  Indians  in  all  those  parts — and  how  far  the  bounds 
of  Canada  extend,  and  that  of  Mississippi. 

"  3d.  Whether  the  French  had  any  shipping  on  the 
Lakes  Huron,  Michigan  and  Superior ;  whether  and  which 
of  them  is  reckoned  the  best  navigation,  how  late  and  early 
they  can  be  used  in  the  season. 

"  4th.  Which  post  or  place  was  always  looked  upon  as 
the  best  for  trade  ;  what  prices  the  French  generally  paid 
for  beaver,  furs,  &c. 

"  5th.  What  posts  and  settlements  from  Mississippi  to 
the  Illinois  country,  and  what  number  of  inhabitants,  sol- 
diers and  slaves." 

The  journey  was  now,  even  more  perilous  than  when 
undertaken  by  Major  Rogers,  the  previous  autumn  ;  but 
the  mutterings  of  those  distant  tribes  could  no  longer  be 
passed  unheeded ;  while  no  one  could  so  well  pour  oil  upon 
the  troubled  waters,  as  the  Baronet,  whose  intimate  knowl- 
edge of  the  Indian  character  and  widely  extended  influence 
would,  it  was  hoped,  shield  him  from  danger. 

Previous  to  his  leaving  home,  the  Baronet  acquainted 
both  the  Mohawk  castles  with  the  object  of  his  intended 
journey,  requesting  them  to  behave  as  courteously  as  pos- 
sible to  their  white  neighbors  during  his  absence.  The 
Indians  appeared  to  be  pleased  with  his  object  in  going, 
but  at  the  same  time  confessed  to  him  their  solicitude  for 
his  personal   safety.     They  also   seemed  gratified  at  his 

going  to  show,  as  they  do,  the  great  extent  of  country  over  which  was  Sir 
William  Johnson's  jurisdiction,  and  the  minuteness  of  detail,  as  well  as 
the  method,  which  was  so  characteristic  of  him. 


142  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

°ulP'  tllus  tnrowmg  them  upon  their  good  behavior ;  and  since 
w^  he  was  determined  to  go,  they  promised  to  follow  strictly 
1761-  his  advice,  and  use  all  their  influence  to  prevent  their 
young  men  from  committing  any  irregularities  either  with 
the  soldiers  or  the  inhabitants.  They,  however,  begged 
that  he  would  forbid  their  white  brethren  pressing  and 
teasing  them  for  their  lands,  "  which,  they  said,"  were 
now  so  clipped  about  at  every  side,  that  they  could  scarce 
live  by  hunting  on  what  was  now  left."  In  reply,  they 
were  assured  that  no  land  could  now  be  taken  from  them 
until  it  had  been  fairly  purchased — his  majesty  having 
given  it  particularly  in  charge  to  his  governors,  to  see  that 
no  land  was  taken  up  without  their  consent,  and  payment 
being  made  them  for  it."  "  They  expressed  much  satisfac- 
tion at  this,"  adds  Sir  William  in  his  private  diary,  "and 
so  we  parted.  "  1 

Everything  being  at  length  in  readiness,  and  the  large 
quantities  of  goods,  sent  by  General  Amherst  for  the  use  of 
the  Indians  at  Detroit,  having  arrived,  Sir  William,  upon  the 
fifth  of  July,  set  out  from  Fort  Johnson.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  his  son,  J  ohn  Johnson,  and  by  his  nephew — sub- 
sequently his  son  in  law — Lieutenant  Guy  Johnson,  who 
was  to  act  as  his  private  secretary.  Captain  Andrew  Mon- 
tour, and  a  few  Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  also  went  with  the 
party  to  act  as  a  sort  of  body  guard.  The  water  being  very 
low — owing  to  the  severe  drouth  which  had  continued  for 
some  weeks  previous,  and  which,  indeed,  lasted  the  entire 
summer — great  difficulty  was  experienced  with  the  heavily 
laden  bateaux  in  passing  down  Wood  creek.  While  the 
party  were  thus  delayed  at  Fort  Stanwix,  they  were  over- 
taken by  Colonel  Eyre,  with  a  letter  to  the  Baronet  from 
General  Amherst,  enclosing  the  communication  from  Cap- 
tan  Campbell  in  relation  to  the  designs  of  the  Senecas, 
to   which  allusion  has  already  been  made.     Resolved  to 

1  The  private  manuscript  diary  to  which  allusion  is  here  made,  was  kept 
by  Sir  William  Johnson  during  his  journey  to  and  from  Detroit,  and  [s 
given  at  length  in  appendix  No.  iv.  of  this  volume. 


BART.  143 

find  out  how  far  this  conspiracy  was  participated  in  by  the  chap. 
Confederacy,  the  Baronet  took  occasion,  upon  the  chief  ^w 
sachem  of  the  Tuscaroras  coming  into  his  tent,  to  question 176L 
him  in  regard  to  it.  To  the  questions,  whether  any  deputies 
had  been  sent  by  the  Six  Nations  to  Detroit  during  the 
spring  and  summer,  the  sachem  answered,  that  two  had 
been  sent  by  the  Senecas ;  that  the  Cayugas  were  also  to 
have  sent  one,  but  on  the  arrival  of  the  Cayuga  deputy  in 
the  Seneca  country,  he  was  told  that  it  would  not  be  pru- 
dent for  him  to  venture  so  far  alone,  and  that  he  had  there- 
fore remained  at  home.  On  his  being  farther  asked  the 
object  of  the  Seneca's  journey,  he  replied,  that  it  was 
understood  they  had  gone,  on  behalf  of  the  Six  Nations,  to 
perform  the  ceremony  of  condolence  for  those  Indians  who 
had  been  killed  in  the  battle  of  Niagara ;  that  some  Cay- 
ugas had  also  gone  to  Cadaracqui  to  perform  the  same  cer- 
emony with  the  northern  Indians,  and  that  upon  their 
return,  a  meeting  was  to  be  called  at  Onondaga,  when  the 
result  of  both  meetings  would  be  made  known  to  the  whole 
Confederacy.  "  After  this,"  says  the  private  diary  just 
quoted,  "  I  let  him  know,  he  being  one  of  their  most  sen- 
sible men,  that  the  Senecas  who  went  to  Detroit,  were 
acting  another  part,  and  that  their  plot  was  discovered. 
I  then  told  him  as  much  of  the  intelligence  sent  by  Cap- 
tain Campbell,  as  I  thought  necessary,  and  laid  before  him 
the  madness  of  such  an  attempt,  and  the  very  fatal  conse- 
quences of  it  to  all  their  nations ;  concluding  with  my 
advice  to  him  and  all  of  them,  that  if  any  such  wicked 
design  was  intended,  he,  and  the  rest  of  the  considerate 
part  of  them,  would  immediately  put  a  stop  to  it — otherwise 
it  must  inevitably  bring  on  their  ruin,  which,  I  was  certain, 
would  be  more  agreeable  to  his  majesty  to  avoid  if  possible. 
On  hearing  what  I  said,  he  seemed  much  surprised,  and 
declared  there  was  no  such  scheme  agreed  on  by  the  Six 
Nations,  nor  such  message  sent  by  them  to  the  Detroit  or 
Cadaracqui  meetings  ;  that  if  what  I  now  told  him  was 
true,  it  must  come  from  the  Seneca  Nation ;  and  he  con- 


144  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  eluded  by  assuring  me  he  would,  on  his  arrival  at  his  castle, 
^v~- '  acquaint  the  rest  of  the  sachems,  and  then  fall  on  the  best 
1/61.  meagureg  they  could,  to  find  out  wThat  the  Senecas  had  done 
at  Detroit,  and  if  it  was,  as  they  now  heard,  would  endeavor 
to  put  a  stop  to  it."  The  information  which  the  Tuscarora 
gave,  the  Baronet  afterward  ascertained  was  correct ;  and 
with  the  exception  of  the  Senecas,  all  suspicion  of  the  faith 
of  the  Confederacy  was  removed. 

At  Oswego,  which  was  reached  on  the  nineteenth,  the 
Baronet  tarried  two  days  to  distribute  among  those  Indians 
who  had  remained  with  the  army  the  preceding  year,  some 
silver  medals  sent  to  them  by  General  Amherst  as  a  reward 
for  their  good  conduct. \  He  also  found  it  necessary  to 
hold  a  small  council  with  the  Onondagas,  in  order  to  allay 
the  jealousy  which  his  contemplated  visit  to  Detroit  had 
provoked.  "We  are  surprised,"  said  their  speaker,  "at 
your  going  to  call  a  council  at  Detroit,  when  you  know 
that  the  chief  and  only  council  fire  burns  at  your  house 
and  Onondaga ;  besides  these  Indians  you  are  going  to, 
ought  rather,  as  being  aggressors,  to  come  to  you.  You 
recommend  to  us  to  mind  our  hunting  and  trade,  and  to 
live  in  friendship  with  our  brethren  at  the  several  posts. 
This  we  would  be  very  desirous  of  doing,  but  they,  by 
their  behavior  to  us  at  the  several  posts,  seem  not  to  have 
any  liking  for  us,  and  use  us  very  ill  at  times,  taking  our 
women  from  us  by  violence,  using  them  and  us  ill,  and 
hindering  us  from  hunting  and  fishing  on  our  own  grounds 
near  the  posts — often  taking  what  we  catch  and  kill  from 
us.  This  is  not  agreeable  to  the  promises  made  us,  or  the 
friendship  so  long  subsisting  between  us  and  you.  We 
beg,  brother,  you  will  interpose  and  see  justice  done  us,  and 
that  there  may  be  a  fair  trade  carried  on  by  your  people." 
Thus,  whenever  opportunity  was  given,  throughout  the 
entire  journey  complaints  were  poured  into  the  Baronet's 
ears,  of  the  injustice  and  rapacity  of  the  traders — showing 

1  These  medals,  by  order  of  Amherst,  were  stamped  upon  one  side  with 
the  Baronet's  coat  of  arms. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  145 


VII. 
1761. 


that  his  journey  had  not  been  undertaken  a  moment  too  chap. 
early. 

On  the  twenty-fourth,  the  party  arrived  at  Niagara ;  and 
on  the  thirty-first  Sir  William  dispatched  the  following 
letter  to  General  Amherst : 

«  Niagara,  July  30th,  1761. 
"  Sir : 

"  Although  I  did  myself  the  honor  of  writing  your 
excellency  the  24th  inst.  by  one  of  the  tracers,  I  would 
not  slip  so  favorable  an  opportunity  of  Colonel  Eyre's 
return,  to  inform  you  that  since  my  last,  I  had  a  meeting 
with  several  chiefs  of  the  Chipeweigh  nation,  and  some 
Mississageys,  to  whom  I  expressed  my  satisfaction  at  the 
good  character  I  had  here  received  of  them  ;  and  after 
communicating  the  intention  of  my  journey,  I  recom- 
mended it  to  them  to  continue  to  deserve  our  friendship 
and  protection,  which  were  so  essential  to  their  own  interest. 
I  then  desired  them  to  send  some  of  their  sachems  to 
be  present  at  the  general  meeting  at  Detroit,  that  they 
might  be  able  to  acquaint  their  nations  with  what  might 
pass  at  the  meeting,  and  let  them  know  the  mutual  engage- 
ments entered  into  thereat,  by  the  several  nations  of 
Indians  and  us  ;  and  concluded  with  promises  to  use  all 
my  endeavors  for  the  better  regulating  of  trade,  and  with 
assuring  them  of  our  friendship  so  long  as  their  conduct 
deserved  it.  The  chief  of  the  Chipeweighs  returned  many 
thanks  for  what  I  had  said,  and  after  smoking  out  of  one 
pipe  together,  according  to  their  custom — the  smoke  of 
which,  they  said,  would  ascend  so  high  as  to  be  seen  by  all 
the  nations  over  the  lakes — they  begged  I  would  consider 
their  necessities,  having  scarcely  clothes  to  cover  them, 
they  not  being  able  to  trade,  as  they  were  not  allowed  to 
buy  powder  for  hunting,  and  ended  with  requesting  that 
they  might  have  some  provisions.  I  l^ave  received  a  very 
good  character  from  the  commanding  officer,  and  every  one 
else  here,  of  these  Indians'  behavior,  and  am  convinced 
they  are  not  concerned  in  any  schemes  against  us. 

19 


146 


BART. 


VII. 
1761 


chap  "  I  intend  giving  them  some  clothing;  hut  I  see  plainly, 
'that  there  appears  to  he  an  unusual  jealousy  amongst 
every  nation,  on  account  of  the  hasty  steps  they  look  upon 
we  are  taking  towards  getting  possession  of  their  country, 
which  uneasiness,  I  am  certain,  will  never  subside  whilst 
we  encroach  within  the  limits  which,  you  may  recollect, 
have  been  put  under  the  protection  of  the  king  in  the 
year  1726,  and  confirmed  to  them  by  him  and  his  succes- 
sors ever  since,  and  by  orders  sent  to  the  governors  not  to 
allow  any  of  his  subjects  settling  thereon  ;  which  they  were 
acquainted  with,  by  his  late  majesty,  in  your  speech  of  the 
twenty-second  of  April  1760,  delivered  by  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral Monckton.  You  then  promised  to  prevent  any  per- 
son, whatsoever,  from  settling  or  even  hunting  therein ;  but 
that  it  should  remain  their  absolute  property.  I  thought 
it  necessary  to  remind  your  excellency  thereof,  as  the  other 
day  on  my  riding  to  the  place  where  the  vessels  are  build- 
ing, I  found  some  carpenters  at  work,  finishing  a  large 
house  for  one  Mr.  Stirling,  near  the  falls,  and  have  since 
heard  others  are  shortly  to  be  built  thereabouts.  As  this 
must  greatly  add  to  the  Indians'  discontent,  being  on  the 
carrying-place,  and  within  the  very  limits,  which,  by  their 
own  agreement,  they  are  not  so  much  as  allowed  to  dis- 
pose of,  I  should  be  glad  to  know  whether  I  can  acquaint 
them  that  those  people  will  be  ordered  to  remove  or  not; 
and  I  hope  from  your  excellency's  answer  to  be  able  to 
satisfy  them  on  that  head. 

"  I  am  also  apprehensive,  the  erecting  a  fort  at  Sandusky 
will  likewise  greatly  alarm  them ;  and  I  could  wish  that  I 
had  time  enough  at  Detroit,  to  reconcile  them  to  our 
establishing  ourselves  there,  which  otherwise  will  give 
great  disgust  to  the  nations  of  the  [Ottawa]    Confederacy. 

"  I  yesterday  dispatched  a  boat  to  Sandusky,  with  a  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Croghan,  with  orders  immediately  on  its  arrival 
there,  to  proceed  with  the  Indians  to  Detroit,  as  I  cannot 
pw  delay  my  journey  by  calling  at  a  place  so  much  out 
of  my  route.     I  have  also  by  the  same  opportunity  written 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  147 

to  Captain  Campbell  to  inform  bim  of  my   being  thus  far  chap. 
on  my  way,  and  to  apprise  the  Indians,  in  that  quarter,  of  w^ 
Major  Gladwin's  coming  with  some  troops,  that  they  may1761- 
not  be  alarmed  at  their  appearance.     My  bateaux  with 
the  presents  are  not  arrived,   but   as  I  may  now  hourly 
expect  them,  hope  to  be  enabled  to  set  out  from  hence  in 
a  few  days. 

"  I  am  Sir 

"  Your  most  humble  serv't 

"TO.  JOHNSOK 
General  Amherst."1 

Is  it  strange  that  the  red  men  reverenced  the  writer  of 
this  letter,  when  all  their  interests  were  watched  by  him 
with  such  a  jealous  eye  ? 

"While  the  party  were  detained  here  for  the  boats,  the 
Baronet,  having  resolved  to  ferret  out  the  designs  of  the 
Senecas,  called  that  nation  to  a  council  on  the  eighth  of 
August.  In  this  conference,  the  sachems  were  taken 
severely  to  task  for  their  behavior.  After  informing 
them  of  the  suspicions  under  which  they  rested,  the  Baro- 
net asked  them  plainly  it  it  was  with  their  sanction  that 
the  deputies  had  gone  to  the  Wyandot  village  ?  In  their 
reply,  the  next  day,  they  appeared  surprised  at  the  charge 
against  their  nation,  and  denied  any  knowledge  of  the 
affair.  They  stated,  however,  that  the  two  deputies  who 
had  gone  to  the  Wyandots  lived  near  Fort  Pitt,  and  that 
they  had  probably  been  induced  to  do  so  by  Jean  Cceur, 
who,  they  said,  had  long  meditated  the  massacre  of  the 
English  garrisons  by  the  Indians,  in  case  the  French  should 
be  conquered. 

In  this  denial,  the  Baronet  evidently  did  not  place  much 
confidence  ;  for  in  his  reply,  he  addressed  them  as  follows  : 

"  Brethren  of  the  Seneca  Nation :  I  have  with  attention 
and  surprise  heard  you  now  declare  your  innocence  and 
ignorance  of  the  late  message  to  Detroit  by  two  of  your 





Manuscript  letter. 


148 

chap,  people,  who,  although  they  live  detached  from  you,  would 
v—y— /not,  I  am  certain,  presume  to  take  upon  them  an  affair  of 
1761-  that  kind,  without  your  consent  or  approbation,  as  I  well 
know,  that  in  matters  of  less  moment  you  all  consult  each 
other.  As  this  is  so  villainous  an  affair,  and  carried  so  far, 
I  must  tell  you  plainly,  that  I  look  upon  what  you  now 
tell  me  only  as  an  evasion,  and  a  kind  of  excuse  to  blind 
us.  And  I  tell  you,  that  all  the  excuses  you  can  make, 
and  all  the  rhetoric  your  nation  is  master  of,  will  not  sat- 
isfy the  general,  nor  convince  me  of  your  innocence  unless 
a  deputation  of  your  chiefs  appear  at  the  general  meeting, 
which  lam  now  calling  at  Detroit,  and  then  in  the  pre- 
sence of  allthe  nations,  declare  your  innocence,  and  disap- 
probation of  what  was  done  by  the  two  messengers  last 
month  at  Detroit.  This,  I  expect  you  will  do,  to  show 
your  brethren  your  innocence,  and  all  the  Indians  your 
detestation  of  so  vile  and  unnatural  a  plot."  "I  here 
returned  them  their  own  wampum,"  says  the  Baronet,  "  to 
show  them  I  paid  no  regard  to  what  they  said — which 
greatly  staggered  them  all;  and  after  some  time  spent 
in  talking,  their  speaker  said,  "  Brother,  you  are  very 
hard  upon  us  after  our  honest  declaration  of  innocence. 
However,  as  it  does  not  give  you  satisfaction,  we  will 
send  off  to-morrow  morning  your  belt  to  our  nation  with 
what  you  have  said  thereon ;  and  we  doubt  not  but  some 
of  our  chief  men  will  be  ready  to  go  to  the  proposed  meet- 
ing at  Detroit,  and  there  satisfy  you  and  the  world  of 
their  innocence."  Sir  William  appeared  satisfied  with 
this,  and  having  expressed  the  hope  that  they  would 
lose  no  time,  that  tk<e  meeting  might  not  be  delayed, 
promised  to  give  them  a  few  presents  on  the  next  day.  In 
reply  to  their  request  for  ammunition,  they  were  told  it 
was  owing  to  their  ill  behavior,  the  previous  year,  in  leav- 
ing him  after  the  surrender  of  Isle  Royal,  that  they  were 
tifm&ed  wiifo  so  little  .a-tteoaition ;  besides  how  could  they 
expect  mat  «#£&s  .and  amniMition  would  be  placed  in  the 
hands  of   people  -^'wlho  were    mad  enough  to  think  of 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  149 

quarreling  with  the  English  ?"     However,  as  they  had  now  chap. 
solemnly  declared  themselves  innocent  of  the  charge,  and  w^ 
had  promised  to  hehave  hereafter   as   friends,  they  were  17til- 
told  that  they  should  have  sufficient  ammunition  to  kill 
some  game  on  their  journey  home.1     The  conference  then 
ended ;  and  the  chiefs   retired,  doubtless  well  pleased   at 
having  escaped  so  easily. 

On  the  nineteenth,  the  party  having  been  joined  by  a 
company  of  the  Royal  Americans,  and  a  few  New  York 
volunteers  under  Lieutenant  Ogden,  embarked  in  thirteen 
bateaux  and  one  birch  canoe.  The  voyagers  were  over- 
taken on  the  twenty-fifth,  by  Captain  Lottridge  with  dis- 
patches from  General  Amherst,  announcing  the  capture 
of  Belle  Isle,  and  the  defeat  of  the  Cherokees,  on  the  tenth 
of  July,  by  Colonel  Grant.  This  intelligence  diffused 
general  joy ;  and  by  the  order  of  the  Baronet,  the  party 
went  on  shore,  that  the  Royal  Americans,  having  been 
drawn  up  into  line,  might  fire  three  volleys  and  drink  a 
glass  to  his  majesty's  health.  With  the  exception  of  this 
circumstance,  the  voyage  to  Detroit  was  without  incident; 
and  on  the  third  of  September,  the  mouth  of  the  Detroit 
river  having  been  reached,  Sir  William  made  the  following 
entry  in  his  diary : 

"  Thursday  3d*  At  four  o'clock  I  arose,  and  wrote  Mr. 
Croghan  a  few  lines  by  Mr.  Gambling's  canoe  to  meet  me 
about  six  miles  this  side  of  the  fort  with  horses.  I  take 
Mr.  Gambling  in  my  boat :  Fine  morning  but  cold  and 
the  wind  right  ahead.  Embarked  at  seven  o'clock,  and  on 
our  way  passed  several  fine  islands,  and  drowned  meadows : 
about  twelve,  came  to  the  house  of  Captain  Jones  of  the 
militia,  which  is  the  best  house  I  have  seen  in  the  neigh- 
borhood. Eat  some  melon  there,  and  set  off  for  Detroit, 
which  is   but   a  league  from   the  house.     Opposite  the 

2  Manuscript  private  diary.  For  a  fuller  account  of  Sir  William's  trans- 
action with  these  Senecas  at  Niagara,  and  his  farther  proceedings  with  Old 
Belt,  a  Seneca  chief  who  arrived  the  eleventh,  see  private  diary  in 
appendix  iv. 


150  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  Huron  toward  Potawatemy  village,  saw  Mr.  Croghan  and 
v-^-L,  St.  Martin,  the  Huron  interpreter,  with  horses  expecting 
1761-  us.  On  coming  farther  the  Indian  towns  drew  out,  and 
began  to  lire  with  cannon  and  fire-arms,  which  I  returned 
by  three  vollies  from  the  Koyal  American  detachment. 
Then  went  onshore  and  rode  to  town  through  a  number 
of  settlements.  All  along  the  road  was  met  by  Indians* 
and  near  the  town  by  the  inhabitants,  traders,  &c.  When 
I  came  to  the  verge  of  the  fort,  the  cannon  thereof  were 
fired,  and  the  officers  of  the  garrison,  with  those  of  Gage's 
light  infantry,  received  me,  and  brought  me  to  see  my 
quarters  which  is  the  house  of  the  late  commandant  Mr. 
Belleter." 

On  the  following  day,  deputations  from  different  tribes 
waited  upon  Sir  William,  bringing  presents  of  maize. 
This  the  latter  reciprocated  by  giving  the  Indians  pipes 
and  tobacco,  and  a  barbecue  of  a  large  ox  roasted  whole. 
Belts,  meanwhile,  were  sent  out  to  the  several  nations  of 
the  Ottawa  Confederacy,  notifying  them  of  the  approach- 
ing council.  While  waiting  for  their  answers,  Sir  Wil- 
liam's time  was  fully  occupied.  The  provisions  which  he 
had  confidently  expected  from  Fort  Pitt  for  the  Indians, 
had  not  yet  arrived,  boats  were  accordingly  sent  back  to 
Niagara  to  bring  a  sufficient  supply.  Many  of  the  Indian 
presents,  owing  to  the  leaking  of  the  boats  on  the  passage, 
were  entirely  spoiled.  The  number  of  the  garrisons  to  be 
stationed  at  the  remote  parts  of  Michillimackinac,  St.  Marie, 
and  St.  Joseph,  had  to  be  settled  ;l  and  the  "  instructions 
and  orders"  for  the  officers,  who  were  to  have  the  charge 
of  those  posts,  made  out.  His  speech  to  the  Indians  at 
the  coming  treaty  had  also  to  be  written,  and  the  fur  trade 
and  the  general  traffic  of  the  traders  to  be  arranged ;  so 
that  altogether  he  had  his  hands  full.  The  evenings, 
however,  were  devoted  to  recreation ;  and  while  the  days 

1  The  soldiers  were  distributed  as  follows : — an  officer  and  thirty  men  at 
Michillimackinac  ;  an  officer  and  fifteen  men  at  St.  Joseph  :  and  the  same 
number  at  the  Miamies  and  other  posts. 


BART.  151 

were  occupied  in  close  consultations  with  Major  Gladwin  chap. 
and  Captain  Campbell  in  reference  to  military  and  Indian  ^s 
relations,  the  nights  were  spent  in  dances  given  in   honor  1761. 
of  the  Baronet,  in  which  the  French  officers  and  their 
families  participated.1 

At  ten  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  ninth,  the  firing 
of  two  cannon  summoned  the  Indians  to  the  council. 
There  being  no  house  in  the  settlement  sufficiently  large 
to  accommodate  all  of  the  assemblage,  seats  were  prepared 
in  the  open  air.  Indeed,  the  number  of  tribes  represented 
was  much  larger  than  any  one  had  anticipated.  The 
Hurons,  the  Pottawatamies,  the  Wyandots,  the  Chipewas, 
and  the  Ottawas  were  all  present.  Indians  from  regions 
far  beyond  the  Superior  also  came,  that,  with  their  own 
eyes,  they  might  behold  the  man,  whose  house  was  the 
fire  place  of  the  dreaded  Iroquois.  Nor  was  the  assem- 
blage confined  solely  to  the  western  tribes ;  numbers  of  the 
Shawanese,  Delawares,  and  other  Indians  from  the  Ohio 
were  there  as  spectators.  As  soon  as  they  were  all  seated, 
Sir  "William  Johnson,  accompanied  by  Captain  Campbell, 
Mr.  Croghan,  Lieutenant  Johnson  and  the  officers  of  the 
garrison — all  in  full  uniform — walked  to  the  council  and 
took  their  places.  Then  amid  a  profound  silence,  the 
Baronet  arose,  and  delivered  his  speech  with  all  that  dignity 
of  mein  which  is  so  pleasing  to  the  Indian.  The  chief 
topics  adverted  to  in  the  address  were,  the  recent  conspiracy 
and  the  desire  of  the  English  to  cultivate,  through  an 
honest  trade,  amicable  relations  with  the  western  tribes. 
In  alluding  to  the  former,  Sir  William  thanked  the  Hurons 
and  Wyandots  for  their  good  will,  as  shown  by  their  reveal- 
ing the  plot  to  Captain  Campbell,  and  hoped  they  would 
ever  continue  the  steadfast  friends  of  the  English.  As 
soon  as  he  had  ended,  the  council,  according  to  Indian 
ceremonial,  broke  up  for  the  day.     Late  in  the  afternoon, 

1  •«  They  assembled  at  about  eight  o'clock  at  night  to  the  number  of  about 
twenty.  I  opened  the  ball  with  Mademoiselle  Curie,  a  fine  girl ;  we  danced 
until  five  o'clock  next  morning  " — Private  Diary,  Manuscript  before  quoted. 


152  LIFE    OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  a  number  of  Huron  chiefs  waited  upon  Sir  William  at  his 

VII. 

-^-L  quarters,  and  stated  that  as  some  of  the  chiefs  might  take 
1761-  to  drinking  if  they  loitered  long  around  the  fort,  they  would 
he  glad  if  he  would  receive  their  answer  the  following  day. 
To  this  very  sensible  proposition,  the  Baronet  readily 
acceded  ;  and  having  informed  them  that  the  usual  signal 
would  be  given  the  next  afternoon  by  the  firing  of  two 
cannon,  they  were  dismissed  with  the  usual  presents  of 
pipes  and  tobacco. 

"The  answer  of  the  Nations,"  says  the  Baronet,  -'was 
very  satisfactory  ;  and  at  its  close,  Kaiaghshota,  a  Seneca 
chief,  and  one  who  had  accompanied  the  two  messengers 
to  the  Wyandots,  arose,  and  with  consummate  eloquence 
and  resolution,  endeavored  to  clear  himself  of  the  charge 
that  had  been  laid  to  his  nation.  In  the  midst  of  his  speech, 
however,  Adariaghta,  the  chief  warrior  of  the  Hurons, 
coming  forward,  confronted  him,  and  disclosing  everything 
that  had  occurred,  revealed  to  all  present  the  Seneca's 
duplicity.  Upon  this,  the  White  Mingo,  an  Ohio  Indian, 
retorted  by  accusing  the  Huron  of  endeavoring  to  incite 
the  Ohio  Indians  to  a  general  massacre  of  the  garrisons ; 
and  the  altercation  would  probably  have  ended  in  blows, 
had  not  Sir  William  broken  up  the  meeting,  by  announcing 
that,  upon  the  ensuing  day,  he  would  distribute  the  presents 
which  he  had  brought  for  them  all. 

The  instructions,  which  the  Baronet  gave  to  the  ofiicers 
of  the  different  posts,  were  eminently  judicious.  Each 
officer  was  admonished  to  keep  up  a  good  understanding 
with  all  the  Indian  nations,  but  especially  with  those  residing 
near  his  post,  or  coming  thither  on  business.  They  were 
also  to  keep  a  strict  watch,  that  no  injustice  was  done  to 
the  Indians  either  in  trade  or  otherwise  ;  and  all  but  strictly 
necessary  intercourse  between  the  garrison  and  the  savages 
was  expressly  forbidden.  The  better  to  conciliate  the 
French  inhabitants,  interpreters  were  to  be  chosen  from 
among  that  class.  They  were,  moreover,  enjoined  to  keep 
up  a  lively  correspondence  with  the  officers  of  the  principal 


LIFE    OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  153 

posts,  especially  with  the  commandant  at  Detroit — "which,"  chap. 
say  the  instructions,    *•■  will  enable  him  to  act  uniformly,  ^^ 
and  have   good   intelligence   and  knowledge  of  the  dis- 1761- 
position  of  those  Indians  in  whose  neighborhood  they  are 
posted."     In  order,  also,  to  prevent  abuses  in  trade,  no 
traders  were  to  be  allowed  to  go  to  any  nation  north  or 
west  of  Detroit,  except  where  there  was  a  garrison ;  and 
the  commandant  of  each  post  was  to  see  that  every  trader, 
before  he  was  permitted  to  trade,   had  a  passport  either 
from  the  superintendent   or  his  deputy,  sealed  with  the 
Baronet's  coat  of  arms.     If  these  directions  were  strictly 
followed,  Sir  William  hoped  that  those  annoyances  to  which 
both  garrisons  and  Indians  had  hitherto  been   subjected 
would  be  removed. 

Several  more  days  were  occupied  in  holding  informal 
meetings  with  different  nations,  each  of  whom  had  some 
peculiar  favor  to  ask  from  the  Baronet ;  and  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  seventeenth,  the  latter  reembarked  upon 
his  homeward  journey.  Before  his  departure,  that  he 
might  reciprocate  the  many  civilities  which  he  had  received 
during  his  visit  at  Detroit,  he  gave  a  grand  dinner  to  the 
inhabitants,  closing  the  entertainment  with  a  large  ball  in 
honor  of  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  officers.  On  his 
return,  Sir  William  halted  a  day  at  Sandusky  to  examine  the 
proposed  site  for  the  blockhouse  ;  and  as  there  was  a  direct 
road  from  this  place  to  Presque  Isle,  Mr.  Croghan  was  dis- 
patched to  Colonel  Bouquet  with  instructions  for  the  traders 
at  Fort  Pitt.  At  Niagara,  which  was  reached  the  fifth  of 
October,  he  was  confined  several  days  to  his  bed  by  his 
old  wound,  but  was  soon  able  to  proceed  by  easy  stages  to 
Fort  Johnson,  where  he  arrived  upon  the  thirtieth  of 
October,  as  appears  by  the  last  entry  in  his  diary  : 

"Friday,  SOth.  Fine  morning,  but  smart  white  frost. 
Set  off  at  eight  o'clock.  Dined  at  Hannis  Ecils,  and  arrived 
at  my  house  about  half  after  seven  at  night,  where  I  found 
all  my  family  well ;  and  so  ended  my  tour — Gloria  Deo  soli." 

The  result  of  the  journey  was  satisfactory.     "  The  west- 

20 


{      ■      ■  ■ 

154  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  ern  Confederacy  of  Indians,"  wrote  Sir  "William,  "seem 
v-^— t  entirely  disposed  to  favor  the  English  ;  and  will  not,  in  my 
1761.  opinion,  unless  provoked,  be  ever  persuaded  to  break  the 
peace  which  I  have  made  with  them."1 


1  Manuscript  letter ;  Johnson  to  Lieutenant  Governor  Colden,  6th  Novem- 
ber, 1761. 


• 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

1761—1762. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  on  the  death  of  Mr.  De  Lancey,  chap. 
the  government  had  devolved  npon  Cadwallader  Colden,  ^^ 
as  president  of  the  council,  until  the  wishes  of  the  min- 1761. 
istry  could  be  ascertained.  Shortly  after  his  first  speech 
to  the  assembly,  on  the  twenty-second  of  October,  1760, 
news  arrived  of  the  death  of  George  the  Second,  and  the 
accession  of  his  grandson  ;  and  as  it  was  the  unanimous 
opinion  of  the  Provincial  council  that  the  demise  of  the 
king  dissolved  the  assembly,  writs  were  issued  for  a  new 
one,  returnable  upon  the  third  of  March.  Meanwhile, 
various  were  the  conjectures  respecting  the  name  .of  the 
future  governor.  At  one  time  rumor  gave  the  guberna- 
torial chair  to  General  Gage ;  again,  the  public  were  con- 
fident that  Pownal  would  be  the  fortunate  man  ;  some  few 
suggested  Colden,  and  others  General  Monckton.  All 
surmises  were  at  length  set  at  rest.  Pownal  received  the 
governorship  of  Jamaica ; *  Gage  remained  at  Montreal ; 
and  Colden,  having  been  appointed  lieutenant  governor, 
announced  to  the  assembly,  on  the  second  of  September, 
that  his  majesty   had  been   pleased   "to  distinguish  the 

l"  I  forgot  to  acquaint  you  of  an  afFair  of  your  old  acquaintance,  Mr. 
Pownal.  He  was  appointed  governor  of  Jamaica  ;  then  courted  a  lady  of 
fortune  in  England,  nattered  himself  of  success,  gave  up  his  governorship 
of  Jamaica  on  account  of  the  nuptials.  Upon  a  more  intimate  acquaintance 
•vith  the  lady,  she  one  day  frankly  told  him  he  had  a  positiveness  in  his  tem- 
per which  she  could  not  bear  with,  and  would  certainly  make  her  unhappy. 
She  therefore  would  not  further  admit  of  his  addresses.  Upon  which  he 
applied  for  his  government  again,  but  it  was  given  away,  so  now  he  has 
gone  as  secretary  to  one  of  our  ambassadors." — Manuscript  letter ;  William 
Corey  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson. 


- 


156  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap-  services  of  Major  General  Monckton,  by  constituting  him 
J^L/his  captain  general  and  governor  in  chief  of  the  province." 
1761.  The  administration  of  Doctor  Colden  during  the  inter- 
regnum, was  marked  by  no  event  of  special  moment ;  and 
the  intercourse  between  himself  and  his  assembly — if  we 
except  a  slight  opposition  against  a  theatre  which  he  had 
allowed  to  be  established — was  of  the  most  amicable  char- 
acter. But  this  calm  was  destined  to  be  of  short  duration ; 
for  shortly  after  receiving  his  commission  of  lieutenant 
governor,  he  was  instrumental  in  an  act  which  set  not  only 
the  assembly,  but  the  whole  province  in  a  blaze.  As  by 
the  death  of  Mr.  De  Lancey,  the  seat  of  chief  justice  had 
become  vacant,  a  general  wish  was  expressed  by  the  com- 
munity, that  the  vacancy  should  at  once  be  filled.  The 
three  remaining  judges,  Horsmanden,  Chambers  and 
Jones,  having  doubts  as  to  their  ability  to  issue  processes 
under  their  old  commissions  since  the  death  of  the  king, 
likewise  urged  the  lieutenant  governor  to  appoint  a  suc- 
cessor without  delay.  Colden,  however,  was  more  con- 
cerned for  his  own  and  his  family's  advancement,  than  for 
the  welfare  of  the  colony.  In  the  same  letter  in  which  he 
announced  to  the  lords  of  trade  the  death  of  De  Lancey, 
he  had  recommended  his  eldest  son  for  the  seat  at  the 
council  board,  made  vacant  by  the  lieutenant  governor's 
death  ;  and  in  the  same  fawning  spirit,  he  now  desired  the 
earl  of  Halifax,  the  colonial  secretary  of  state,  to  nominate 
a  chief  justice.  The  result  was,  not  only  the  nomination, 
but  the  actual  appointment  of  Benjamin  Pratt,  a  Boston 
lawyer,  to  the  seat,  not,  as  had  been  usual  before  the  death 
of  his  late  majesty,  during  good  behavior,  but  "  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  king." 

The  appointment,  in  this  manner  and  at  this  time,  was 
peculiarly  unfortunate.  The  sister  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts was  just  now  writhing  under  the  "  writs  of  assistance, 
which  the  British  ministry  had  so  recklessly  determined 
to  force  upon  the  colonies.  These  writs  had  been  requested 
by  the  custom  house  officers,  to  enable  them  the  better  to 


LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BAETi  157 

enforce  the  revenue.     They  were  in  effect  search  warrants,  chap. 

VIII. 

and  whoever  held  them,  might,  with  impunity,  break  open  wyw 
a  citizen's  house,  and  violate  the  sanctity  of  his  dwelling. 1761* 
The  inhabitants  were  justly  incensed  at  this  exercise  of 
arbitrary  power,  and  the  more  so,  as  they  saw  no  disposition, 
on  the  part  of  those  in  authority,  to  resist  this  infringement 
upon  their  liberties.  Bernard,  the  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, scrupled  not  to  become  the  tool  of  the  earl  of 
Egremont,  Pitt's  successor,  and  boldly  declared  himself  in 
favor  of  adopting  the  odious  plan  of  the  crown  for  increasing 
the  revenue.  Hutchinson,  the  chief  justice  of  the  prov- 
ince, was  equally  subservient  to  the  royal  authority.  An 
opportunity,  however,  soon  came,  in  which  the  temper  of 
the  people  found  vent.  A  petition  having  been  presented 
to  the  superior  court  by  the  officers  of  the  customs,  that 
"  writs  of  assistance"  might  ensue,  the  question  was  argued 
at  length  in  February,  before  the  chief  justice  and  his  four 
associate  justices.  Jeremiah  Gridley,  on  behalf  of  the 
crown,  argued  for  the  legality  of  the  writ,  on  the  ground, 
that  as  the  writ  was  allowed  to  the  revenue  officers  in  Eng- 
land, to  refuse  the  same  powers  to  the  colonial  officers, 
would  be  to  deny  that  "  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  is 
the  sovereign  legislature  of  the  British  empire." 

The  fearless  and  impulsive  James  Otis,  who  had  resigned 
his  office  of  advocate  general,  that  untrammeled  he  might 
argue  this  case  against  the  crown,  appeared  for  the  people 
of  Boston.  "  These  writs,"  he  exclaimed,  "are  the  worst 
instrument  of  arbitrary  power,  the  most  destructive  of 
English  liberty  and  the  fundamental  principles  of  law." 
With  impassioned  eloquence,  he  showed  to  the  court  the 
nature  of  these  writs.  "  In  the  first  place,"  said  he,  "  the 
writ  is  universal,  being  directed  to  all  and  singular  justices, 
sheriffs,  constables,  and  all  other  officers  and  subjects  ;  so 
that,  in  short,  it  is  directed  to  every  subject  in  the  king's 
dominions.  Every  one  with  this  writ  may  be  a  tyrant ;  if 
this  commission  be  legal,  a  tyrant  in  a  legal  manner  also 
may  control,  imprison,  or  murder  any  one  within  the  realm. 


158  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap  In  the  next  place  it  is  perpetual ;  there  is  no   return.     A 
w^  man  is  accountable  to  no   person  for  his  doings.     Every 
176L  man  may  reign   secure  in  his  petty  tyranny,  and  spread 
terror  and  desolation  around  him,  Until  the  trump  of  the 
archangel  shall  excite  different  emotions  in  his  soul.     In 
the  third  place,  a  person  with  this  writ,  in  the  day  time, 
may  enter  all  houses,  shops,  &c,  at  will,  and  command  all 
to  assist  him.     Fourthly,  by  this  writ  not  only  deputies,  but 
even  their  menial  servants,  are  allowed  to  lord  it  over  us. 
"What  is  this  but  to  have  the  curse  of  Canaan  with  a  witness 
on  us ;  to  be  the  servant  of  servants,  the  most  despicable 
of  God's  creation  ?    Now  one  of  the  most  essential  branches 
of  English  liberty  is  the  freedom  of  one's  house.     A  man's 
house  is  his  castle ;  and  whilst  he  is  quiet,  he  is  as  well 
guarded  as  a  prince  in  his  castle.     This  writ,  if  it  should  be 
declared   legal,   would  totally  annihilate   this   privilege. 
Custom  house  officers  may  enter  our  houses  wThen  they 
please ;  we  are  commanded  to  permit  their  entry.     Their 
menial  servants  may  enter,  may  break  locks,  bars,  and 
everything  in  their  way ;  and  wrhether  they  break  through 
malice  or  revenge,  no  man,  no  court  can  inquire.     Bare 
suspicion  without  oath  is  sufficient.     *     *     *     Thus  reason 
and  the  constitution  are  both  against  this  writ.     Let  us  see 
what  authority  there  is  for  it.     Not  more  than  one  instance 
can  be  found  of  it  in  all  our  law  books  ;  and  that  was  in 
the  zenith  of  arbitrary  power,  viz  :  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
II,  when  star  chamber  powers  were  pushed  to  extremity 
by  some  ignorant  clerk  of  the  exchequer.     But  had  this 
writ  been  in  any  book  whatever,  it  would  have  been  illegal ; 
and,"  continued  he,  "  I  am  determined  to  sacrifice  estate, 
ease,  health,  applause,  and  even  life,  to  the  sacred  calls  of 
my  country  in  opposition  to  a  kind  of  power  which  cost 
one  king  of  England   his  head   and  another  his  throne ; 
and  to  my  dying  day  I  will  oppose,  with  all  the  power  and 
faculties  that  God  has  given  me,  all  such   instruments  of 
slavery  on  the  one  hand,  and  villainy  on  the  other." 
The  opinion  of  the  court  was  given  at  the  close  of  the 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  159 

term  by  the  subservient  Hutchinson.  "  The  court,"  said  chap. 
he,  "  has  considered  the  subject  of  writs  of  assistance,  andv-^w 
can  see  no  foundation  for  such  a  writ;  but  as  the  practice  1761- 
in  England  is  not  known,  it  has  been  thought  best  to  con- 
tinue the  question  to  the  next  term,  that  in  the  meantime 
opportunity  may  be  given  to  know  the  result."  At  the 
next  term,  the  writ  of  assistance  was  granted, l  but  such 
was  the  feeling  of  the  people,  that  the  custom  house 
officers,  although  having  the  writs  in  their  pockets,  dared 
not  in  a  single  instance  carry  them  into  execution.  But 
although  the  arguments  of  Otis  failed  to  procure  a  decision 
in  favor  of  the  people,  yet  they  did  not  die  within  the  walls 
of  the  court  house.  Caught  up  by  his  hearers,  they  were 
borne,  as  if  on  the  wind,  throughout  the  length  and  breadth 
of  the  land.  "I  do  say  in  the  most  solemn  manner," 
writes  Mr.  Adams,  "  that  Mr.  Otis's  oration  against  writs 
of  assistance,  breathed  into  this  nation  the  breath  of  life." 
With  these  stirring  appeals  of  James  Otis  ringing  in 
their  ears,  it  may  readily  be  supposed,  that  the  people  of 
New  York  were  in  no  mood  for  this  farther  encroachment 
upon  their  liberties.  "  To  make  the  king's  will,"  said 
they,  "  the  term  of  office,  is  to  make  the  bench  of  judges 
the  instrument  of  the  royal  prerogative.  Chambers,  Hors- 
manden  and  Jones,  refused  to  act  longer,  unless  they  could 
hold  their  commissions  during  good  behavior.  Champions 
at  once  arose  to  do  battle  for  the  people.  Conspicuous 
among  these  were  William  Livingston,  John  Morin  Scott 
and  William  Smith,  all  prominent  lawyers,  and  vigorous 
thinkers  and  writers ;  and  they  protested,  through  the  pub- 
lic prints,  against  this  attempt  to  render  the  judiciary 
dependent  upon  the  crown.  Nor  were  their  efforts  entirely 
fruitless  ;  for  in  the  answer  of  the  assembly,  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  December,  to  the  request  of  Doctor  Colden  that 
the  usual  salary  of  three  hundred  pounds  to  the  chief  jus- 
tice might  be  increased,  it  was  resolved,  "  that  as  the  sa- 
laries usually  allowed  for  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court 

1  Minot — who  gives  as  his  authority  the  supreme  court  records. 


160 

chap,  have  been,  and  still  appear  to  be  sufficient  to  engage  gentle- 
w^^  men  of  the  first  figure  both  as  to  capacity  and  fortune  in 
1761-  this  colony,  to  accept  of  these  offices,  it  would  be  highly 
improper  to  augment  the  salary  of  chief  justice  on  this 
occasion;"  nor  would  they  allow  even  this,  unless  the 
commissioners  of  the  chief  justice  and  the  other  judges 
were  granted  during  good  behavior.  To  this,  Colden 
refused  to  accede ;  and  Chief  Justice  Pratt,  having  served 
several  terms  without  a  salary,  was  finally  reimbursed  out 
of  his  majesty's  quit  rents  of  the  province. 1 

Thus  were  the  people  of  New  York  slowly  following  in 
the  wake  of  their  Puritan  neighbors.  Colden,  himself,  as 
if  he  had  some  glimmerings  of  the  future,  began  to  doubt 
the  result.  "For  some  years  past,"  he  wrote  to  the  board 
of  trade,  "three  popular  lawyers,  educated  in  Connecticut, 
who  have  strongly  imbibed  the  independent  principles  of 
that  country,  calumniate  the  administration  in  every  exer- 
cise of  the  prerogative,  and  get  the  applause  of  the  mob 
by  propagating  the  doctrine  that  all  authority  is  derived 
from  the  people." 

An  act,  which  was  passed  during  the  winter  session, 
deserves  a  passing  notice  from  the  agency  that  Sir  "William 
Johnson  had  in  it.  The  act,  to  which  allusion  is  here 
made,  was  "for  the  more  effectual  collecting  of  his  majes- 
ty's quit  rents  in  the  colony  of  IsTew  York;  and  for  par- 
tition of  lands  in  order  thereto."  This  latter  clause  was 
chiefly  designed,  by  the  originators  of  the  bill,  for  the  par- 
tition of  those  lands  that  had  remained  long  uncultivated, 
on  account  of  the  difficulties  and  expense  to  which  the 
patentees  or  their  assigns  had  been  subject  in  making  par- 
tition among  themselves  according  to  the  tedious  forms  of 
the  common  law.  The  "  uncultivated  lands"  referred  prin- 
cipally to  those  immense  tracts  of  land  granted  before  the 
year  1708, — of  which  the  vast  patent  of  the  Kaiaderaseras 
furnishes  an  illustration.  As  the  exact  quantity  of  land 
granted,  was  not  generally  mentioned  in  these  grants,  and 

1  Colden  to  the  lords  of  trade,  8th  July,  1763. 

/ 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  161 

the  boundaries  were  consequently  in  many  eases  uncertain,  chap. 
it  was  considered  by  the  crown  lawyers  that  the  grants  ^^^ 
were  void  in  law  ;  and  Governor  Monckton,  in  his  forty- 1761. 
sixth  instruction,  had  been  directed  to  annul  by  every  legit- 
imate method,  all  "  such  exorbitant,  irregular  and  uncon- 
ditional grants."  But  insuperable  difficulties,  it  was  at 
once  perceived,  would  arise,  should  this  instruction  be  car- 
ried into  execution,  as  many  of  the  patentees  were  persons 
of  great  wealth  and  influence  in  the  Province,  who  would 
resort  to  every  method  in  their  power  to  circumvent  the 
efforts  of  the  governor.  Owing,  moreover,  to  the  inde- 
finiteness  of  the  boundaries,  the  patentees  had  largely 
infringed  upon  the  king's  lands,  or  in  other  words,  the  land 
owned  and  occupied  by  the  Indians.  This,  as  we  have 
seen,  was  the  source  of  numerous  contentions  between  the 
whites  and  the  Indians,  especially  the  Mohawks  ;  and  Sir 
William  Johnson,  after  his  return  from  Detroit,  held  a  cor- 
respondence with  Lieutenant  Governor  Colden  upon  the 
subject;  suggesting  that  the  only  way  in  which  these  dis- 
putes could  be  permanently  settled,,  would  be  to  have  the 
lands  thoroughly  and  accurately  surveyed  by  the  king's 
surveyor  general,  with  correct  instruments,  from  whose 
survey  there  could  be  no  appeal.  "  Let  the  survey,"  wrote 
Johnson,  "  be  done  in  the  most  plain  and  intelligible  man- 
ner, so  that  every  patent  or  tract,  with  the  patentees'  names, 
the  quantity  of  each,  and  the  year  patented,  may  easily  be 
known."  In  consequence  of  these  suggestions,  the  lieu- 
tenant governor  had  a  clause  inserted  in  the  act  under  con- 
sideration, "  whereby  the  outlines  of  every  tract  were  to  be 
run  by  the  king's  surveyor  general  of  the  lands  before  par- 
tition was  made."  By  this  clause,  two  ends  were  accom- 
plished :  first,  the  king's  lands  were  guarded  against  the 
farther  encroachments  of  the  patentees ;  and  secondly,  the 
ill  feelings  of  the  Indians  were  in  a  great  measure  removed. 

Although  hostili  ties  had  ceased  in  the  American  provinces, 
the  war  was  not  yet  ended.     Spain  had  long  watched  with 

21 


162  LIFE   OF    SIK    WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  jealousy  the  English  settlements  in  the  Bay  of  Honduras, 
w^-L  and  regarding  the  present  time  as  favorable  for  redressing 
1761-  these  grievances,  formed  a  secret  alliance  with  France. 
Before  Pitt  resigned  his  office,  he  had  shown  to  the  king 
and  his  ministers  the  hostile  intentions  of  the  Spanish 
cabinet,  and  strongly  urged  the  withdrawal  of  the 
British  minister  from  Madrid,  and  a  declaration  of  war 
against  Spain.  But  the  English  cabinet,  blinded  by  the 
solemn  avowal  of  the  Spanish  minister  of  his  pacific  inten- 
tions, heeded  not  this  wise  counsel ;  and  while  Egremont 
and  Bute  were  congratulating  the  king  upon  the  near  pros- 
pect of  peace,  Spain  had  declared  war.  In  this  emergency, 
the  British  cabinet,  confident  in  the  strength  of  their 
resources,  which  under  the  administration  of  the  great  com- 
moner had  been  rendered  so  effective,  determined  to  strike 
a  blow  at  the  French  and  Spanish  possessions  in  the  West 
Indies ;  and  while  a  powerful  armament  was  fitting  out  at 
home  for  the  capture  of  Havana,  the  troops  in  America 
received  orders  to  sail  against  Martinico. 

The  charge  of  this  latter  expedition  was  entrusted  to 
Brigadier  General  Monckton,  who,  preferring  the  excite- 
ment of  arms  to  the  cares  and  troubles  of  office,  had 
requested  and  obtained  the  command.  Accordingly, 
having  produced  his  commission  to  the  council  and  taken 
the  oaths  of  office,  he  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  last 
day  of  November,  1761,  leaving  the  government  in  the 
hands  of  Doctor  Colden.  The  forces  placed  under  his 
command  consisted  of  two  ships  of  the  line,  the  Alcide 
and  Devonshire,  and  a  hundred  sail  carrying  twelve  thou- 
sand regulars  and  provincial  troops.  General  Lyman,  the 
second  in  command  of  the  forces  at  Lake  George  in  1755, 
commanded  the  Provincials,  seventeen  hundred  and  eighty- 
seven  of  whom  had  been  raised  by  New  York.  Gates  and 
Montgomery,  both  of  whom  were  destined  to  become  so 
distinguished  in  later  years — the  one  by  his  victory  over 
Burejoyne,  and  the  other  by  his  glorious  death  at  Quebec — 
accompanied    the    expedition.     The    fleet   appeared   off 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART  163 

Martini co  on  the  seventh  of  January,  and  though  the  most  chap. 
valuable  of  the  French  possessions  in  the  new  world,  and  w^^ 
strongly  fortified  by  nature  and  art,  yet  on  the  fourteenth 1762- 
of  February,  the  French  governor,  M.  de  la  Touche,  sur- 
rendered the   entire   island  to  Monckton.     Grenada,  St. 
Vincent's,  and  St.  Lucia  were  each  in  turn  occupied  by  the 
British;  and  while  Gage,  in  hopes  of  promotion,  sailed  for 
England  as  the  bearer  of  dispatches,  Monckton  returned 
to  New  York  to  resume  his  government,  and  receive  the 
plaudits  of  a  delighted  people. 

Although  the  attention  of  Sir  William  Johnson  had  been 
almost  exclusively  directed  during  the  war  to  the  interests 
of  the  public  welfare, — often  indeed  to  the  detriment  of 
his  private  fortune — yet  his  spare  moments  were  devoted 
to  the  management  of  his  personal  concerns,  and  the 
improvement  of  those  lands  of  which  he  had  become  the 
possessor.  "With  a  view  of  encouraging  settlements,  he 
had  sold  to  industrious  persons  lots  upon  the  most  reason- 
able terms;  so  that,  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  he  had 
located  upon  the  north  side  of  the  Mohawk  over  one  hun- 
dred families  ;  which  settlement  became  in  later  years  the 
flourishing  village  of  Johnstown.  As  an  additional  induce- 
ment to  settlers,  he  gave  the  Lutherans  and  Calvinists,  in 
March,  fifty  acres  of  land  each,  upon  which  to  erect  a 
parsonage,  should  they  so  desire.1  Previous  to  his  journey 
to  Detroit,  he  erected  an  elegant  summer  villa  on  the  north- 
western edge  of  the  great  Vlaie,  in  the  present  town  of 
Broadalbin,  conferring  upon  it  the  name  of  Castle  Cumber- 
land, in  honor  of  the  vanquisher  of  the  Pretender. 2    At 

1 "  Manuscript  agreement  between  the  Lutherans  and  Calvinists  relative  to 
the  church  land— March  2d,  1762." 

2  In  the  early  part  of  the  revolution,  Castle  Cumberland  was  fortified,  under 
the  impression  that  the  enemy  from  the  north  might  possibly  attack  that 
point  by  water.  "Part  of  a  regiment  of  continental  troops  under  Colonel 
Nicholson  was  stationed  here  much  of  the  summer  of  1776.  An  intrench- 
ment  six  feet  wide,  and  several  feet  deep,  was  cut  across  the  eastern  end  of 
the  point.     The  point  as  a  military  post  was  abandoned   at  the  end  of  the 


164  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  the  same  time,  lie  built  a  rustic  lodge  on  the  south  bank 
w^-L  o  fthe  Sacandaga,  four  miles  west  of  Castle  Cumberland, 
1762.  wnich  afterward  was  called  the  Fish  House,  from  the  fact  of 
his  resorting  thither,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  to  seek 
recreation  in  the  pleasures  of  angling,  of  which  he  was 
passionately  fond.  He  also  took  great  delight  in  horticul- 
ture and  fine  stock,  having,  indeed,  been  the  first  one  to 
introduce  sheep  and  blood  horses  into  the  valley  of  the 
Mohawk.  '  There  is  scarcely  a  letter  of  his  to  his  agent, 
Sir  William  Baker,  in  London,  that  does  not  contain  orders 
for  various  choice  seeds ;  while  his  correspondence  with 
the  "  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Arts,"  of  which  he  was 
a  valued  member,  is  full  of  judicious  and  valuable  infor- 
mation upon  the  science  of  agriculture.  It  may  readily 
be  supposed,  therefore,  that  the  interval  of  leisure  which 
the  close  of  hostilities  allowed,  was  eagerly  seized  by  him 
to  gratify  this  favorite  taste.  u  If  you  wish  to  see  good 
husbandry,"  he  wTrote,  in  the  spring,  jocularly  to  a  friend, 
uyou  must  come  up  here  and  make  me  a  visit." 

But  this  playing  spell  was  to  be  of  not  long  duration. 
The  public  interests  again  demanded  his  attention.  It  was 
now  more  than  a  year,  since  he  had  received  from  the  king 
the  order  to  examine  into  the  complaints  of  the  Delawares 
against  the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania,  for  defrauding 
them  of  their  lands.  The  Baronet,  it  will  be  recollected, 
was  ready  at  the  time  to  obey  the  wishes  of  the  king,  and 
and  had  so  written  Teedeyuscung ;  but  it  had  then  been  put 
off'  by  that  chief,  and  since  then,  he  had  been  occupied  with 
other  matters.  ISTow,  however,  he  wrote  in  April  to  Gov- 
ernor Hamilton  and  the  Delaware  king,  appointing  a  meet- 
ing for  this  purpose  at  Easton,  on  the  fifteenth  of  June. 

summer." — Simms.     Both   Castle   Cumberland  and  the   Fish  House  were 
burned  in  the  Revolution,  in  1781. 

1  "  Before  I  set  the  example,  no  farmer  on  the  Mohawk  river  ever  raised  so 
much  as  a  single  load  of  hay  ;  at  present,  some  raise  above  one  hundred. 
The  like  was  the  case  with  regard  to  sheep,  to  which  they  were  entire 
strangers,  until  I  introduced  them."  Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  the 
,V  Society  for  the  improvement  and  promotion  of  Arts,"  27th  February,  1765. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOIINSON,   BART.  165 

Meantime,  the  Six  Nations  were  invited  to  Fort  Johnson  chap. 
to  hear  the  result  of  his  mission  to  Detroit,  and  to  have  ^~v— i 
the  opportunity,  which  they  had  so  long  desired,  of  laying1'62, 
their   complaints   hefore    the    superintendent.     Another 
object  that  the  latter  had  in  view  in  calling  this  meeting, 
was,  to  thoroughly  investigate  the  truth  of  Ihose  reports 
which  had  met  him  every  where  on  his  western  journey  of 
the  disaffection  of  the  Senecas,  and  their  efforts  to  excite 
a  revolt  among  the  western  and  northern  tribes.     Of  the 
details  of  this  council,  with  the  exoeption  that  there  were 
four  hundred  Indians  present,  nothing  has  been  preserved, 
either  in  manuscript  or  in  print.     All  that  I  have  been 
able  to  find  upon  the  subject,  is  contained  in  a  letter  from 
Sir  William  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  written  some 
months  after  the  meeting. 

From  this  letter,  it  would  appear  that  the  Indians  came 
to  the  council  in  no  very  amiable  frame  of  mind.  Always 
tenacious  of  their  liberties,  they  looked  with  ill-concealed 
distrust  upon  the  growing  power  of  the  English ;  and 
regarding  with  jealousy  the  numerous  forts  which  were 
springing  up  in  every  direction,  they  saw  in  them  only  a 
design  to  check  their  growth,  and  eventually  hem  them 
completely  in.  The  treatment,  moreover,  which  they  were 
constantly  receiving  from  the  English — so  different  from 
that  which  the  French  had  ever  used  toward  the  neigh- 
boring nations — was  another  source  of  grievance.  The 
presents  which  during  the  war  had  been  so  freely  lavished 
upon  them,  were  now  suddenly  withheld ;  and  it  was  in 
reference  more  especially  to  this  latter  source  of  irritation, 
that  in  this  same  letter  Sir  William  writes :  "I  am  very 
apprehensive  that  we,  who  always  fell  greatly  short  of  the 
enemy  in  presents  and  kindnesses  to  them,  may  become 
too  premature  in  a  sudden  retrenchment  of  some  yet  neces- 
sary expenses,  which,  on  due  consideration,  I  flatter  myself 
your  lordships  will  be  of  opinion  they  should  be  gradually 
weaned  from,  and  that  by  a  prudent  conduct  and  due  dis- 
tribution of  some  little  favors  to  them  for  a  time,  we  may 


166 

chap,  effect  without  much  trouble,  what  we  should  find  no  small 

VIII. 

w^w  difficulty  in  compassing  by  force,  namely,  a  quiet  posses- 

1762.  sjon  0f  our  distant  posts,  and  an  increase  of  settlements  on 

the  back  parts  of  the  country,  so  as  within  a  few  years  to 

have  a  well  settled  frontier,  in  itself  strong  enough  to  repel 

any  sudden  attempt  from  the  Indians. 

"  I  have  likewise  made/'  continues  the  Baronet,  "the 
best  use  I  could,  of  his  majesty's  late  instructions  to  his 
governor  of  this  province  concerning  the  Indian  lands, 
thereby  to  convince  them  of  his  royal  intentions  to  do 
them  justice.  As  this  was  a  subject  which  had  created 
much  jealousy  and  uneasiness,  what  I  said  thereon  afforded 
them  a  general  satisfaction,  except  the  Mohocks,  who  still 
remain  very  discontented  on  account  of  the  lands  which, 
they  allege,  they  have  been  unjustly  deprived  of,  that  is  to 
say ; — a  large  tract  of  several  hundred  thousand  acres  of 
land  called  Kaidarasseras,  alias  Queensborough,  patented 
in  the  year  1708,  and  as  yet  undivided  and  unsettled,  com- 
prehending a  great  part  of  the  country  lying  between  the 
Mohock  and  Hudson's  river ;  also  the  Low  Lands  called 
the  Mohock  Flatts,  or  planting  grounds,  whereon  they  live, 
claimed  by  the  corporation  of  Albany ;  also  their  lands  at 
Canajoharie  called  the  Upper  Mohock  castle  or  village, 
which  complaints  of  theirs,  I  formerly  laid  before  your 
lordships,  and  as  they  frequently  solicit  me  for  an  answer, 
I  hope  to  be  honored  with  your  lordships'  sentiments 
thereon."  \ 

Meagre,  however,  as  are  these  details,  the  general  result, 
so  far  as  regarded  the  Senecas,  was  encouraging:  "I have 
had  a  general  meeting  with  all  the  Six  Nations,"  wrote 
Johnson  to  Amherst  soon  after  the  council,  "  when  the 
Senecas  very  satisfactorily  accounted  for  the  reports  con- 
cerning them,  and  declared  in  the  warmest  terms  their 
intention  to  preserve  and  cultivate  the  peace  subsisting 
between  us."  * 


i  Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  20th  August,  1762. 
'Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Amherst,  29th  April,  1762 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  167 

The  Baronet  set  out  for  the  treaty  at  Easton,  the  latter  chap. 
part  of  May,  accompanied  by  Witham  Marsh,  who  had  v_^-> 
been  appointed  by  the  crown  secretary  of  Indian  affairs, 1762- 
in  the  room  of  Peter  Wraxall,  who  had  died  in  the 
summer  of  1759.  At  the  beginning  of  the  treaty,  the 
Quakers  showed  a  disposition  to  interfere,  trying  their 
best  to  prevail  on  the  Delawares  to  insist  as  a  preliminary 
to  all  negotiation,  that  the  troops  should  be  removed  from 
Fort  (Shamoken)  Augusta,  and  that  it  should  be  converted 
into  a  trading  post  or  store.  The  dignity  and  tact  of  the 
superintendent,  however,  soon  silenced  them,  and  he  was 
left  to  proceed  in  his  own  way.  The  council  continued 
several  days,  and  its  results  were  even  more  successful  than 
had  been  anticipated.  The  disputes  between  the  Proprie- 
taries and  Teedeyuscung  were,  in  the  main,  adjusted,  and 
a  firm  treaty  with  the  Delawares  consummated. 

This  was,  however,  the  last  council  that  the  ill  fated 
Delaware  king  ever  attended.  It  has  already  been  seen 
that  at  the  great  council  held  at  Easton,  in  1758,  the  Six 
Nations  had  observed  with  no  very  cordial  feelings,  the 
important  position  which  Teedeyuscung  had  attained  in  the 
opinion  of  the  whites,  by  the  force  of  .his  talents  and  the 
energy  of  his  character ;  and  this  last  visit  of  Sir  "William's 
was  not  calculated  to  allay  this  jealousy.  Long  accustomed 
to  view  the  Delawares  and  their  derivative  tribes  as  their 
subjects,  the  haughty  Mengues  could  not  brook  this  advance- 
ment of  a  supposed  inferior,  and  the  reflection  had  been 
rankling  in  their  bosoms  ever  since  the  meeting  of  the 
former  council,  until  it  was  determined  to  cut  off  the  object 
of  their  hate.  For  this  purpose,  in  October,  1763,  a  party 
of  warriors  from  the  Six  Nations  came  to  the  valley  of 
Wyoming  upon  a  pretended  visit  of  friendship,  and  after 
lingering  about  for  several  days,  they  in  the  night  time 
treacherously  set  lire  to  the  house  of  the  unsuspecting  chief, 
which,  writh  the  veteran  himself,  was  burnt  to  ashes.  The 
wickedness  of  this  deed  of  darkness  was  heightened  by  an 
act  of    still  greater  atrocity.     They  charged  the  assassina- 


168  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  tion  upon  the  white  settlers  of  Connecticut,  and  had  the 

wv_/  address  to  inspire  the  Delawares  with  such  a  belief.     The 

1762.  consequences  may  readily  be  anticipated.     Teedeyuscung 

was  greatly  beloved  by  his  people,  and  their  exasperation  at 

"the  deep  damnation  of  his  taking  off,"  was  kindled  to  a 

degree  of  corresponding  intensity. 

The  wdiite  settlers,  however,  being  entirely  innocent  ot 
the  transaction, — utterly  unconscious  that  it  had  been 
imputed  to  them, — were  equally  unconscious  of  the  storm 
that  was  so  suddenly  to  break  upon  their  heads.  Their 
intercourse  with  the  Indians,  during  the  preceding  year, 
had  been  so  entirely  friendly  that  they  had  not  even  pro- 
vided themselves  with  weapons  of  defence  ;  and  although 
there  had  been  some  slight  manifestations  of  jealousy  at 
their  onward  progress,  among  the  Indians,  yet  their  pacific 
relations,  thus  far,  had  not  been  interrupted.  But  they 
were  now  reposing  in  false  security.  Stimulated  to  revenge 
by  the  representations  of  their  false  and  insidious  visitors, 
the  Delawares,  on  the  fourteenth  of  October,  rose  upon  the 
settlement,  and  massacred  about  thirty  of  the  people  in 
cold  blood,  at  noon  day,  while  engaged  in  the  labors  of 
the  field.  Those  who  escaped  ran  to  the  adjacent  planta- 
tions, to  apprize  them  of  what  had  happened,  and  were  the 
swift  messengers  of  the  painful  intelligence  to  the  houses 
of  the  settlement,  and  the  families  of  the  slain.  It  was  an 
hour  of  sad  consternation.  Having  no  arms  even  for  self- 
defence,  the  people  were  compelled  at  once  to  sieze  upon 
such  few  of  their  effects  as  they  could  carry  upon  their 
shoulders,  and  flee  to  the  mountains.  As  they  turned 
back  during  their  ascent  to  steal  an  occasional  glance  at 
the  beautiful  valley  below,  they  beheld  the  savages  driving 
their  cattle  away  to  their  own  towns,  and  plundering  their 
houses  of  the  goods  that  had  been  left.  At  nightfall  the 
torch  was  applied,  and  the  darkness  that  hung  over  the 
vale  was  illuminated  by  the  lurid  flames  of  their  own  dwell- 
ings— the  abodes  of  happiness  and  peace  in  the  morning. 
Hapless  indeed  was  the  condition  of  the  fugitives.     Their 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  169 

number  amounted  to  several  hundred — men,  women  and  chap 
children — the  infant  at  the  breast — the  happy  wife  a  few  v-^—, 
brief  hours  before — now  a  widow  in  the  midst  of  a  group  1762- 
of  orphans.  The  supplies,  both  of  provisions  and  clothing, 
which  they  had  seized  in  the  moment  of  their  flight,  were 
altogether  inadequate  to  their  wants.  The  chill  winds  of 
autumn  were  howling  with  melancholy  wail  among  the 
mountain  pines,  through  which,  over  rivers  and  glens,  and 
fearful  morasses,  they  were  to  thread  their  way  sixty  miles, 
to  the  nearest  settlements  on  the  Delaware,  and  thence 
back  to  their  friends  in  Connecticut,  a  distance  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  miles.  Notwithstanding  the  hardships 
they  were  compelled  to  encounter,  and  the  deprivations 
under  which  they  labored,  many  of  them  accomplished 
the  journey  in  safety,  while  many  others,  lost  in  the  mazes 
of  the  swamps,  were  never  heard  of  more. 

Thus  fell  Teedeyuscung,  who,  with  all  his  faults,  was 
one  of  the  noblest  of  his  race, — and  thus  was  his  death 
avenged  upon  the  innocent. 

Upon  his  return  from  Pennsylvania,  the  Baronet  tarried 
a  few  days  in  New  York,  that  he  might  again  take  his  oath 
as  one  of  his  majesty's  council, — a  form,  which,  the  death 
of  the  late  king  rendered  necessary.  Having  taken  the 
oath,  and  held  a  personal  consultation  with  General 
Amherst  in  relation  to  the  general  conduct  of  Indian 
affairs,  he  returned  to  Fort  Johnson  the  last  of  July,  in 
time  to  celebrate  the  nuptials  of  his  eldest  daughter,  Nancy, 
with  Captain  Claus. 

The  fleet  destined  against  Havana,  under  the  command 
of  Admiral  Pococke,  consisted  of  nineteen  ships  of  the 
line,  eighteen  frigates,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  trans- 
ports ;  together  with  a  land  force  of  ten  thousand  men, 
commanded  by  the  earl  of  Albemarle.  On  its  arrival  at 
Havana,  it  was  increased  by  four  ships  conveying  a  rein- 
forcement of  four  thousand  Provincials,  chiefly  from  the 
colonies  of  New  England  and  New  York.  Owing,  how- 
ever, to  the  change  of  climate,  this  latter  force,  when  it 
22 


170  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BAET. 

CvijiP'  Jome(*  tne  ^eet>  was  reduced  by  sickness  to  but  three  thou- 

♦-^-^sand  effective  men. 

1762.  rpjie  }iar]30r  0f  Havana  was  defended  by  two  fortresses 
.  of  immense  strength, — Moro  and  Puntal — commanding, 
respectively,  the  east  and  west  side  of  the  channel.  The 
British  forces  having  landed  and  invested  castle  Moro,  a 
terrific  fire  was  opened  upon  that  fortress,  which  continued 
without  intermission  for  twenty-nine  days.  The  garrison 
consisted  of  five  thousand  marines  and  sailors,  and  during 
the  seige,  it  was  farther  increased  by  fifteen  hundred  fresh 
troops  from  St.  Iago.  "  The  sallies,"  says  a  writer  of  that 
day,  "  were  made  by  the  sailors,  who  behaved  well  but  were 
always  beat."  On  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth  of  July, 
two  mines  were  sprung  under  the  fortress,  and  although 
the  breach,  thus  effected,  was  scarcely  large  enough  to 
admit  more  than  one  man  at  a  time,  yet  the  troops  received 
orders  to  storm  the  castle.  Had  the  assault  been  expected 
by  the  garrison,  the  seige  would  doubtless  have  been  pro- 
longed a  much  longer  time.  "One  hundred  men,"  writes 
a  cotemporary  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  "  would  have  kept 
out  the  whole  army."  But  the  English  entered  at  noon 
day,  and  the  Spaniards,  entirely  off  their  guard,  made 
little  or  no  resistance. 

The  Spanish  governor,  although  his  loss  was  over  a 
thousand  men,  was  still  unwilling  to  yield ;  but  Albemarle 
having  turned  his  guns  against  the  towm,  he  demanded 
terms  of  capitulation,  and  on  the  twelfth  of  August,  sur- 
rendered the  city,  and  all  the  ships  in  the  harbor,  to  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain.  Although  vast  quantities  of  coin 
had  been  sent  for  safety  to  St.  Iago,  yet  the  booty  was 
immense,  and  included,  besides  ten  millions  of  dollars, 
twelve  seventy  and  sbrty-gun  ships,  two  sail  of  the  line, 
and  one  frigate  on  the  stocks.  But  this  brilliant  victory 
wras  not  without  cost.  Twelve  hundred  of  England's 
yeomanry  were  either  killed  or  wounded;  while  seven 
hundred  more,  falling  victims  to  the  distemper,  never  again 
heard  from  the  lips  of  kindred  the  joyful  "  welcome  home." 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  171 

Returning  again  to  the  progress  of  events  in  the  Mohawk  chap 
valley,  different  scenes  demand  our  attention.  Late  in  the  w^ 
night  of  the  thirty-first  of  July,  Sir  William  Johnson  was 1762- 
roused  from  his  slumbers,  by  the  startling  intelligence  that 
the  Indians  had  risen  upon  the  settlers  of  the  upper  valley  ? 
and  were  burning  and  ravaging  the  whole  country. 
Additional  color  was,  moreover,  given  to  this  news,  as  there 
had  been  quite  a  serious  disturbance  between  the  garrison 
of  Fort  Schuyler  and  the  Oneidas,  but  a  few  weeks  pre- 
viously. Hastily  collecting  all  the  militia  and  Mohawks  he 
could  muster,  the  Baronet  set  out  the  same  night  for  the 
scene  of  the  trouble,  and  arrived  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Fry 
near  Canajoharie  at  daybreak.  From  this  point  he  wrote 
to  General  Amherst  and  the  commanding  officer  at  Albany 
for  reinforcements,  and  ordered  all  the  militia  from  the 
surrounding  country  to  rendezvous  at  Canajoharie.  In 
the  meantime  scouts  were  dispatched  in  different  direc- 
tions for  farther  information.  Happily,  however,  they 
soon  returned  with  the  welcome  news  that  it  was  a  false 
alarm.  It  seems  that  an  Indian,  maddened  by  liquor, 
having  stripped  off  his  clothes,  swam  the  Mohawk,  and 
rushed  into  a  house  near  at  hand,  terrifying  two  little  girls, 
who  were  alone  at  the  time,  their  parents  being  absent. 
The  children  in  the  wildest  fright  ran  out  of  the  house, 
and  meeting  some  men  who  were  mowing  in  a  neighboring 
field,  told  them  that  there  were  a  number  of  naked  Indians 
in  the  house  armed  with  tomahawks  and  guns.  The  men 
stopped  not  to  question  the  children,  but  throwing  down 
their  scythes,  swam  the  river,  and  fled  in  terror  to  the  set- 
tlement on  the  other  side,  telling  every  one  they  met  that 
the  savages  had  broken  loose.  By  the  time  they  reached 
the  settlement,  the  number  of  Indians,  in  their  excited 
state,  had  increased  to  several  hundred.  The  entire  set- 
tlement took  the  alarm,  and  while  the  inhabitants  were 
flying  down  the  valley  in  the  wildest  panic,  the  Indian  in 
a.  drunken  stupor,  lay  snoring  on  the  kitchen  hearth,  utterly 
unconscious  of  the  disturbance  he  had  created.     The  fright 


172  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  of  the  settlers  from  so  trivial  a  cause,  may  at  first  appear 
v_^w  ludicrous,  but  when  it  is  recollected  that  but  a  short  time 
1762-  had  passed  since  the  horrid  massacres  of  the  German  Flats 
and  Burnetsfield,  and  that  these  bloody  scenes  were  still 
vividly  before  their  minds,  the  disposition  to  smile  ceases. 
When  the  cause  of  the  alarm  was  known,  tranquility  was 
restored ;  and  thus  what  might  have  proved  a  serious  out- 
break, turned  out  to  be  nothing  more  than  the  drunken 
frolic  of  a  harmless  and  unarmed  Indian.1 

The  Baronet  did  not  immediately  return.  Dismissing 
the  militia  to  their  homes,  and  countermanding  his  orders 
for  reinforcements,  he  continued  his  journey  to  Seneca, 
where  he  held  a  meeting  with  upward  of  twenty-four 
hundred  Indians.  The  political  results  of  the  meeting 
were  of  but  little  importance,  it  having  been  chiefly  devoted 
to  the  interchange  of  friendly  feeling.  At  Seneca  he  was 
laid  up  for  several  days  by  illness.  This  delayed  his  return, 
so  that  it  was  not  until  the  middle  of  August  that  he 
arrived  at  Fort  Johnson. 

1  have  dwelt  more  particularly  upon  the  occasion  of  this 
journey,  because — this  alarm  being  only  one  of  many 
similar  instances — it  gives  us  an  insight  into  the  duties 
which  were  constantly  devolving  upon  the  Baronet  in  his 
office  of  superintendent.  By  the  conquest  of  Canada,  all 
the  Indian  nations  from  the  farthest  limits  of  Nova  Scotia 
to  the  waters  of  the  Superior  and  Illinois,  had  come  directly 
under  his  supervision ;  and  while  he  was  thus  obliged  to 
keep  up  a  constant — almost  daily  correspondence  with  his 
deputies  at  Fort  Pitt,  Detroit  and  Montreal, 2  he  did  not 

x0f  a  similar  character  was  the  incident  that  occurred  at  Goshen,  Orange 
county,  :n  the  summer  of  1763.  A  party  of  four  or  five  hunters,  out  after 
partridges,  having  raised  a  large  flock,  fired  at  the  same  moment.  The 
inhabitants  in- the  vicinity  were  at  that  time  in  constant  fear  of  Indian 
incursions,  and  inferring  from  the  report  of  the  guns  that  the  Indians  were 
upon  them,  fled  in  great  terror,  communicating  their  panic  to  all  whom  they 
met.  Before  the  true  cause  of  the  firing  was  ascertained,  more  than  five 
hundred  families  fled  across  the  Hudson  into  New  England. 

2  Sir  William  Johnson  had  now  three  deputies — George  Croghan,  stationed 
at  Fort  Pitt,  for  the  Ohio  and  its  dependencies ;  Captain  Daniel  Claus,  at 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART.  173 

allow  himself  any  relaxation  in  his  care  of  the  Six  Nations,  chap. 
whose  extremely  sensitive  and  jealous  natures,  required  as  ^-^^ 
much  attention  as  ever.  1762, 

The  remainder  of  the  summer  and  fall  was  occupied  by 
Sir  William  in  preparing  the  timber  for  the  commodious 
mansion  which  he  built  the  following  spring,  one  mile  west 
of  his  new  settlement — conferring  upon  it  when  completed 
the  name  of  Johnson  Hall — and  into  which  he  proposed 
removing  for  the  farther  encouragement  of  the  settlers. 1 
His  time  was  also  much  taken  up  in  various  plans  for  the 
education  of  his  Indian  neighbors — especially  the  Mo- 
hawks ;  and  his  exertions  to  improve  the  moral  and  social 
condition  of  the  latter,  which  have  already  been  alluded  to 
in  a  former  portion  of  this  work  still  continued.  Having 
aided  in  the  building  of  churches  and  locating  missionaries 
among  them,  he  selected,  at  the  request  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Kirkland  and  others,  numbers  of  young  Mohawks,  and 
sent  them  to  the  Moor  Charity  School,  established  at 
Lebanon,  Connecticut,  under  the  immediate  direction  of 
the  Rev.  Doctor  Eleazer  Wheelock,  afterward  president  of 
Dartmouth  college,  of  which,  by  its  transfer,  that  school 
became  the  foundation.  It  was  in  reference  to  this  school 
that,  shortly  after  his  return  from  Detroit,  he  addressed  the 
following  letter  to  Doctor  "Wheelock : 

Fort  Johnson,  £Tov.  17,  1761. 
"  Reverend  Sir : 

"  Yours  of  the  second  instant  I  had  a  few  days  ago  the 
pleasure  of  receiving  by  the  hands  of  Kirkland.  I  am 
pleased  to  find  the  lads  I  sent,  have  merited  your  good  opinion 
of  them.  I  have  given  it  in  charge  to  Joseph  to  speak 
in  my  name  to  any  good  boys  he  may  see,  and  encourage 
them  to  accept  the  generous  offer  now^  made  them,  which 

Montreal,  for  Canada ;  and  Lieutenant  Guy  Johnson,  for  the  Six  Nations 
and  the  neighboring  Indians.  The  one  at  Detroit  was,  perhaps,  more 
properly  an  assistant 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Sir  William  Baker,  4th  Dec, 
1702.  For  an  engraving  and  a  short  account  of  Johnson  Hall,  see  appendix 
No.v. 


174       r.  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  he  promises  to  do  and  return  as  soon  as  possible.  In  case 
w^l  there  should  not  a  sufficient  number  go  now,  I  will  on 
1762.  the  return  of  the  Indians  from  hunting,  advise  them  to 
send  as  many  as  is  required.  I  expect  they  will  return, 
and  hope  they  will  make  progress  in  the  English  lan- 
guage and  their  learning,  as  may  prove  to  your  satisfac- 
tion and  the  benefit  of  the  Indians,  who  are  really  much 
to  be  pitied.  My  absence  these  four  months  has  prevented 
my  design  of  encouraging  some  more  lads  going  to  you ; 
and  since  my  return,  which  is  but  lately,  I  have  not  had  an 
opportunity  of  seeing  old  or  young,  being  all  on  their 
hunt.  "When  they  come  back,  I  shall  talk  with,  and  advise 
their  parents  to  embrace  this  favorable  opportunity  of 
having  their  children  instructed,  and  doubt  not  of  their 
readiness  to  lay  hold  of  so  kind  and  charitable  an  affair. 

"  Kirkland's  intention  of  learning  the  Mohawk  language 
I  must  approve  of,  as  after  acquiring  it  he  could  be  of  vast 
service  to  them  as  a  clergyman,  which  they  much  want  and 
are  very  desirous  of  having. 

"  The  present  laudable  design  of  instructing  a  number 
of  Indian  boys,  will,  I  doubt  not,  when  more  known,  lead 
several  gentlemen  to  contribute  towards  it,  and  enable  you 
thereby  to  increase  the  number  of  scholars,  with  whom  I 
shall  not  be  backward  to  contribute  my  mite.     *     *     * 

"  I  wish  you  all  success  in  this  undertaking,  and  am  with 
truth  and  sincerity, 

"  Reverend  Sir, 

"  Your  most  humble  serv't., 

"WM  JOHNSON"1 

Joseph,  who  is  mentioned  in  this  letter,  was  no  other 
than  the  celebrated  Thayendanegea,  of  revolutionary  fame. 
He  was  a  special  protege  of  Sir  William,  and  had  accom- 
panied him  in  all  of  his  military  expeditions,  having  con- 
ducted himself  during  the  siege  of  Niagara  wTith  distin- 
guished bravery.  The  interest  which  the  Baronet  took  in 
his  education,  is  fully  shown  by  the  letters  of  his  teacher, 

1  Manuscript  letter. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  175 

Dr.  Wheelock,  under  whose  tuition  the  Baronet  had  placed  chap. 
him.  "  Joseph  and  the  rest  of  the  boys  are  wrell,  studious  ^^ 
and  dilligent" — "  Joseph  and  the  other  boys  behave  very1762- 
well" — "Joseph  is  indeed  an  excellent  youth" — and 
numerous  other  similar  allusions  are  of  constant  occur- 
rence.1 He  was  moreover,  at  this  time  in  communication 
with  Rev.  Mr.  Graves,  of  New  London,  Rev.  Dr.  Pomeroy, 
of  ]STew  Haven,  and  other  kindred  spirits,  in  relation  to 
the  feasibility  of  establishing  schools  among  the  Indians ; 
and  at  his  own  expense,  he  stationed  a  schoolmaster  at  the 
Tuscarora  castle,  who  was  in  the  habit  of  giving  him  from 
time  to  time  accounts  of  the  progress  of  his  pupils.  We  also 
find  the  Baronet,  during  the  fall,  busily  engaged  in  pre- 
paring a  new  edition  of  the  prayer  book  in  the  Mohawk 
language.  In  revising  the  manuscripts  for  the  press,  he 
was  greatly  aided  by  his  son-in-law,  Captain  Claus,  who, 
as  well  as  Sir  William,  thoroughly  understood  the  Mohawk 
tongue.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Barclay,  who,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, had  left  his  mission  station  among  the  Mohawks,  to 
assume  the  charge  of  Trinity  church  in  New  York,  was 
also  deeply  interested  in  the  project,  and  gave  valuable 
assistance.  "  I  now,  therefore,"  wrote  the  Baronet  to  him 
under  date  of  October  sixteenth,  1762,  "  herewith  transmit 
you  the  old  edition  which,  as  it  wanted  the  singing  pslams, 
therefore  I  send  such  in  manuscript  as  I  have  been  able  to 
procure,  together  with  the  common  service  and  public  bap- 
tism of  infants,  which  they  are  desirous  to  have  inserted, 
as  also  some  prayers,  of  the  propriety  of  which  you  are 
the  most  proper  judge."  An  edition  of  four  hundred 
copies  was  ordered  in  the  same  letter,  twenty  of  which 
were  to  be  printed  on  fine  paper  and  bound  in  gilt,  and 
were  designed  as  presents  for  the  principal  chiefs. 

In  these  praiseworthy  efforts  for  the  improvement  of  the 
Indians,  the  year  passed  away.  "  We  have  nothing  new 
here,"  wrote  Sir  William  Johnson  to  George  Croghan, 
"  and  all  is  peace  and  quietness." 


1  Manuscript  letters  :  Doctor  Wheelock  to  Johnson  during  the  fall  of  1762. 


• 


CHAPTEE   IX. 

1763. 

The  opening  year  found  Sir  "William  Johnson  actively 
espousing  the  cause  of  the  Mohawks  and  German  settlers 
1763.  at  Canajoharie,  in  their  land  controversy  with  Mr.  William 
Livingston.  The  lands  in  dispute  were  known  as  the 
''planting  grounds  of  the  Mohawks,"  and  were  included 
in  the  old  Livingston  or  Canajoharie  patent,  obtained  by 
Philip  Livingston,  the  father  of  William.  This  patent 
the  Mohawks  had  long  considered  of  no  validity.  It  had 
originally  been  obtained  by  virtue  of  an  old  Indian  deed, 
signed  by  five  Indians  of  no  influence ;  whereas  in  order 
to  constitute  it  a  valid  conveyance,  it  was  essential  that 
the  sachems  of  the  whole  nation  should  affix  their  signa- 
tures in  full  council.  The  tract  of  land  thus  conveyed  had 
been,  moreover,  artfully  increased  by  a  surveyor  by  the 
name  of  Collins,  who,  one  moonlight  night,  in  1733,  went 
to  Canajoharie  and  ran  a  course  that  included  the  land 
now  in  dispute.1     At  the  congress  in  Albany,  in  1754,  the 

'  "This  day  appeared  before  me  Sir  William  Johnson,  Bart.,  one  of  his 
majesty's  council  for  the  province  of  New  York,  William  Wormwood  of 
Canajoharie,  in  the  county  of  Albany,  who  being  duly  sworn  on  the  Holy 
Evangelists,  deposeth  and  say eth  that  many  years  ago,  Mr.  Collins,  surveyor, 
and  Peter  Waggoner  came  to  the  house  of  said  Waggoner  when  the  deponent 
there  was,  and  then  told  the  deponent  that  they  had  been  up  to  sur- 
vey the  land  at  Canajoharie  for  Mr.  Livingston,  and  that  they  had  proceeded 
up  the  river  during  the  night,  which  was  moonlight,  to  a  creek  called 
Onaradaga  on  the  west  shore  ;  that  whilst  David  Schuyler  and  Peter  Wag- 
goner were  asleep,  the  said  Collins  fixed  his  compass  at  the  mouth  of  said 
creek  and  took  a  course  up  into  the  woods ;  that  before  day  next  morning 
said  Collins  waked  David  Schuyler  and  Peter  Waggoner,  who  were  surprised 
to  see  the  compass  fixed  ;  that  thereupon  said  Collins  bid  them  make  haste 
and  embark  in  their  canoe  for  fear  the  Indians  should  discover  them  as  they 
would  knock  them  on  the  head ;  that  on  embarking  in  a  hurry,  a  bag  with 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART.  177 

Mohawks,  through  Hendrik,  complained  of  the  injustice  chap. 
of  this  patent,  which  they  heard  had  been  recently  taken  v-^ 
out.;  and  William  Alexander,  (Lord  Sterling)  and  William 1768- 
Livingston  appeared,  on  that  occasion,  so  well  convinced 
of  the  justice  of  the  claim,  that  they  offered  on  the  spot 
to  relinquish  all  right  and  title  to  the  land. 1  Many  of  the 
heirs  of  the  original  patentees,  how7ever,  being  minors, 
nothing  definite  was  then  arrived  at.  Meantime,  the  lands 
were  settled  by  industrious  Germans,  who  paid  the  Indians 
for  their  use  an  annual  rent,  either  in  corn  or  money.2 
Thus  matters  had  remained  for  several  years,  until  in  the 
winter  of  1762,  the  settlers  were  served  with  ejectments 
by  the  order  of  Mr.  Livingston.  Attorney  General  Kemp 
was  employed  by  the  governor  and  council  on  behalf  of 
the  Indians,  and  William  Smith,  jun.,  at  the  instance  of 
the  Baronet,  wTas  retained  for  the  Germans. 

While  the  ejectment  suits  were  pending,  the  affair  was 

Waggoner's  name  on  it,  and  an  axe  was  left  behind,  which  Waggoner  was 
desired  to  go  fetch,  but  Collins  prevented  it,  saying,  that  those  who  had  got 
the  land  could  easily  afford  to  pay  for  them.^ — Extract  from  manuscript  affida- 
vit of  Wm.  Wormwood,  sworn  to  before  Sir  William  Johnson ;  also  manu- 
script affidavit  of  David  Schuyler  taken  before  Sir  William  Johnson. 

1  "You  are  to  know  that  in  the  year  1754,  Billy  Alexander  and  Billy  Liv- 
ingston, did  in  the  presence  of  the  commissioners  of  the  several  govern- 
ments assembled  then  at  Albany,  offer  to  give  up  their  title  or  claim  to  tho 
land  now  in  dispute,  rather  than  it  should  be  productive  of  any  dispute,  or 
give  the  Indians  uneasiness.  I  was  present  at  the  time,  so  was  old  Mr. 
Smith  and  Mr.  John  Chambers  as  counsellors.  The  reason  that  there  was 
nothing  more  done  in  it  there,  was,  that  several  of  the  heirs  were  minors/' 

Manuscript  letter;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Mr.  Corey. 

2  "As  soon  as  the  Indians  discovered  the  affair  [i.  e.  the  moonlight  survey 
by  Collins]  they  publicly  disavowed  it,  and  that  in  such  a  manner  as  occa- 
sioned Mr.  Livingston  [Philip]  to  drop  proceedings  therein,  perhaps  to  wait 
the  dissolution  of  the  Indians  at  that  castle,  for  many  years  after,  some  of 
the  first  German  settlers  went  to  Mr.  Livingston  to  know  whether  he  would 
give  them  deeds,  and  divide  the  same,  whom  he  put  off,  Mrs.  Livingston 
saying  to  him,  he  must  not  pretend  to  attempt  doing  anything  therein  so 
long  as  any  of  the  Indians  were  alive.  On  the  Indians  finding  that  the 
lands  were  settling  they  applied  to  the  settlers  for  rent,  who  accordingly 
have  ever  since  paid  it  to  them  in  corn  or  otherwise,  as  they  desire."  Man- 
uscript letter  ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Wm.  Smith,  jr.,  11th  May,  1763. 

23 


178  LIFE    OF    SIR   AVILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  rendered  still  more  complicated  by  the  rascally  conduct  of 
wr-'One,  George  Klock — a  German  residing  at  Canajoharie — 
1763.  ^Q  owne(]  a  share  in  the  patent,  and  acted  as  the  agent  of 
Mr.  Livingston  and  the  other  claimants.  The  Mohawks 
having  forwarded  a  statement  of  the  fraudulent  manner  in 
which  the  lands  had  been  obtained  to  the  governor  and 
his  council,  Klock  invited  several  of  the  Canajoharies  to 
his  house,  and  having  made  them  drunk,  persuaded  them 
to  sign  a  declaration  relinquishing  their  right  to  the  lands 
in  dispute,  and  acknowledging  the  legality  of  the  original 
purchase.  The  declaration,  obtained  in  this  villainous  man- 
ner, was  thereupon  sent  to  the  governor,  together  with  two 
new  Indian  deeds  of  the  lands  to  Gelles  Funda  and  Klock, 
obtained  by  the  same  base  means.1  Upon  the  reception  of 
the  declaration  and  deeds,  Governor  Monckton,  with  the 
advice  of  his  council,  forwarded  a  copy  of  each  to  Sir  Wil- 
liam, with  the  request  that  he  would,  as  soon  as  convenient, 
convene  the  sachems  and  Indians  of  the  Canajoharie  castle, 
and  having  explained  to  them  the  purport  of  the  declara- 
tion, ascertain  their  true  sentiments  in  the  most  explicit 
manner.  In  order,  moreover,  that  the  proposed  meeting 
might  be  conducted  in  the  most  solemn  and  impartial  man- 
ner, he  was  farther  directed  to  call  as  many  justices  of  the 
peace  for  the  county  of  Albany,  as  might  be  deemed 
advisable,  who,  with  him,  might  hear  the  explanations  of 
the  Indians.  This  being  done,  a  copy  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  meeting  was  to  be  sent  forthwith  to  the  council. 
In  pursuance  of  this  order,  the  Baronet,  through  the  news- 
papers, appointed  the  tenth  day  of  March  for  the  meeting 
at  the  Canajoharie  castle,  at  the  same  time  setting  forth 
its  object. 

K'ltis  by  such  low,  villainous  falsehoods  and  ariifices  that  they  have 
carried  on  the  farce  so  far,  and  thereby  imposed  on  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil. By  Heavens,  were  you  and  the  people  sensible  of  the  villainy  used  in 
this  dispute  by  the  opposite  party,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  you  and 
they  would  be  astonished  beyond  measure.  In  short  I  have  not  words  nor 
knowledge  of  villainous  ideas  sufficient  to  expose  their  roguery." — Manu- 
script letter;  Johnson  to  Banyar  2hth  Feb.,  1763. 


«* 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  179 

On  the  appointed  day,  all  the  sachems  and  chief  men  chap. 
of  the  castle  were  in  attendance,  together  with  thirty-three  s— Y— > 
of  the  principal  women.  The  chief  sachem  of  the  Onon-1763- 
dagas  and  a  few  of  the  Oneidas  and  Cayugas  were  also 
present,  drawn  hither  by  the  interest  which  they  all  felt  in 
the  result  of  an  affair  that  was  to  effect  so  materially  their 
Mohawk  brethren.  Notwithstanding  the  streams  were 
swollen  and  the  roads  nearly  impassable,  Sir  William  was 
also  prompt,  together  with  two  of  his  deputies,  Captain 
Claus  and  Lieutenant  Guy  Johnson,  the  latter  of  whom 
had,  but  a  few  days  previously,  been  united  in  mar- 
riage to  the  Baronet's  youngest  daughter  Mary.  The 
meeting  having  been  opened  in  the  presence  of  the  super- 
intendent and  eight  justices,  by  the  reading  of  the  order 
of  the  council,  the  former  arose,  and  after  briefly  stating 
to  the  Indians  the  object  of  calling  them  together,  requested 
that  they  would,  after  hearing  the  declaration  read,  frankly 
state,  whether  or  not  it  expressed  the  real  sentiments  of 
their  castle;  "and,"  continued  he,  "I  wish  you  now  to 
lay  before  me  and  his  majesty's  justices  here  assembled, 
the  whole  matter  of  complaint  relative  to  the  lands  in  dis- 
pute, that  I  may  immediately  transmit  the  same  to  his 
excellency  the  governor,  who,  you  may  rest  assured,  will, 
on  a  just  presentation  of  the  same,  procure  you  all  the 
justice  which  the  case  shall  appear  to  deserve."  As  soon 
as  he  had  finished,  the  declaration  and  the  two  Indian 
deeds  were  interpreted  to  the  sachems,  who,  thereupon, 
withdrew  to  consider  their  reply. 

In  about  two  hours  they  returned.  The  reply  of  Car 
yenguiragoa,  their  speaker,  is  truly  affecting.  Adorned 
with  no  flowers  of  rhetoric,  it  presents  in  a  simple  and 
artless  manner  a  summary  of  the  wrongs  and  injustice 
practiced  upon  them  by  the  wThites,  aided  by  the  demon  fire- 
water— nor  can  any  one,  with  the  faintest  spark  of  moral 
feeling,  rise  from  its  perusal  without  burning  with  indig- 
nation at  the  base  means  by  which  a  noble  race  was  brought 
to  irretrievable  ruin. 


180  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.      After  stating  that  they  had  attentively  considered   all 

J*_,  that  had  been  said  to  them,  and  that  after  the  most  dili- 

1763.  gent  enquiry,  they  could  not  learn  who  were  the  authors 

of  the  declaration  sent  to  the  council  by  Klock,  the  speaker 

continued : 

"  As  I  have  already  mentioned,  in  answer  to  you,  we 
cannot  find  any  one  acquainted  with  these  transactions, 
unless  it  be  Cobus,  whose  mother  declared  she  was  in  want 
of  land  as  well  as  ourselves,  but  upon  the  strictest  enquiry, 
we  find  that  liquor  must  have  been  the  cause  of  the  whole,  and 
we  now  deliver  you  a  bottle  of  liquor  with  which  we 
were  beguiled  by  George  Klock. 

"Brother:  IAquor  hath  been  always  our  ruin,  for  whenever 
any  of  our  people  go  over  to  the  house  of  George  Klock, 
and  we  send  for  them  from  there,  he  fills  them  with  more, 
and  by  that  means  detains  them,  let  their  presence  be 
required  on  matters  of  ever  so  much  importance.  This 
liquor,  hath,  as  I  have  said,  been  always  our  ruin,  as  none 
of  our  people  would  otherwise  have  so  acted,  neither  was 
it  likely  that  any  of  our  people  would  have  sold  their  lands 
twice,  for  if  the  land  in  question  had  been  formerly  sold,  we 
should  not  have  asked  a  second  price  for  it." 

At  this  point,  John  Duncan,  who  acted  on  this  occasion 
as  the  attorney  for  Mr.  Livingstom  .and  the  other  claimants, 
having  asked  if  there  was  not  some  sachem  present  who 
knew  of  the  original  purchase,  he  replied — "  I  am  very 
glad  you  have  mentioned  this,  as  it  affords  us  an  oppor- 
tunity of  laying  open  the  affair.  This  is  the  cause"  (offer- 
ing another  bottle)  "  which  has  produced  it."  Thereupon, 
Araghiadecka,  an  old  sachem,  whose  name  it  was  alleged 
was  upon  the  original  deed,  arose  and  spoke  as  follows : 

"  Brother :  For  my  part  I  only  know  by  hearsay  that  I 
have  signed  it.  I  know  nothing  of  any  purchase,  as  at 
that  time  I  was  young  and  did  not  mind  such  matters.  It 
is  probable  that  I  might  have  formerly  signed  it  when  in 
liquor,  as  'tis  said  I  have  lately  done  so.  I  speak  of  the 
old  affair,  as  I  have  not  since  signed  it  as  reported.     I 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART.  181 

have  been  often  urged  to  sign  it  by  George  Klock,  and  chap- 
offered  sixty  dollars  for  that  purpose,  which  I  always  ^^ 
refused.     This  is  all  I  have  to  say  or  know  of  the  affair."  1763. 

Cayenguiragoa  then  continued :  "  It  goes  very  hard  with 
us,  and  gives  us  great  uneasiness,  as  none  of  the  rest  of 
the  Germans  have  used  us  as  George  Klock,  as  you  may 
see  by  this  other  bottle,"  (presenting  a  third).  "  In  this 
manner  he  has  gone  on  since  he  was  concerned  in  the  land, 
and  in  this  manner  he  has  acted  for  a  year  or  two,  con- 
stantly enticing  all  our  people  who  passed  by,  giving  us 
these  bottles  to  induce  us  to  sign  the  papers.  I  have  now 
done  with  the  affair  of  the  liquor  which  we  have  had  from 
George  Klock  the  governor,  who  says  that  he  is  greater  than 
the  governor  of  New  York. 

"  Brother :  "We  now  shall  make  an  end.  Our  case  is 
very  hard,  and  it  would  be  very  difficult  to  sum  up  all  the 
endeavors  which  have  been  made  use  of  to  seduce  us,  and 
make  us  in  liquor,  for  when  one  bottle  was  emptied, 
another  was  always  filled,  and  would  require  a  large  vessel  to 
contain  all  that  has  been  given  us.  This  same  George 
Klock  has,  we  find,  given  out  that  he  has  given  us  Hvq 
hundred  and  sixty-five  dollars.  If  this  is  so,  it  must  have 
been  seen  on  us.  It  is  very  strange  what  should  have 
become  of  it.  You  may  see  we  are  all  naked,  and  must 
have  spent  it  in  the  taverns,  which  is  not  the  case,  and 
may  be  inquired  into.  Here  we  are  now  all  assembled, 
and  we  beg  that  you  will  inquire  what  has  become  of  that 
sum."  Being  asked  whether  he  knew  that  they  had  ever 
received  that  sum,  he  answered  :  "  It  is  very  hard  you  won't 
credit  me,  as  I  have  repeated  to  you  that  there  was  no 
other  consideration  given  but  rum."  In  answer  to  the 
question,  who  were  the  persons  of  their  castle  in  whom  was 
vested  the  power  to  transact  public  business,  he  replied: 
"  Those  who  are  here  are  the  chiefs  for  all  such  matters, 
being  the  sachems  for  the  transaction  of  all  matters  of 
importance,  and  as  such,  are  known  to  the  whole  of  the 
Six  Nations ;"  and  on  being  farther  asked,  if  the  women 


182  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  were  looked  upon  as  having  any  right  in  the  disposal  of 
wv-^  lands,  he  answered,  that  "  they  were  the  prop erest  owners, 
1763.  "being  the  persons  who  labored  on  their  lands,  and  were 
therefore  esteemed  in  that  light." 

"We  have  now,  brother,  done  with  this  affair,  and  I 
have  now  to  observe,  that  we  have  frequently  requested  you 
would  endeavor  to  see  us  righted,  and  as  the  governor  is  a 
very  good  man,  we  must  beg  he  will  interpose  and  put  a 
stop  to  such  proceedings,  by  preventing  our  being  seduced 
by  Klock.  If  not,  it  may  prove  a  means  of  making  us 
drunk,  and  I  am  heartily  glad  that  so  many  justices  are 
now  present  to  hear  and  bear  testimony  of  what  we  have 
said.  It  is  particularly  hard  on  us  also,  as  we  have  not  that 
authority  for  preventing  our  people  from  such  actions  as 
you  have,  and  we  therefore  beg  you  will  put  a  stop  to  the 
selling  of  rum,  which  alone  is  in  your  power ;  for  whilst 
they  can  come  at  liquor  we  can  have  no  influence  or  author- 
ity over  them. 

"  We  are  determined  to  hold  fast  by  the  covenant  chain, 
but  are  also  determined  to  do  the  same  by  our  land.  We 
love  the  covenant  chain  as  we  do  our  lives,  and  we  do  the 
same  by  our  lands,  which  we  are  determined  to  die  by 
rather  than  give  up.  You  must  not  think  I  am  alone,  or 
that  I  speak  for  myself.  I  speak  in  the  name  of  the  whole, 
not  only  for  the  men,  but  for  the  women  who  are  here 
present,  and  should  there  be  any  here  present  who  disap- 
prove of  what  I  have  said,  let  them  speak  their  sentiments." 
At  this  point  of  the  speech,  all  the  women  present  unan- 
imously corroborated  what  he  had  said,  declaring  that 
"  they  did  not  choose  to  part  with  their  lands  and  be  reduced 
to  make  brooms  for  a  living."  "I  have  now  no  more  to 
say  but  to  request  that  you  will  be  steadfast  in  observing 
the  covenant,  which  shall  be  faithfully  observed  on  our 
parts,  as  it  has  always  been  ;  for  should  Klock  be  permitted 
to  turn  us  off  our  possessions,  our  fire  must  inevitably 
become  extinguished." 

As  soon  as  Cayenguiragoa  had   finished,  Mr.  Duncan 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART.  183 

requested  that  the  Indians  might  he  informed  that  the  land  chap. 
in  question  was  not  claimed  through  Klock,  hut  from  the  v-^— / 
governor's  patent,  and  the  old  deed  signed  hy  their  fore- 1763- 
fathers,  and  farther,  that  there  was  a  living  witness  who 
saw  the  consideration  paid.     Upon  this  heing  interpreted 
to  Cayenguiragoa,  he  said  that  if  it  was  so,  the  witness 
ought  to  he  produced,  and  then  added : 

"  We  should  he  very  glad  if  those  who  are  concerned  in 
this  land  would  give  up  their  claim,  as  they  must  know  the 
same  was  stolen,  and  privately  surveyed  in  the  night.  I 
have  observed  to  you  already,  that  we  heartily  desire  you 
will  desist  from  all  thought  concerning  the  land,  and  stick 
to  everything  for  the  public  good.  I  must  say  that  it  is 
very  hard  that  children  and  unqualified  persons  should  he 
introduced  as  persons  signing  that  paper,  since  they  could 
have  no  right  so  to  do.  It  was  reported  by  George  Block 
that  we  were  in  the  French  interest,  and  that  we  had  taken 
his  brother  and  killed  his  son ;  here  is  the  man  himself  now 
present  who  knows  whether  it  was  so  or  not,  and  can  prove 
the  falsity  thereof.  By  such  evil  reports  and  proceedings 
we  are  rendered  very  uneasy,  and  beg  you  will  for  the  future 
pay  no  regard  to  any  papers  said  to  be  signed  by  us,  but 
that  you  will  apply  to  ourselves,  and  thus  learn  the  par- 
ticulars thereof,  except  such  as  are  done  in  a  public 
meeting." 

Mr.  Duncan  here  endeavored  to  pacify  the  Indians,  by 
telling  them  that  nothing  more  was  desired  by  the  claim- 
ants than  to  arrange  the  affair  amicably,  and  that  he  had 
now  some  proposals  to  make  on  behalf  of  himself  and  the 
rest.  This  attempt,  however,  to  smooth  over  matters 
was  promptly  foiled  by  Cayenguiragoa,  who  peremptorily 
replied,  that  "  they  would  attend  to  no  farther  proposals  on 
paper,  but  desired  that  the  whole  might  be  transmitted  to 
the  governor."  The  Baronet,  thereupon,  dissolved  the 
assemblage,  by  stating  that  the  justices  and  himself  had 
faithfully  attended  to  all  of  their  remarks,  and  that  after 


184  LIFE   OF   SIR    WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  they  had  been  drawn  up  and  signed,  they  should  be  care- 
v-^  fully  forwarded  to  the  governor  and  council.1 
1763.  rpQ  wliat  extent  Mr.  Livingston  was  personally  impli- 
cated in  these  fraudulent  transactions  does  not  appear.  He 
certainly  gave  them  his  countenance,  and  to  say  the  least, 
he  erred  greatly  in  allowing  his  name  to  be  used  in  con- 
nection with  a  patent,  which  had  been  obtained  by  his 
father  and  others  in  such  a  surreptitious  manner.  Nor  is 
it  at  all  creditable  to  his  character  of  integrity  and  love  of 
fair  dealing,  that  he  should  have  retained,  as  his  ac- 
knowledged agent,  a  man  whose  infamous  dealings  were 
so  wrell  known. 

The  promise  made  to  the  Indians  by  Sir  William  was 
faithfully  performed ;  and  the  result  was,  that  Mr.  Living- 
ston and  the  other  claimants,  either  through  shame  at  the 
infamous  practices  of  their  agents  being  thus  brought  to 
light,  or  perhaps — may  we  hope — actuated  by  a  sincere 
desire  to  repair  the  wrong  done,  executed  a  release  to  the 
Mohawks  of  their  lands.  George  Klock  alone  refused  to 
relinquish  his  share  ;  and  although,  during  the  life  time  of 
the  Baronet,  he  remained  comparatively  quiet,  yet  after  his 
decease  he  renewred  his  claim,  but  without  success.  I  have 
dwelt  more  at  length  upon  this  transaction,  as  it  furnishes 
one  out  of  numerous  instances  of  the  land  frauds  practiced 
upon  the  Indians,  and  reveals,  moreover,  the  implicit  con- 
fidence which  both  the  government  and  the  Indians  had 
in  the  integrity  of  the  superintendent.  Nor  is  it  a  slight 
proof  of  the  latter' s  influence,  that  he  could  thus  combat 
and  successfully  baffle  the  power  of  one  of  the  most  influ- 
ential families  in  the  province  of  New  York. 

On  the  Baronet's  return  to  Johnson  Hall — whither  he 
had  now  removed — he  stopped  a  day  or  two  at  Fort  John- 
son, his  late  residence,  to  adjust  a  matter  of  difference 
between  the  Mohawks  of  the  lower  castle,  and  a  deputa- 

1  Manuscript  "Proceedings  at  a  meeting  held  at  Canajoharie  with  the 
Indians,  March  10th,  1763,  before  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  Bart.,  and  several  jus- 
tices of  the  peace  for  the  county  of  Albany." 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  185 

tion  from  Schenectady,  in  relation  to  the  Schenectady  Flats;  chap. 
the  former  alleging  that  the  Flats  had  never  been  sold  by  w^-1/ 
their  ancestors  to  the  whites,  but  had  been  simply  lent  as 1762- 
a  pasture  ground  for  cattle.     In  answer  to  this  allegation, 
the  deputies  produced  an  Indian  deed  for  the  land  in  ques- 
tion, dated  in  1679,  and  also  the  patent  granted  in   1684 
by  Governor  Dongan,  together  with  several  receipts  for  the 
consideration.     The  proofs  thus  adduced,  were  considered 
by  Sir  "William  as  entirely  satisfactory,  and  he  gave  his 
decision  accordingly.     The   Mohawks   had  come  to   the 
meeting  with  the  most  bitter  feelings,  but  such  was  their 
confidence  in  the  Baronet,  that  upon  hearing  the  decision, 
they  declared  themselves  perfectly  satisfied,  for,  said  they, 
"  Sir  William  Johnson  never  yet  deceived  us." 

While  this  meeting  was  holding,  Colonel  Eliphalet  Dyer 
and  Mr.  Woodbridge  of  Stockbridge,  arrived  at  Fort 
Johnson  on  the  twenty-third  of  March.  The  object  of 
their  visit  was  to  ascertain  whether  the  Six  Nations  were 
coming  down  to  a  meeting,  which  some  Connecticut  peo- 
ple had  proposed  to  hold  at  Albany,  on  the  twenty-second 
of  March,  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  them  to  part 
with  their  Susquehanna  lands.  These  people  were  now  in 
Albany,  and  had  brought  with  them  to  aid  their  negotia- 
tions three  or  four  hundred  pounds  in  money,  besides 
three  barrels  of  pork !  This  was  the  consideration,  they 
proposed  to  give,  for  the  rich  lands  of  the  beautiful  Wyo- 
ming valley !  The  invitation  to  this  meeting  had  been 
sent  to  the  Six  Nations  the  last  autumn,  but  the  Indian,  to 
whom  it  had  been  given,  well  knowing  its  object,  had 
never  presented  it  to  those  for  whom  it  was  designed,  and 
thus  the  matter  had  remained.  On  being  informed  of 
this  fact,  the  two  gentlemen  grew  quite  warm,  and  insisted 
on  their  title  to  the  Wyoming  lands  by  virtue  of  the  Con- 
necticut claim  extending  to  the  west  seas.  Sir  William 
having  replied  that  he  was  confident  the  Six  Nations 
would  never  allow  a  settlement  upon  their  war  path  and 
best  hunting  grounds,  they,  in  the  most  positive  terms, 

24 


186 

chap,  declared  that  the  Susquehanna  company  had  been  a  great 
v— v— '  while  concerned  in  the  affair,  and  had  been  at  a  great  deal 
1763.  0f  expense,  and  that  they  were  therefore  determined  to 
settle  immediately  on  the  land  more  than  one  thousand 
families — a  number  they  should  judge  sufficient  to  defend 
their  claims  against  any  opposition.  By  way,  however,  of 
an  inducement  for  Sir  William  to  intepose  in  their  behalf, 
they  offered  to  receive  him  as  an  equal  partner  in  the  land, 
and  proposed  to  send  up  to  him  the  money  and  pork,  that 
he  might  call  the  Confederacy  together  and  persuade  them 
to  agree  to  the  purchase.  "All  of  which,"  nobly  says 
the  Baronet  in  his  private  diary,  "I  refused  with  the 
slight  it  deserved,  and  gave  them  my  opinion  of  the 
whole  affair,  and  also  told  them  the  unhappy  consequences 
which  would  in  all  probability  follow,  should  they  (as  they 
often  hinted)  force  a  settlement  in  those  parts.  After 
many  fruitless  efforts  to  prevail  on  me  to  join  and  assist 
them,  they  returned  to  Albany." 

The  Mohawks,  who  had  not  yet  returned  to  their  homes, 
having  ascertained  the  cause  of  the  visit,  expressed  the 
utmost  uneasiness ;  giving  it  as  their  opinion,  that  if  the 
New  Englanders  persisted  in  their  purpose,  it  would  bring 
on  a  general  disturbance  throughout  the  whole  Confed- 
eracy. They  therefore  before  separating,  held  a  private 
council,  the  result  of  which  was  a  request  to  the  Baronet, 
that  he  would  transmit  their  sentiments  on  the  affair  to 
the  governor  of  Connecticut,  accompanied  with  a  belt  of 
wampum.1 

At  length,  justly  alarmed  at  the  pertinacity  with  which 
the  Connecticut  people,  in  defiance  of  their  wishes,  con- 
tinued to  send  settlers  into  the  valley  of  Wyoming  ,  the 
Confederacy  sent  in  May  a  deputation  to  the  governor  of 
Connecticut,  to  protest  in  person  against  the  encroach- 
ments of  his  people.     The  deputation  carried  a  letter  from 

1  Manuscript  letter ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  30th 
March,  1763. 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  187 

the  Baronet,   recommending  it  to  the  consideration  of  the  chap. 
governor,  and  was,  moreover,  accompanied  by  Guy  John-  ^-v-' 
son,  who  was  sent  by  the  superintendent  to  give  the  mis-  1'68, 
sion  additional  character.     The  council,  which  continued 
two   days,  was   held  at  Hartford  in  the  presence  of  the 
governor  and  the   general  assembly  of  the  colony.     The 
Six  Nations  were  represented  by  five  sachems,  two  from 
the  Onondagas  and  Cayugas  each,  and  one  from  the  Mo- 
hawks.    They  were  received  kindly  by  Governor  Fitch, 
and  having  been  each  in  turn  taken  by  the  hand  and  wel- 
comed by  him  in  the  name  of  the  government,    Sagayen- 
guaraghta,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Onondagas,  arose  and 
delivered  his  message  in  the  name  of  the   Six  Nations. 

The  speech  of  the  sachem  was  mild  and  conciliatory, 
yet,  at  the  same  time,  it  breathed  a  calm  and  firm  deter- 
mination to  maintain  their  rights  even  at  the  peril  of  life 
itself.  Having  presented  a  belt  to  clear  the  eyes  of  the 
governor  and  the  assembly,  the  orator  drew  a  short  sketch 
of  the  history  of  their  Confederacy,  their  first  acquaint- 
ance with  the  whites,  and  the  origin  of  the  covenant  chain. 
At  the  very  first  interview  they  had  liked  the  English, 
and  had  given  them  land  on  which  to  settle.  During  this 
time  the  whites  had  become  numerous  and  prosperous,  for 
which  they  heartily  rejoiced.  But  notwithstanding  all 
this,  they  had  heard  something  the  past  winter,  that  had 
made  them  sad,  viz* :  that  three  hundred  Connecticut  fami- 
lies were  about  to  settle  upon  their  lands,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  erecting  dwellings  and  forts.  Upon  hearing  this 
extraordinary  piece  of  intelligence,  their  sachems  had 
resolved  to  acquaint  the  governor  of  Connecticut  with  the 
proceedings  of  his  people,  and  for  that  purpose  they  were 
now  here.  The  speaker  then  alluded  to  the  deed  that 
Lydius  had  obtained  from  a  few  Indians  of  no  consequence 
in  the  Confederacy  (very  much,  by  the  way,  after  the  man- 
ner of  Klock's  purchase),  and  denied  its  validity.  They  had, 
it  is  true,  heretofore  given  away  land  to  the  English,  but 
of  the  sale  of  the   Susquehanna  lands,  the   Six   Nations 


188  LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

CI/£P •  knew  nothing.  "And  now  brothers,"  continued  Sagay- 
*-v-'  enguaraghta,  "  seriously  take  it  into  your  consideration, 
and  think  how  you  would  like  it,  to  have  your  lands  taken 
from  you  in  an  unfair  and  injurious  manner.  You  are  a 
praying  people,  better  acquainted  with  books  and  learn- 
ing than  we,  and  must  needs  know  better  what  is  right, 
than  to  think  it  Well  to  have  your  lands,  as  we  may  say, 
stolen  from  you.  Surely  you  could  not  like  it,  to  be 
treated  in  such  a  manner, — to  have  your  land  taken  from 
you  that  you  depended  upon  for  your  support. 

"Brothers:  As  I  have  told  you  before,  we  have  been 
sent  here  by  our  chiefs  to  let  you  know  that  we  have 
heard  about  your  design  of  encroaching  upon  our  lands, 
and  we  now  deliver  you  this  belt  to  show  the  minds  of 
the  Confederate  nations,  that  they  are  resolved  to  keep 
the  lands  for  themselves  and  their  children  to  the  latest 
posterity.  If,  however,  you  still  proceed  to  encroach  upon 
our  lands,  we  shall  not  be  easy  but  will  return  home  to  our 
places,  and  apply  ourselves  to  the  king,  our  father,  to  obtain 
justice,  and  I  myself  will  go.  And  now  I  have  said  all  I 
have  to  say." 

In  his  answer,  two  days  after,  G-ovemor  Fitch,  on 
behalf  of  his  government,  disclaimed  any  intention  of  sell- 
ing the  Susquehanna  lands,  or  doing  anything,  in  fact, 
calculated  to  infringe  upon  their  rights  in  the  slightest 
degree.  He  had,  indeed,  been  informed,  that  a  number  of 
individuals  both  from  New  England  and  New  York,  con- 
templated settling  at  "Wyoming,  but  he  had  strongly 
remonstrated  against  any  such  attempt.  Lately,  moreover, 
he  had  received  express  orders  from  the  king,  command- 
ing him  to  use  every  effort  to  prevent  those  people  from 
settling  the  valley,  until  the  matter  could  be  laid  before 
the  crown.  They  might  rest  assured,  therefore,  that  their 
rights  would  be  carefully  guarded,  more  especially  also,  as 
the  members  of  the  Susquehanna  company  had  recently 
met  and  determined  to  pursue  the  project  no  farther  until 
the  king's  pleasure  was  known.     In  reply,  the  delegation 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  189 

expressed  themselves  pleased  at  this  information,   and  chap. 
declared,  that  if  they  ever  should  make  up  their  minds  to  —^ 
part  with  the  lands,  his  people  should,  if  they  desired  it, 1763* 
have  the  precedence  of  all  other  purchasers.     "¥e  are  to 
receive  no  presents  on  this  occasion,  but  as  to  your  offer 
to  discharge  our  expences  while  in  this  town,   we  grate- 
fully accept  and  acknowledge  the  same,  and  heartily  bid  you 
farewell."1 

The  exertions  of  Governor  Fitch,  aided  by  the  order 
from  the  king,  were  so  far  successful,  that  for  the  next  six 
years,  the  Susquehanna  company  forbore  any  farther  ope- 
rations in  the  beautiful  valley  of  Wyoming.  In  the  mean 
time,  however,  the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  having 
taken  advantage  of  a  grand  Indian  council,  held  at  Fort 
Stanwix  in  the  autumn  of  1768,  to  obtain  a  deed  of  the 
disputed  territory  from  some  of  the  chiefs,  the  Susquehanna 
company  called  a  meeting  and  resolved  to  resume  the  set- 
tlement. Under  its  auspices  forty  pioneers  were  thrown 
into  the  valley  in  February,  1768,  and  from  that  time,  in 
defiance  of  right  and  justice,  settlers  continued  to  pour  in, 
until  in  the  horrid  massacre  of  Wyoming,  they  suffered  a 
fearful,  though  in  a  measure  self-inflicted  punishment  for 
their  temerity.2 

Although  preliminary  articles  of  peace  between  Great 
Britain,  France,  Spain  and  Portugal,  had  been  signed  at 
Fontainebleau  on  the  third  of  November,  1762,  yet  it  was 
not  until  the  tenth  of  February,  that  a  definite  treaty  wras 
formally  ratified  at  Paris.     The  experience  which  England 

1  Manuscript  minutes  of  a  conference  held  by  the  governor  of  Connecti- 
cut at  Hartford,  with  the  Six  Nations'  deputies.  May  28th  1763. — Manu- 
script letter;   Governor  Fitch  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  30ih  May,  1763. 

2  "I  need  not  observe  to  your  excellency  the  dangerous  consequences 
which  must  inevitably  attend  the  settlement  of  these  people  [in  Wyoming]* 
having  been  formerly  honored  with  your  sentiments  therein.  If  they  only 
were  to  suffer,  1  think  their  rashness  and  defiance  of  all  public  authority 
deserves  it,  but  I  am  apprehensive  it  will  not  stop  there." — Manuscript  letter; 
Sir  William  Johnson  to  Sir  Jeffrey  Amher.st,  30lh  March,  1763. 


'** 


190  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

» 

chap,  had  acquired  during  the  last  fourteen  years,  though  obtained 
v-^w  at  such  an  immense  cost  of  blood  and  treasure,  had  not 
1763.  heen  lost;  and  the  position  that  she  now  assumed,  was  far 
different  from  the  one  taken  by  her  at  the  treaty  of  Aix  La 
Chapelle.     She  now  saw  that  there  could  be  no  security  to 
her  American   frontiers,   nor  guaranty  for  a  permanent 
peace,  so  long  as  Canada  remained  under  French  dominion ; 
and  though  there  were  statesmen,  Lord  Hardwicke  among 
them,  in  favor  of  retaining  the  West  Indies  and  abandoning 
Canada,  yet  the  policy,  in  which  the  great  commoner  had 
carried  on  the  war,  prevailed,  and  the  retention  of  Canada 
was  insisted  upon  as  the  basis  of  all   negotiation.     The 
result  of  the  treaty,  therefore,  was,  that  Nova  Scotia,  Canada, 
the  Isle  of  Cape  Breton,  and  all  the  islands  in  the  St.  Law- 
rence, were  ceded  to  the  British  crown,  and  it  was,  moreover, 
expressly  agreed  that  the  boundary  between  the  French 
and  English  possessions  should  be  forever  set  at  rest  by  a 
"  line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  Mississippi,  from  its 
source,  as  far  as  the  river  Iberville,  and  from  thence  by  a 
line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  this  river,  and  of  the  lakes 
Maurepas  and  Ponchartrain  to  the  sea" — all  of  the  French 
possessions  on  the  left   side  of  that  river  being  ceded  to 
England,  excepting  the  Isle  of  Orleans  and  Louisiana.     In 
return,  England  relinquished  Martinico  in  the  West  Indies, 
Belleisle  on  the  coast  of  France,  and  Guadaloupe,  reserving 
only  the  islands  of   Grenada  and  the  Grenadines.     Spain 
received  back  the  Havana,  on  condition  of   her   ceding 
Florida  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain ;  the  latter  agreeing 
to  destroy  all  the  fortifications  that  her  subjects  had  erected 
in  the  bay  of  Honduras,  and  in  other  territory  still  under 
Spanish  dominion. 

Thus  had  the  inordinate  desire  to  appropriate  territory 
to  which  there  was  not  the  least  claim,  led  to  the  irretrieva- 
ble ruin  of  French  power  in  America ;  and  as,  in  1749, 
England  came  from  the  convocation  at  Aix  La  Chapelle, 
the  jeer  of  the  nations,  so  France  rose  from  the  signing  of 
the  treaty  of  Paris,  in  the  eyes  of   every  Frenchman  to 


m 

LIFE  OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  191 

whom  the  honor  of  his   country  was  dear,  humbled  and  cg£p' 
abased.  ^T7 

1763. 

But  while  the  colonists  were  yet  rejoicing  in  the  news 
of  peace,  dark  clouds  were  slowly  covering  the  western 
sky.  The  causes  which  had  produced  the  inimical  feelings 
of  the  western  tribes,  as  well  as  their  partially  matured 
plot  for  the  destruction  of  the  English  in  the  spring  of 
1761,  have  already  been  related  at  length  in  a  previous 
chapter.  The  general  treaty  which  Sir  "William  Johnson 
had  made  with  them  in  the  summer  of  1761,  at  Detroit, 
had  mollified  them  for  a  time ;  and  it  is  probable  that  had 
the  tribes  been  left  to  themselves,  they  would,  with  the 
exception  of  an  occasional  trivial  outbreak,  have  sullenly 
submitted  to  their  new  neighbors.  But  there  was  one, 
savage,  rude  and  untutored  though  he  was,  whose  sagacious 
mind  saw  in  the  advance  of  the  English,  the  gradual 
extinction  of  his  people.  That  man  was  Pontiac,  the  king 
of  the  Ottawa  Confederacy.1  To  avert  the  calamity  he  so 
much  dreaded,  he  conceived  in  the  summer  of  1762,  the 
design,  like  another  Philip,  of  driving  the  English  from 
the  continent.  Forming  a  league  with  the  great  interior 
tribes,  chiefly  of  the  Algonquin  stock,  and  summoning 
their  forces  in  unison  upon  the  war  path,  he  attacked  in 
the  spring  the  garrisons  upon  the  frontiers  and  the  lakes, 
investing  many  of  them  almost  simultaneously.  The  ports 
of  Le  Boeuf,  Yenango,  Presque  Isle,  Sandusky,  St.  Joseph, 
Miami  and  Michillimackinac,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
savages,  some  of  them  by  strategy,  and  others  by  capitula- 
tion. The  Indians,  however,  with  true  Punic  faith, 
regarded  not  the  terms  which  they  had  granted,  and  the 
scalps  of  those  who  surrendered  long  adorned  the  interior 

1 "  The  Ottawa  Confederacy  is  composed  of  many  western  nations,  of 
which  the  chief  are  the  Wyandots  or  Hurons,  Pottawatamies,  Chipewas 
and  Ottawas.  The  tribe3  of  the  Confederacy  reside  chiefly  on  the  penin- 
sula between  lakes  Michigan  and  Huron,  and  the  country  north  of  lakes 
Erie  and  Ontario  to  the  Ottawa  river." — Manuscript  statement  of  Sir  William 
Johnson. 


192 

chap,  of  many  a  wigwam.    Detroit,  Niagara,  and  Fort  Pitt  alone 

v_^_/  defied  the  enemy. 

1763.  -ft  was  now  more  important  than  ever  that  the  friendship 
of  the  Six  Nations  should  be  retained,  as  upon  their  fidelity 
depended  not  only  the  safety  of  the  frontiers,  but  the  com- 
munication to  Oswego  and  the  more  western  posts,  Niagara 
and  Detroit.  Upon  the  first  intelligence  of  the  general 
uprising  of  the  tribes  of  the  west,  Sir  William  Johnson, 
doubting  the  fidelity  of  the  Confederacy,  but  especially 
the  Senecas,  sent  messengers  to  all  their  castles  inviting 
them  to  a  general  council  at  the  German  Flats.  This  dis- 
trust of  the  Senecas  was  well  founded ;  not  only  were  they 
at  this  time  the  most  numerous  and  powerful  of  the  Six 
Nations — numbering  ten  hundred  and  fifty  fighting  men1 — 
but  living  on  the  outskirts  of  the  Confederacy,  they  were  the 
least  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  Baronet.  From  their 
proximity,  moreover,  to  Niagara,  the  French  had  been  able, 
for  many  years,  to  keep  missionaries  constantly  among 
them ;  and,  by  the  lavish  use  of  presents,  had  alienated 
them  in  a  great  measure  from  the  English.  Indeed,  it 
would  have  been  very  strange  had  it  been  otherwise.  The 
return,  however,  of  the  messengers  in  a  few  days,  dispelled 
all  apprehensions  of  the  fidelity  of  the  larger  portion  of 
the  Confederacy.  The  Senecas,  it  is  true,  now  openly  and 
boldly  espoused  the  cause  of  Pontiac,  thus  verifying  the 

1  The  number  of  fighting  men  at  this  time,  which  the  Six  Nations  could 
bring  into  the  field,  according  to  the  estimate  made  by  Sir  William  Johnson 
in  1763,  was  as  follows : 

Mohawks 160     Onondagas 150 

Oneidas 250     Cayugas 200 

Tuscaroras 140    Senecas 1050 

1950 
Including  the  Oswegatchies — emigrants  chiefly  from   the  Onondagas 
and  settled  at  Osewgatchie — of  which  there  were  80 — 2030. 

For  an  elaborate  statement  of  the  Indian  nations  included  under  the  Six 
Nations  and  Ottawa  Confederacies,  as  well  as  the  location  of  all  their  dif- 
feient  towns  and  villages,  see  appendix  vi,  of  this  volume.  This  is  a  very 
carefully  prepared  document,  made  by  Sir  William  Johnson  in  1763,  and  to 
the  student  will  well  repay  its  perusal. 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  193 

fears  of  the  superintendent,  and  proving  the  insincerity  of  chap. 
their  professions  two  years  previously  at  Niagara,  but  the  w^^ 
other  nations  remained  firm.     The  Onondagas,  to  whom 1763# 
the  Senecas  had  sent  three  war  belts  of  wampum  inviting 
them  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  English,  indignantly 
rejected,  on  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  Confederacy,  the 
proposal,  declaring  their  resolution  to  live  and  die  by  the 
English.     So  also  said  the  Mohawks.1 

These  friendly  assurances  were  renewed  at  the  council 
held  at  the  German  Flats  in  the  middle  of  July.  Large 
delegations  from  all  the  nations,  excepting  the  Senecas, 
were  present ;  and  although  they  had  not  quite  determined 
to  engage  actively  against  Pontiac,  yet  the  Baronet  found  no 
difficulty  in  persuading  them  not  only  to  remain  neutral, 
but  to  allow  the  passage  of  troops  through  their  territory. 
The  importance  of  the  neutrality  thus  obtained,  cannot, 
perhaps,  be  too  highly  estimated,  Had  the  Six  Nations 
gone  over  to  the  side  of  Pontiac,  all  the  horrors  that  the 
French  war  had  witnessed  on  the  borders  of  New  England, 
wrould  have  been  renewed  with  even  greater  ferocity  in  the 
province  of  New  York ;  while  with  the  convoys  cut  off,  and 
the  reinforcements  waylaid  and  killed  in  passing  from 
Albany  to  Oswego,  Detroit  must  inevitably  have  succumbed 
to  the  savages.1 

While  the  Baronet  was  thus  busily  engaged  at  the  Ger- 

1Mr.  Bancroft  is  mistaken  in  intimating  (vol.  v,  p.  Ill)  that  the 
Iroquois  Confederacy  joined  the  Delawares  and  other  tribes  in  inciting  the 
north-western  nations  to  revolt.  None  of  the  Confederacy,  aB  an  individual 
nation,  did  so,  except  the  Senecas,  and  not  all  even  of  those. — Sir  William 
Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  1st  July,  1763.  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Sir  Jef- 
frey Amherst,  14th  Sept.,  1763.  Sir  William  Johnson  to  the  same,  11th  Julyy 
1763.  Sir  William  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade  20th  January,  1764.  Also 
manuscript  correspondence  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 

1  "  The  Indians  of  five  put  of  the  six  nations,  who,  from  the  commence- 
ment of  the  present  Indian  war  have  sbown  great  zeal  and  attachment 
toward  the  English,  have  thereby  preserved  these  frontiers  and  the  impor- 
tant communication  to  Ontario,  both  of  which  must  have  inevitably  fallen 
but  for  their  fidelity." — Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  General  Burton, 
Feb.  11,  1764. 

25 


194  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  man  Flats,  his  son-in-law,  Captain  Claus,  was,  by  his 
v-^—z  direction,  holding  a  general  congress  attheSault  St.  Louis 
1763.  with  the  St.  Francis,  Swegatchie,  Caughnawagas  and 
other  prominent  Canadian  tribes.  The  result  of  the  dep- 
uty's negotiations  was,  that  those  Indians  dispatched  two 
messengers  to  their  western  brethren — one  going  through 
Lake  Ontario  to  Detroit,  and  the  other  by  the  Ottawa  river 
to  Michillimackinac — advising  them  to  lay  down  the 
hatchet,  and  declaring  at  the  same  time,  that  if  their  coun- 
sel was  disregarded,  they  themselves  would  take  up  the 
hatchet  in  favor  of  their  English  brethren.1 

But  notwithstanding  the  good  feeling  manifested  by  the 
Confederates  and  the  nations  of  Canada,  Sir  William  did 
not  relax  his  precautions.  The  militia  were  promptly 
ordered  out,  and  sent  in  companies  of  fifty  to  different 
posts  along  the  frontier  ;  while  Indian  scouts  roamed  the 
forests  from  Crown  Point  to  Oswego  in  search  of  the 
prowling  foe.  While  thus  engaged,  rumors  came  that  his 
personal  safety  was  in  danger — that  the  followers  of  Pontiac, 
enraged  at  a  man  whose  influence  had  prevented  the  Six 
Nations  from  joining  them,  had  sworn  to  take  his  life. 
Upon  hearing  this  report,  the  faithful  Mohawks  waited  in 
a  body  upon  the  Baronet,  and  offered  to  join  him  to  a  man 
against  any  nation  who  should  attempt  to  cany  this  threat 
into  execution.2  But  though  flattered  at  this  proof  of 
their  affection,  he  did  not  deem  it  prudent  to  rely  entirely 
on  their  good  offices  for  protection.  He  accordingly 
armed  his  tenantry,  and  surrounded  Johnson  Hall  with  a 
strong  stockade  flanked  by  twro  stone  towers,  receiving  a 
guard  of  twelve  regulars  and  one  sergeant  from  Fort  Stan- 
wix  for  its  defence. 3     The  result  of  these  measures  was, 

1  Johnson  to  Amherst,  25th  Aug.,  1763. 
I      2  sir  William  Johnson  to  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  30th  July,  1763. 

3 These  two  towers  are  still  to  be  seen  (1864)  on  each  side  of  Johnson 
Hall.  One  of  these  towers  was  defended  by  a  small  brass  cannon  that  Sir 
JPeter  Warren  had  captured  at  the  seige  of  Louisburg,  and  sent  to  his  nephew 
as  a  present  and  trophy. 

■  • 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  195 

that  while  the  frontiers  of   Virginia,  Pennsylvania  and  chap. 
Maryland  suffered  severely  during  the  whole  war  from  the  ^^_/ 
ravages  of  the  foe,  the   province  of  New  York,  with  the 1763* 
exception  of  some  slight  incursions  upon  the  borders  of 
Orange  and  Ulster  counties,  was  left  comparatively  unmo- 
lested. 


. 


.  . 


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• 


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• 

J 1 

• 

• 

- 

*'** 


f 

I 

CHAPTER  X. 

1763. 

chap.  Detroit  was,  at  this  period,  the  most  strongly  fortified 
s_^  of  any  of  the  more  remote  western  posts.  It  consisted  of 
1763.  a  stockade  twenty-five  feet  high,  in  the  form  of  a  square, 
and  contained  about  one  hundred  houses,  many  of  which 
were  occupied  by  the  French  and  English  fur-traders. 
The  garrison,  which  numbered  one  hundred  and  twenty 
men  and  eight  officers,  was  composed  of  Gage's  light 
infantry,  under  the  command  of  Major  Gladwin,  who,  it 
will  be  remembered,  had  accompanied  Sir  William  John- 
son on  his  journey  to  Detroit,  to  succeed  Captain  Cambell 
in  the  command.  In  artillery  the  fort  boasted  of  but  five 
small  pieces,  and  of  these,  three  were  mortars,  and  so  badly 
mounted  as  to  be  of  no  service.  Both  banks  of  the  river 
were  lined,  for  the  distance  of  eight  miles,  with  the  white 
cottages  of  the  Canadian  farmers  who  had  been  attracted 
hither  by  the  mildness  of  the  climate,  the  richness  of  the 
land,  and  the  abundance  of  the  game.  About  a  mile  below 
the  fort,  on  the  same  bank  of  the  river,  was  thePottawat- 
amy  village ;  almost  directly  opposite,  that  of  the  Wyan- 
dots;  and  four  miles  above  stood  the  wigwams  of  the 
Ottawas.  Such  was  the  situation  of  affairs,  when,  toward 
the  close  of  April,  Pontiac  quietly  invested  the  fort  with 
upward  of  six  hundred  Indians, 

It  was  the  intention  of  Pontiac  to  gain  admittance  into 
the  fort  with  three  hundred  of  his  warriors,  and  at  a  given 
signal,  fall  upon  the  unsuspecting  garrison,  and  massacre 
them  to  a  man.  Happily,  however,  the  plot  was  revealed 
to  Major  Gladwin  on  the  sixth  of  May,  by  his  mistress,  a 
pretty  Oji^wa  girl,  and  steps  were  immediately  taken  for 


.UFJD  OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  197 

the  safety  of  the   garrison.     Accordingly,   when   Pontiac  chap. 
and  his  warriors  made  their  visit  the  next  day,  instead  of  w^^, 
straggling  groups  of  soldiers  at  the  corners  of  the  streets,  1768. 
they  Saw  the  glitter  of  bayonets,   and  heard   the   roll  of 
drums.     Perceiving  at  a  glance  that  his  plot  was  discovered, 
the  great  Ottawa  chieftain  made  a  lew  hollow  professions 
of  friendship,  and  without  giving   the  signal,  withdrew 
with  his  followers,  gnashing  his  teeth  in  impotent  fury. 

On  the  morning  of  the  ninth,  as  the  Canadians  were 
returning  from  mass,  Pontiac  appeared  on  the  green  before 
the  fort  with  three  hundred  warriors,  but  found  the 
gate  barred  against  him.  To  his  question,  why  he  was 
refused  admittance,  Gladwin  curtly  replied,  that  he  might 
enter  if  he  wished,  but  that  it  must  be  without  the  rabble 
at  his  heels.  At  this  answer,  the  Indians  threw  off  all 
farther  dissimulation.  Uttering  horrid  yells,  they  rushed 
into  several  English  dwellings,  built  outside  the  palisades, 
and  having  tomahawked  their  wretched  inmates,  bore  the 
reeking  scalps  to  their  camp,  and  spent  the  entire  night  in 
dancing  and  carousing.  In  the  early  dawn  of  the  follow- 
ing morning,  the  rattling  of  bullets  against  the  stockades 
told  the  garrison  that  the  seige  had  begun. 

There  might  yet  be  hope.  Moored  in  the  stream,  close 
under  the  fort,  lay  two  lightly  armed  schooners,  the  Beaver 
and  the  Gladwin.  The  latter  vessel  was  nowT  dispatched 
to  Niagara  for  aid ;  and  while  she  sped  on  her  mission, 
Pontiac,  with  his  hosts  of  warriors,  calmly  sat  down  before 
the  fort  in  expectation  of  starving  the  garrison  into  a  sur- 
render. Of  this,  there  at  first  seemed  some  danger.  At 
the  commencement  of  the  seige,  there  was  not  in  the  fort 
provisions  for  more  than  three  weeks ;  and  had  it  not  been 
for  the  supplies  which  a  few  friendly  Canadians  carried  in 
under  cover  of  the  night,  the  garrison  must  eventually 
either  have  abandoned  the  post,  or  have  died  of  starvation. 
Still,  although  the  officers  and  men  endeavored  to  keep  up 
good  courage,  many  weary  weeks  passed  with  no  sight  of 
the  looked  for  succors.     Each  evening  saw  the  savages 


198  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  watching  with  undiminished  patience  every  movement  of 
w^_/  the  garrison,  and  the  morning  sun  found  them  still  at 
1763.  their  posts.  A  reinforcement  of  ninety-six  men,  under 
Lieutenant  Cuyler,  which  had  left  Niagara  on  the  thirteenth 
of  May,  was  attacked  by  a  party  of  Wyandots,  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Detroit  river,  when  about  to  encamp  for  the 
night.  So  sudden  was  the  onset,  that  the  detachment  was 
completely  routed.  About  forty  of  the  English  were  taken 
prisoners,  only  to  suffer  death  in  its  most  horrible  form — 
that  of  being  roasted  alive — and  the  remainder,  among 
whom  was  Lieutenant  Cuyler,  having  succeeded  in  escaping 
in  two  boats,  reached  Niagara  on  the  sixth  of  June,  bring- 
ing with  them  the  tidings  of  the  burning  of  Sandusky, 
the  ruins  of  which  they  had  passed  on  their  return. 

The  condition  of  the  garrison  was  now  extremely  critical. 
The  besiegers  had  recently  been  reinforced  by  several  bands 
of  Ojibwas,  thus  increasing  their  force  to  more  than  eight 
hundred  men. *  The  troops  were  worn  out  with  want  of 
sleep,  and  their  daily  allowance  of  food  was  reduced  to  the 
smallest  pittance.  Added  to  all  this,  their  cheerful  spirits, 
which  had  hitherto  sustained  them,  began  now  to  give 
way  under  the  news  that  reached  them  of  the  fall,  one  after 
another  of  the  western  posts,  until  it  was  soon  evident  to 
them  that  they  stood  alone  in  the  heart  of  the  wilderness, 
a  mere  handful  of  men,  surrounded  by  hundreds  of  impla- 
cable and  relentless  foes.  Fortunately,  however,  on  the 
twenty-third  of  June,  a  schooner  arrived  from  Niagara, 
bringing  Lieutenant  Cuyler  and  sixty  men,  together  with 
ample  supplies  of  provisions  and  ammunition.  This 
opportune  reinforcement  renewed  the  fainting  hopes  of 
the  garrison ;  and  now  no  one  spoke  of  abandoning  the 
fort,  but  on  the  contrary,  resolved  to  await  patiently  the 
relief  which,  as  their  situation  was  known,  could  not  be 
far  distant.  Nor  were  they  mistaken  ;  for  while  they  yet 
waited,  a  strong  reinforcement  was  on  its  way  to  their  relief. 
The  first  intelligence  of  the  rout   of  Lieutenant  Cuyler's 

1  These  were  Ottawas,  Wyandots,  Ojibwas  and  Pottawataraies. 


LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  199 

party  was  communicated  to  General  Amherst  by  Sir  Wil-  chap. 
liam  Johnson,  who  received  it  by  an  express  from  Niagara  w^ 
on  the  sixth  of  June.     The  general  at  once  detached  his  1763- 
favorite   aid-de-camp,   Captain  Daly  ell,   to  Niagara,  with 
orders  to  proceed  to  Detroit  with  reinforcements,  should 
he  consider  them  necessary.     Upon  the  latter's  arrival  at 
Magara,  and  learning  the  situation  of  Detroit,  he  imme- 
diately embarked  for  that  post,  taking  with  him,  in  twenty- 
two  bateaux,  two  hundred  and  eighty  men, — among  whom 
were  twenty  independent  rangers  under  Eogers — several 
small  cannon  and  a  plentiful  supply  of  provisions.     Halt- 
ing a  day  at  Sandusky,  to  destroy  the  neighboring  village 
of  the  Wyandots,  Dalyell  proceeded  on  his  voyage,  and 
appeared,  like  a  beneficent  avatar,  before  the  eyes  of  the 
garrison,  at  sunrise  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  July. 

Dalyell,  who  had  shared  with  Israel  Putnam  many  a 
danger,  partook  of  that  officer's  wild  and  daring  spirit. 
No  sooner,  therefore,  were  his  troops  fairly  disembarked, 
than  he  hastened  to  Gladwin's  quarters,  and  begged  to 
be  allowed  to  lead  his  detachment  against  the  besiegers 
that  very  night.  "The  enemy,  "  he  urged,  "may  be  sur- 
prised in  their  camp  and  driven  out  of  the  settlement." 
His  superior  officer  at  first  shrunk  from  such  a  proceed- 
ing as  rash  and  dangerous^  but  finally,  overcome  by  the 
vehement  persuasions  of  the  impulsive  captain,  he  reluct- 
antly gave  his  consent.  At  half  past  two  o'clock,  on  the 
morning  of  the  thirty-first,  two  hundred  and  forty-eight 
picked  men  marched  forth  into  the  night.  Two  bateaux, 
each  carrying  a  small  cannon,  followed  up  the  river  to 
render  assistance  if  necessary.  It  was  the  intention  of 
Dalyell  to  rush  suddenly  upon  Pontiac  and  his  Indians 
when  asleep ;  but  that  chieftain,  having  been  informed  of 
his  design  through  the  treachery  of  a  Canadian,  broke  up 
his  camp,  and  with  his  warriors  waited  breathlessly  for  the 
English  to  come  within  his  ambuscade.  The  party  had 
advanced  up  the  river  road  some  two  miles,  and  were  just 
entering  upon  a  bridge  over  a  little  stream  that  flowed 


200  LIFE   OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 


chap,  into  the  river,  when  suddenly  terrific  yells  filled  the  air, 
J^_,  and  the  flashes  of  musketry  revealed  the  dusky  forms  of 
1763  the  savages,  hovering  in  clouds  upon  their  rear  and  flanks. 
Nearly  all  of  the  advanced  guard  fell  at  the  first  fire,  and 
the  survivors,  after  vainly  attempting  to  rally,  retreated 
into  the  fort,  under  the  cover  of  Major  Eogers  and  his 
rangers,  who,  familiar  with  Indian  tactics,  took  pos- 
session of  a  house  on  the  roadside,  and  thus  kept  the  pur- 
suers at  bay.  In  this  night  sortie,  sixty-nine  of  the  Eng- 
lish were  either  killed  or  wounded.  The  brave  Dalyell, 
himself,  "marked  by  the  enemy  for  his  extreme  bravery," 
received  a  mortal  wound  while  endeavoring  to  rescue  a 
sergeant  of  the  fifty-fifth ;  and  in  the  confusion  of  the 
moment  his  body  was  left  on  the  field.1 

A  populous  city  has  since  grownup  near  the  spot  where 
Dalyell  fell,  and  the  busy  hum  of  business  has  succeeded 
the  din  of  savage  warfare ;  but  the  scenes  of  this  night 
will  ever  be  commemorated  by  the  purling  stream  which 
still  retains  the  name  of  The  Bloody  Eun. 

For  the  relief  of  Fort  Pitt,  now  closely  beseiged  by  the 
Delawares,  Shawanese,  and  Wyandots,  Colonel  Bouquet 
was  dispatched  from  Philadelphia  by  General  Amherst, 
with  a  force  of  five  hundred  regulars.  The  latter  were  in 
no  condition  to  undertake  the  journey.  They  were  com- 
posed chiefly  of  Highlanders  from  the  forty-second  and 
seventy-seventh  regiments,  and  were  debilitated  by  their 
expedition  to  Havana,  whence  they  had  but  recently 
returned.  The  exigency  of  the  case,  however,  admitted 
of  no  delay,  and  Amherst  had  no  alternative  but  to  send 

1Parkman's  Pontiac.  "A  [Manuscript]  Journal  of  the  seige  of  Detroit 
taken  from  the  officers  who  were  then  in  the  fort,  and  wrote  in  their  words 
in  the  following  manner."  This  Manuscript  Journal  is  signed  by  Major 
Robert  Rogers,  and  dated  at  Detroit,  8  August,  1763,  and  was  sent  by  the 
ranger  to  Sir  William  Johnson.  Manuscript  letter  ;  De  Couagne  to  Johnson. 
Also  correspondence  between  Gladwin  and  Amherst. 

The  body  of  Capt.  Dalyell,  was  recovered  a  few  days  after  the  fight 
in  a  shockingly  mangled  condition  and  buried  inside  of  the  fort. — Manu- 
script Journal  above  quoted. 


LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  201 

those  troops  that  were  immediately  under  his  control.  c5^p# 
The  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  involved  in  disputes  with  J-j*-* 
the  Proprietaries,  had  voted  for  the  defence  of  the  fron- 
tier hut  seven  hundred  men,  and  instead  of  placing  them 
under  the  control  of  the  commander-in-chief,  it  had 
insisted  upon  constituting  them  a  force  merely  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  farmers  in  gathering  their  harvests.  Since 
the  commencement  of  Indian  hostilities,  moreover,  no 
news  had  "been  received  from  the  garrison  of  Fort  Pitt ; 
nor  was  the  solicitude  thus  occasioned,  lessened  "by  the 
knowledge  that  the  spring  floods  of  1762  had  washed 
away  a  large  portion  of  the  defences  of  that  fort;  and 
although  at  the  time,  the  damage  had  heen  partially 
repaired  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Eyre,  who  had  been 
detailed  for  that  purpose,1  yet  the  early  floods  of  the  pres- 
ent year,  might,  for  all  that  was  known  to  the  contrary, 
have  again  caused  the  same  catastrophe.  Its  fate  was 
therefore  a  matter  of  painful  uncertainty. 

Leaving  Philadelphia  the  middle  of  July,  and  passing 
the  deserted  posts  of  Littleton  and  the  Juniata,  Colonel 
Bouquet  arrived  at  Fort  Bedford,  on  the  twenty-fifth  of 
July.  Here  he  found  the  inhabitants  in  the  wildest  ter- 
ror, occasioned  by  a  recent  incursion  of  the  Indians  into 
the  Tuscarora  valley,  which  had  resulted  in  the  massacre 
of  some  twenty-live  of  the  settlers.  Sick  at  heart  at  the 
desolation  that  every  where  met  him,  Bouquet  crossed  the 
Alleghanies  with  his  little  army,  and  reached  Fort  Ligo- 
nier,  a  small  stockade  just  over  the  mountains,  on  the 
second  of  August.  His  arrival  at  this  post  was  opportune. 
For  many  weeks  it  had  been  beleagured  by  Indians,  who, 
with  sleepless  vigilance,  had  watched  the  garrison,  and, 
cutting  off*  all  messengers  to  and  from  the  fort,  had  nearly 
forced  them  to  succumb.  At  the  approach  of  the  army, 
the  savages  raised  the  seige,  and  fled  into  the  forest. 
Colonel  Bouquet,  having  the  fate  of  Braddock  in  those 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Lieutenant  Colonel   Eyre  to  Sir  William  Johnson. 
1762. 

26 


202  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  same  mountain  passes  vividly  before  him,  resolved  to 
v_v_,  march  the  rest  of  the  way  as  lightly  equipped  as  possible. 
1763.  Leaving  therefore  at  Fort  Ligonier,  most  of  the  wagons 
and  oxen,  and  such  of  his  baggage  as  might  prevent  a 
successful  resistance  in  case  of  an  attack,  he  pushed  for- 
ward with  renewed  alacrity.  The  result  showed  the  wis- 
dom of  his  precautions.  Aware  of  the  approach  of  the 
English,  the  Indians  withdrew  from  before  Fort  Pitt  on 
the  last  day  of  July,  and  having  laid  an  ambuscade  in  a 
thickly  wooded  hollow  near  Bushy  Run,1  anticipated  an 
easy  victory.  But  it  was  not  Braddock  for  whom  they 
now  lay  in  wait. 

At  one  o'clock,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day  after 
leaving  Fort  Ligonier,  the  crack  of  rifles  in   front  of  the 
column,  followed  by  the  dreaded   war-whoop,  announced 
the  presence  of  the  foe.     Two  companies  of  Highlanders 
immediately  hastened   to  the   support  of  the   advanced 
guard,  but  they  were  unable  to  dislodge  the  enemy,   until 
the  whole  column,  having  formed  into  line,  charged  with 
the  bayonet,    and  trampling  down   the   underbrush  com- 
pelled them  to  retire.     But  their  retreat  was  only  moment- 
ary.    Encouraging  each  other  with  their  unearthly  yells, 
they  returned  to  the  combat,   and  scattering   in  all   direc- 
tions they  poured  a  deadly  lire  not  only  upon  the  flanks  of 
the  English,  but  also  upon  the  convoy,  which  was  some 
distance    behind.     And    now   to    the    rattling    of   mus- 
ketry,  yells  of  the  savages,  and   the  shouts   of    officers, 
was   added  the  neighing   of   three    hundred     and    fifty 
horses,  as,  frantic  with  terror,  they  attempted  to  break  away 
from  their  drivers.     A  portion  of  the  troops  formed  a  cir- 
cle around  the  horses  and  cattle  to   prevent  a  stampede, 
and  the  remainder,  forming  still  another  circle  around  their 
companions,  fought  manfully  with  the  foe,   hand  to  hand, 
and  from  tree  to  tree.     For  seven  hours  the  battle  wras 

1 A  branch  of  Turtle  creek,   falling  into  the  Monongahela,   ten  miles 
above  Fort  Pitt. 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  203 

thus  hotly  contested,  until  the  shades  of  night  fell   upon  C^AP- 
the  combatants.  ^j— ' 

The  savages,  confident  of  an  easy  victory  on  the  morrow, 
waited  impatiently  for  the  dawn ;  while  the  troops  weary 
and  faint  sank  upon  their  arms  to  snatch  a  little  repose. 
In  the  gray  twilight  of  the  following  morning,  the  attack 
was  renewed.  The  Indians  fought  with  a  fury  only  ren- 
dered the  more  intense,  from  the  sight  of  their  victims,  as 
it  were,  in  their  very  grasp.  They  now  grew  more  bold  in 
their  approaches,  and  contrary  to  their  usual  manner  of 
fighting,  advanced  from  behind  the  trees,  and  delivered 
their  fire  in  sight  of  the  English.  Observing  their  temer- 
ity Bouquet  gave  orders  for  a  feigned  retreat,  hoping  by 
this  manoeuvre  to  bring  the  enemy  together  in  a  body. 
The  ruse  succeeded  to  perfection.  The  Indians  seeing  the 
English  retreating,  and  impatient  to  secure  their  scalps, 
rushed  from  their  coverts,  only  to  be  attacked  on  their 
flanks -and  rear  by  four  companies  of  Highlanders  who 
had  made  a  detour  through  the  forest  for  this  purpose. 
As  they  turned  to  meet  this  attack  in  their  rear,  the  re- 
treating columns  wheeled  and  pressed  them  so  vigorously 
with  the  bayonet  in  front,  that  they  gave  way  and  fled  in 
all  directions,  leaving  sixty  of  their  number  dead  on  the 
field.  The  loss  of  the  English,  however,  was  not  small, 
for  in  the  two  engagements  not  less  than  one  hundred  and 
fifteen  men  and  eight  officers  were  either  killed,  wounded 
or  missing.  Halting  a  day  to  prepare  ambulances  for  the 
wounded,  the  party  hastened  forward  and  on  the  tenth 
of  August,  the  garrison  at  the  fort  was  gladdened  by  the 
waving  plumes  of  the  Highlanders  emerging  from  the 
neighboring  forest. 

The  battle  of  Bushy  Run  forever  wiped  away  the  stain 
which  British  prowess  had  received  in  the  defeat  of 
General  Braddock.  The  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  ac- 
knowledged the  services  of  the  gallant  colonel  in  a  formal 
vote ;  Sir  Jetfery  Amherst  complimented  highly  his  gene- 

■    ■ 


204  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap-  ralship  ;  and  the  king  thanked  him  in  terms  of  high  con- 

w^_/  sideration. 
1763. 

While  the  wild  flowers  of  the  forest  were  drinking  the 
blood  of  Bouquet's  little  band,  the  chiefs  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions were  engaged  in  a  pacific  mission  to  the  Senecas. 
Their  efforts  were  only  partially  successful.  The  principal 
portion  of  that  nation  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  solicitations 
of  their  brethren,  and  refused  to  lay  down  the  hatchet.  A 
few  of  their  castles,  however,  that  had  not  yet  gone  upon 
the  war  path,  were  more  placable,  and  seemingly  ashamed 
of  the  behavior  of  their  kindred,  requested  the  interces- 
sion of  the  friendly  embassadors  with  Sir  William  John- 
son, that,  in  consideration  of  their  good  conduct  hitherto, 
he  would  make  them  an  exception  in  the  punishment, 
which,  they  were  confident,  would  be  visited  upon  their 
rebellious  nation.  To  this  request,  the  chiefs  willingly 
assented,  and  accompanied  by  six  of  the  friendly  Senecas, 
they  visited  Johnson  Hall  to  the  number  of  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty-six,  and  held  a  conference  with  the  Bar- 
onet on  the  seventh  of  September. 

It  has  been  intimated  by  a  recent  historian,  that  one  of 
the  main  objects  of  this  treaty  was,  to  secure  the  "friend- 
ship and  alliance  of  the  Six  Nations;"  and  that  the  whole 
assembly,  at  the  opening  of  the  council,  "wore  a  sour  and 
sullen  look."1  Neither  statement  is  quite  correct.  The 
task  of  conciliating  the  Five  Nations — if  indeed  their 
warm  attachment  from  the  beginning  of  hostilities  render- 
ed conciliation  necessary — had  been  accomplished  by  the 
meeting  at  the  German  Flats,  two  months  previously,  and 
also  by  numerous  informal  councils  since  held  at  Johnson 

iParkman's  Conspiracy  of  Pontiae,  chap,  xxi — It  is  but  justice  to  this  ele- 
gant and  accurate  writer  to  state,  that  when  his  work  was  written,  the  co- 
lonial documents  of  the  State  of  New  York, — whence  my  information  in 
this  matter  is  chiefly  derived — had  not  been  published.  The  truthfulness 
and  diligence  which  stamp  every  page  of  Mr.  Parkman's  work  show,  that 
could  that  writer  have  had  access  to  these  documents,  his  statement  would 
doubtless  have  been  modified. 


LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  205 


Hall ;  and  so  far  from  coming  to  this  council, — which,  by  chap. 
the  way,  had  been  of  their  own  soliciting, — in  an  angry  w^ 
mood,  they  came  expressing  the  warmest  attachment  to 17C3- 
their  English  brethren.1 

In  his  treatment  and  reception  of  the  deputies,  the  Baro- 
net made  a  broad  distinction  between  those  representing  the 
loyal  nations  of  the  Confederacy,  and  the  Senecas. 
Although  he  appears  not  to  have  doubted  the  sincerity  of 
those  Senecas  who  were  present,  yet  he  justly  wished  them 
to  feel,  that,  coming  from  a  nation  who  were  in  open  re- 
bellion, they  were  regarded  with  suspicion,  and  that  they 
nad,  therefore,  not  the  same  claim  to  his  confidence  as  the 
others.  Still,  out  of  respect  to  the  loyal  deputations,  he 
thought  it  best,  as  he  writes,  "to  treat  them  as  a  people 
who  owed  their  protection  entirely  to  the  other  nations." 
The  Onondaga  speaker  opened  the  meeting  by  giving  an 
account  of  the  present  proceedings  of  the  Confederacy 
with  the  recreant  Senecas.  In  answer  to  this,  he  was  told 
by  Sir  William,  that  although  their  endeavors  to  bring 
that  unhappy  people  to  their  senses,  had  been  entirely 
unauthorized  by  him,  yet  it  was  doubtless  well  meant; 
and  they  must  now  perceive  that  the  indifference  with 
which  their  efforts  and  his  admonition  had  been  received, 
was  a  sufficient  proof  that  the  Senecas  could  only  be 
brought  to  reason  by  a  thorough  chastisement.  They  must 
also  be  convinced,  he  added,  that  their  deluded  brethren 
were  not  only  enemies  to  the  English  but  traitors  to  the 
Confederacy,  inasmuch  as  they  disturbed  the  trade  and 
general  harmony  of  all  the  Six  Nations.  For  this  latter 
reason,  it  would  be  no  more  than  just  if  they  should  them- 
selves join  General  Amherst  in  putting  down  the  rebellion ; 
but  they  were  not  required  to  do  that,  but  merely  to  sit 
still  and  observe,  that  while  the  English  could  punish  those 

i  Sir  Willijun  Johnson  to  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  20  August,  1 763.  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson  to  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  25  August,  1763.  Sir  William  John- 
son to  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  14  September,  1763. 


206  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  who  had  provoked  the  war,  they  could  also  reward  those 
s_vl_,  who  kept  the  peace.     In  this  latter  class,  he  was  glad  that 
1763.  they  were  to  be  found.     This  had  been  fully  proved  by 
their  recent  message  to  the  Canada  Indians,  inviting  them 
to  join  in  a  peaceful  alliance,  and  for  which  he  now  sin- 
cerely thanked  them. 

It  happened  at  this  time  that  a  deputation  of  Caughnawa- 
gas — a  people  originally  Mohawks  but  now  residing  at 
the  Sault  St.  Louis  near  Montreal — were  at  Johnson  Hall. 
The  object  of  their  visit  was  to  complain  of  wrongs  done 
them  by  the  Jesuits,  in  the  purchase  of  a  large  tract  of 
land,  by  virtue  of  a  patent  from  Louis  XIV.  General 
Gage,  who  was  still  governor  of  Montreal,  had  given  his 
opinion  in  their  favor,  but  being  unable  to  render  a  decision 
in  the  case,  they  now  desired  Sir  William  to  lay  this 
grievance  before  the  king.  Ever  since  the  commencement 
of  Indian  hostilities,  the  Baronet  had  wished  to  persuade 
these  Indians  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  war,  as  from  the 
number  of  warriors  they  could  bring  into  the  field — more 
than  three  hundred — they  would  prove  to  the  army  a 
powerful  auxiliary  in  forest  warfare.  It  was  therefore  with 
pleasure  that  he  found  them  willing  and  even  desirous  to 
go  upon  the  war  path.  This,  however,  they  dared  not  do 
until  the  ban  that  had  been  laid  upon  them  at  the  close  of 
the  late  war,  had  been  removed.  "  When  you  took  the 
war  axe  from  us,"  said  they,  "you  directed  us  to  pursue 
our  hunting,  so  that  we  must  now  be  still,  having  no  axe." 
Their  military  enthusiasm,  however,  was  no  longer  to  be 
restrained  by  the  want  of  permission  ;  for  the  Baronet,  at 
the  close  of  the  council,  presented  them  with  a  "  good 
English  axe,  made  of  the  best  stuff,"  with  a  request  that 
they  should  deliver  it  to  all  their  warriors  to  be  used  in 
"  cutting  off  all  the  bad  links  which  had  sullied  the  chain 
of  friendship."1 

Hardly  had  the  last  Indian,  wrapping  his  blanket  about 

1  "  Proceedings  [manuscript]  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  with  the  Six  Nations 
a*  Johnson  Hall,  Sept.  7th,  1763." 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART.  207 

him,  departed  from  Johnson  Hall,  when  an  event  occurred  chap. 
which  fully  proved  the  justice  of  the  Baronet's  reply  to  v_^_ , 
the  Onondaga  orator.  On  the  fourteenth  of  September,  a 1763- 
party  of  five  hundred  Senecas,  chiefly  from  Chenussio, ? 
lay  in  wait  for  a  convoy,  which,  having  discharged  its 
cargo  at  Fort  Schlosser,  a  small  post  just  above  the  Falls, 
was  slowly  returning  to  the  lower  landing  of  the  Magara 
carrying-place,  escorted  by  a  sergeant  and  twenty-four  sol- 
diers. The  party  had  advanced  to  that  portion  of  the  road 
which  forms  the  brink  of  the  precipice  now  known  as  the 
Devil's  Hole,  when  suddenly  the  Indians  rising  from  their 
ambush,  poured  in  a  rapid  discharge  of  musketry,  and 
rushing  forward  with  their  glittering  scalping  knives,  began 
the  work  of  butchery.  Those  who  escaped  the  tomahawk, 
were  driven  over  the  precipice,  and  with  the  horses  went 
crashing  down  among  the  trees  and  crags  into  the  yawning 
chasm.  Three  only  escaped.  One,  a  drummer  boy,  was 
caught  as  he  fell,  in  the  friendly  branch  of  a  tree,  and 
gliding  down  the  trunk  lay  hidden  at  its  foot.  Another, 
a  wounded  driver,  concealed  in  the  thick  evergreens,  also 
escaped  observation  ;  and  the  third,  the  officer  in  command 
of  the  convoy,  being  on  horseback,  forced  his  horse  through 
the  Indians,  and  bore  the  news  to  Fort  Schlosser. 

In  the  meantime,  two  companies  of  Colonel  Wilmot's 
regiment,  entrenched  at  the  lower  landing,  and  attracted  by 
the  firing,  hastened  to  the  aid  of  their  comrades.  For  this 
movement,  the  savages  were  prepared ;  and  as  the  troops  in 
blind  eagerness  marched  at  a  double  quick  step  up  the 
road,  suddenly  every  bush,  tree,  and  rock  seemed  instinct 
with  life,  and  too  late,  the  detachment  saw  itself  surrounded 
by  the  relentless  foe.  Its  compact  body  found  a  too  easy 
mark  for  the  unerring  rifle,  and  at  the  enemy's  first  volley 
more  than  half  of  the  troops  bit  the  dust.  The  tomahawk 
and  knife  again  finished  the  bloody  work ;  and  out  of  the 
two  companies,  only  eight  wounded  men  escaped  with  the 
sad  tidings  to  Fort  Niagara.     From  these  two  butcheries, . 

1  The  principal  village  of  the  Senecas,  about  seventy  miles  east  of  Niagara. 


208  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  — for  they  can  scarcely  be  called  engagements, — the  Sen- 
v-^  ecas  carried  to  their  wigwams  eighty  English  scalps,  includ- 
1763.  mg  those  of  six  officers.  Upon  hearing  of  the  massacre, 
Major  Wilkins,  the  officer  in  command  at  Niagara,  hastened 
to  the  spot  with  almost  his  entire  garrison,  hut  nothing 
was  to  be  seen  except  mangled  corpses  and  bodies  impaled 
upon  the  tree  forks  in  the  chasm  below.1  Notwithstanding 
the  fate  of  these  two  detachments,  it  does  not  appear  that 
Major  Wilkins  took  any  measures  to  guard  his  own  troops 
against  a  surprise  ;  and  numerous  as  the  Indians  were, 
had  they  chosen  to  have  laid  another  ambush,  it  is  by  no 
means  certain  that  the  Major  and  his  command  would  not 
have  been  likewise  entirely  cut  off. 

Past  experience,  however,  availed  little.  On  the  fifth  of 
November,  as  a  small  party  of  soldiers  were  cutting  wood 
near  the  lower  landing,  they  were  attacked  within  sight  of 
that  post,  and  two  of  their  number  killed. 2 

Painted  warriors  yet  sang  the  war  song  before  Detroit, 
but  not  with  their  former  confidence.  Shortly  after  the 
battle  of  Bloody  Run,  the  schooner  Gladwin  succeeded  in 
reaching  the  fort  with  a  supply  of  provisions.  The  garrison 
were,  therefore,  in  no  immediate  danger  of  starvation,  and 
as  month  after  month  passed  away,  the  Indians  began  to 
despair  of  success.  Indeed  had  it  not  been  for  a  few 
Canadians,  who  encouraged  them  with  assurances  that  the 
king  of  Prance  was  even  then  on  his  way  to  their  aid  with 
a  large  army,  they  would  doubtless  have  raised  the  siege 
early  in  the  fall.  But  the  hopes  which  had  been  thus 
created  in  the  breast  of  Pontiac  were  soon  blasted.  On  the 
thirtieth  of  October,  he  received  a  letter  from  M.  Neyon, 
the  officer  yet  in  command  of  the  Illinois  country,  telling 
•     — _ . —  ■  

1  Sir  William  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  25th  Sept.,  1763.  Manuscript 
letter  ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Lt.  Col.  Eyre,  13th  Oct.,  1762.—  Parkman's 
Pontiac.  The  statement  given  of  this  massacre  by  Mary  Jemison,  is  full  of 
gross  and  glaring  errors,  another  instance  of  the  danger  of  following 
tradition  as  a  guide. 

a  Manuscript  letter  ;  De  Couagne  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  11th  Nov.,  1763. 


LIFE   OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  209 

him  that  he  could  expect  no  aid  from  the  French,  and  chap 
advising  him  to  bury  the  hatchet  and  smoke  the  pipe  of  w^ 
peace  with  the  English.  To  Pontiac,  this  was  a  terrible1763- 
disappointment.  Nor  can  any  one  look  upon  the  desola- 
tion of  the  noble  chieftain  without  deep  commiseration. 
All  his  hopes  for  the  independence  of  his  race  were  now 
suddenly  extinguished  ;  while  forsaken  by  those  from  whom 
he  had  confidently  expected  aid,  how  could  he  alone  suc- 
cessfully retard  the  advance  of  a  race,  whose  contact  with 
his  people  had  produced  nothing  but  disease,  vileness, 
ignominy,  and  death  !  Upon  the  reception  of  the  mes- 
sage from  M.  Neyon,  the  Ojibwas,  Wyandots,  and  Potta- 
watamies  came  to  Major  Gladwin  with  a  peace  pipe,, humbly 
begging  that  he  would  conclude  with  them  a  lasting  treaty. 
Pontiac,  however,  with  his  Ottawa  chiefs,  too  proud  to  sue 
for  peace,  sullenly  stood  aloof,  until  finding  himself 
deserted  by  his  allies,  he  raised  the  siege  the  middle  of 
November,  and  departed  with  the  design  of  forming  a  new 
league  against  **itf  English,  between  the  tribes  of  the 
Maumee. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  savages  at  this  time  was  exceed- 
ingly fortunate.  A  detachment  of  six  hundred  regulars, 
under  Major  Wilkins,  on  their  way  to  the  relief  of  Detroit, 
w^ere  overtaken  by  a  terrific  gale  when  within  ninety  miles 
of  their  destination.  Many  of  the  bateaux  were  sunk.; 
three  officers  and  seventy  men  drowned,  all  the  artille^ 
and  ammunition  lost,  and  the  survivors  having  turned  back, 
reached  Niagara  only  after  much  labor  and  hardship.  The 
departure  of  Pontiac,  however,  had  enabled  the  garrison 
to  lay  in  a  plentiful  supply  of  food  for  the  winter;  other- 
wise the  disastrous  termination  of  Major  Wilkins's  expe- 
dition would  have  been  productive  of  very  serious  conse- 
quences. l 

The  close  of  this  year  was  marked  by  an  event,  the 
record  of  which  forms  one  of  the  darkest  pages  of  Penn- 

1Sir  William  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  20th  January,  1764. 

27 


210  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  sylvanian  history.  The  massacre  of  the  "Wyoming  settlers 
^^by  the  Delaware  Indians,  although  it  occurred  in  October 
1763.  of  this  year,  has  already  been  related  at  length  in  a  pre- 
vious chapter  in  connection  with  the  death  of  Teedeyuscung. 
This  massacre,  however,  put  an  end  to  the  residence  of 
the  Indians  in  Wyoming.  On  the  reception  of  the  tidings 
at  Philadelphia,  Governor  Hamilton  directed  Colonel  Boyd, 
of  Harrisburg,  to  march  at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of 
militia,  and  disperse  the  authors  of  the  massacre.  The 
savages,  however,  had  anticipated  the  arrival  of  the  troops, 
— those  of  them  at  least  wTho  had  participated  in  the  mur- 
derous transaction, — and  withdrawn  themselves  farther  up 
the  river,  to  the  Indian  settlements  in  the  vicinity  of  Tioga. 
The  Moravian  Indians  resident  there,  who  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  massacre,  removed  toward  the  Delaware,  to 
Gnaddenhutten.  But  their  residence  at  this  missionary 
station  was  short ;  for  they  were  soon  compelled  to  repair 
to  Philadelphia  for  protection  ;  and  as  will  presently  appear, 
were  only  with  great  difficulty  saved  from  the  hatchets  of 
a  lawless  band  of  white  men,  far  more  savage  than  them- 
selves. 

The  transaction  here  referred  to,  took  place  in  Decem- 
ber. Although  the  fragments  of  the  Six  Nations  still 
residing  in  the  colony  of  Pennsylvania  did  not  join  in  the 
war  of  Pontiac,  yet  either  from  ignorance  or  malice,  sus- 
picions were  excited  against  one  of  the  Moravian  com- 
munities. Availing  themselves  of  this  pretext,  a  number 
of  religionists  in  the  towns  of  Paxtang  and  Donnegal, 
excited  to  a  pitch  of  the  wildest  enthusiasm  by  their  spirit- 
ual teachers,  banded  together  for  the  purpose  of  extermi- 
nating the  whole  Indian  race.  Their  pretext  was  the  duty 
of  extirpating  the  heathen  from  the  earth,  as  Joshua  had 
done  of  old,  that  the  saints  might  possess  the  land.1  The 
Canestogoes  were  the  remains  of  a  small  clan  of  the  Six 

i"  And  when  the  Lord  thy  God  shall  deliver  them  up  before  thee,  thou 
phalt  smite  them,  and  utterly  destroy  them ;  thou  shalt  make  no  covenant 
with  them,  nor  show  mercy  unto  them."— Deuteronomy  vii,  2. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  211 

Nations,  residing  upon  their  own  reservation  in  the  most  chap. 
inoffensive  manner,  having  always  been  friendly   to  the^^^z 
English.     The  maddened  zealots,  sixty  in  number,  fell  upon 1763- 
their  little  hamlet  in  the  night,  when,  as  it  happened,  the 
greater  portion  of  them  were  absent  from  their  homes, 
selling  their  little  wares  among  the  white  people.     Only 
three  men,  two  women,  and  a  boy  were  found  in  their  vil- 
lage.   These  were  dragged  from  their  beds,  and  stabbed  and 
hatcheted  to  death.     Among  them  was  a  good  old  chief 
named  Shehaes,  who  was  cut  to  pieces  in  his  bed.     The 
dead  were  scalped,  and  their  houses  burnt.     This  infamous 
procedure  took  place  on  th  e  fourteenth  of  the  month. l 

Hearing  of  the  deplorable  act,  the  magistrates  of  Lan- 
caster collected  the  residue  of  the  helpless  clan,  men, 
women  and  children,  and  placed  them  in  one  of  the  public 
buildings  of  the  town  for  their  protection.  But  on  the 
twenty-seventh,  a  band  of  fifty  of  the  fanatics  w^ent  openly 
into  the  borough,  and  proceeding  to  the  work  house  where 
the  Indians  had  been  placed,  broke  open  the  doors,  and 
with  fury  in  their  countenances  recommenced  the  work  of 
death. 2  Nor  did  the  people  of  Lancaster  lift  a  finger, 
or  the  magistrates  interfere  for  their  defence.  "When 
the  poor  wretches  saw  they  had  no  protection,  and  that 
they  could  not  escape,  and  being  without  the  least  weapon 
of  defence,  they  divided  their  little  families,  the  children 
clinging  to  their  parents  ;  they  fell  on  their  faces,  protested 
their  innocence,  declared  their  love  to  the  English,  and 
that,  in  their  whole  lives,  they  had  never  done  them  any 
injury ;  and  in  this  posture  they  all  received  the  hatchet. 
Men,  women  and  children — infants  clinging  to  the  breast 
— were  all  inhumanly  butchered  in  cold  blood."3 

But  the  vengeance  of  the  fanatics  was  not  satiated.  Like 
the  tigers  of  the  forest,  having  tasted  blood,  they  became 
hungry  for  more  ;  and  having  heard  that  the  fugitives  from 

1  Manuscript  letter;  John  Penn  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  31gt  Dec,  1763. 

2  Idem.     Stone's  Wyoming,  154. 
8  Proud.     See  also  Gordon. 


# 


212  LIFE   OP   SIK  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  "Wyoming,  feeling  themselves  unsafe  at  Gnaddenhutten, 
wvw  had  repaired  to  Philadelphia,  the  zealots  set  their  faces  in 
1763-  that  direction,  and  marched  up'on  the  capital  for  the  avowed 
purpose  of  putting  those  Indians  to  death  also.  Their 
numbers  increased  to  an  insurgent  army.  Great  conster- 
nation prevailed  in  Philadelphia  on  their  approach.  Gov- 
ernor Penn  wrote  to  General  Gage,  who  had  succeeded 
General  Amherst  in  November  as  commander-in-chief,  for 
a  body  of  regulars  to  protect  the  city.  The  poor  Indians 
themselves  prayed  that  they  might  be  sent  to  England  for 
safety;  but  this  could  not  be  done.  An  attempt  was  then 
made  by  the  government  in  February,  1764,  to  send  them 
to  the  Mohawk  country  via  ISTew  York,  for  the  protection 
of  Sir  William  Johnson.  The  latter  cordially  approved 
of  the  plan, 1  and  they  had  advanced  on  their  way  as  far 
as  Amboy,  when  Lieutenant  Governor  Colden  and  his 
council  objecting,  the  fugitives  were  marched  back  to  Phil- 
adelphia. Whereupon  the  insurgents  embodied  them- 
selves again,  and  marched  once  more  upon  that  city  in 
greater  numbers  than  before.  Another  season  of  peril 
and  alarm  ensued,  and  the  governor  hid  himself  away  in 
the  house  of  Dr.  Franklin  ;  but  the  legislature  being  in 
session,  and  the  people,  the  Quakers  even  not  excepted, 
evincing  a  proper  spirit  for  the  occasion,  the  insurgents 
were  in  the  end  persuaded  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  reason, 
and  disband.  It  is  a  singular  fact,  that  the  actors  in  this 
strange  and  tragic  affair  were  not  of  the  lower  orders  of 
the  people.  They  were  Presbyterians,  comprising  in 
their  ranks  men  of  intelligence,  and  of  so  much  consid- 
eration that  the  press  dared  not  disclose  their  names,  nor 
the  government  attempt  their  punishment.2 

After  these  disorders  were  quieted,  and  the  Indian 
Moravians  had  had  time  to  look  about  for  a  place  of  retreat, 
they  removed  to  a  place  call  ed  Mahackloosing — Wyalusing, 

1  Manuscript  letter:  Sir  Win.  Johnson  to  Governor  Penn,  27th  Feb.,  1764. 
Manuscript  letter;  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  to  Governor  Colden,  28th  Feb.,  1764. 

2  Proud.     Gordon. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  213 

in  later  times — situated  upon  the  Susquehanna,  several  miles  chap. 
above  the  Wyoming  valley.     Here  "  they  built  a  consid-  >~y-' 
erable  village,  containing  at  one  period  more  than  thirty 1763- 
good  log  houses,  with  shingled  roofs  and  glazed  windows, 
a  church  and  a  school  house,  not  inferior  to  many  erected 
by  wealthy  farmers."     They  also  turned  their  attention 
earnestly  to  agricultural  pursuits,   clearing  and  enclosing 
large  tracts  of  upland  and  meadow.     They  resided  at  this 
place  several  years  very  happily;    but  were  ultimately 
induced  to  join  the  Moravian  Indians  beyond  the  Ohio.1 

1  Proud.     Gordon. 

■ 
i 

t  i    •  • 

■ 

i 

■ 

1 


: 


' 


CHAPTER  XI. 

1764. 

chap  During  the  winter  and  spring,  Sir  William  Johnson  was 
w^  engaged  in  fitting  out  parties  of  Indian  braves  against 
1764.  the  Delaware  and  Shawanese  villages.  To  prevail  on  the 
friendly  nations  of  the  Confederacy  to  go  upon  the  war 
path  was  no  longer  difficult.  The  unsuccessful  attempt  of 
Pontiac  upon  Detroit,  and  the  numerous  conferences  held 
with  the  Six  Nations  at  Johnson  Hall  in  the  winter  of 
1763,  had  induced  them  to  throw  off  their  neutrality.  An 
additional  incentive,  moreovor,  was  given  to  their  zeal  by 
the  inducements  which  the  Baronet  held  out  to  their 
prowess ;  the  latter  offering  in  one  instance,  out  of  his 
private  purse,  fifty  dollars  each  for  the  heads  of  the  two 
chief  men  of  the  Delawares.  Under  this  stimulant,  a 
party  of  two  hundred  Tuscaroras  and  Oneidas,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Montour,  left  their  castles  in  the 
middle  of  February,  with  the  intention  of  falling  upon  the 
towns  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  lying  near  the  forks 
and  branches  of  the  Ohio  and  Susquehanna.  When  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  main  branch  of  the  latter  river,  on  the 
twenty-sixth  of  July,  they  ascertained  that  a  party  of  forty 
Delawares,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Bull,  a  son  of 
the  ill-fated  Teedyuscung,  was  encamped  in  the  neighbor- 
hood on  their  way  to  attack  the  English  settlements.  Upon 
the  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  they  marched  stealthily 
upon  the  camp,  and  surrounding  it  at  daybreak,  rushed 
upon  the  Delawares,  who,  completely  surprised,  offered  no 
resistance,  and  were  all  captured.1     The  prisoners  were 


1  Manuscript  letter ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Col.  Bradstreet,  2d  March, 
1764. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  215 

immediately  bound  and  taken  under  a  strong  guard,  by  chap. 
way  of  Fort  Stanwix,  to  Johnson  Hall,  whence,  for  greater  ^J^ 
security,  Captain  Bull  and  thirteen  of  his  braves  were  sent 1764- 
to  New  York  and  lodged  in  the  jail,  the  remainder  being 
distributed    among    the    Confederates    to   replace    their 
deceased  relatives.    Shortly  afterward  another  party,  led  by 
Joseph  Brant,  surprised  a  band  of  Delaware  warriors,  kill- 
ing their  chief  and  taking  three  prisoners.     !Nor  did  they 
return  to  their  homes,  until  they  had  burned  the  town  of 
Kanestio,  and  six   other  large  villages  lying  on  the  head 
waters  of  the  Susquehanna. 

As  the  Baronet  had  anticipated,  the  mere  fact  of  the 
Confederates  taking  up  the  hatchet  in  favor  of  the  English, 
struck  terror  into  the  hostile  tribes.  Those  of  the  Dela- 
wares  whose  castles  had  been  destroyed  were  in  despair, 
and  in  their  dismay  fled  to  the  Seneca  village  of  Chenussio 
for  protection.  The  Senecas  were  also  dispirited ;  and 
fearing  the  destruction  of  their  own  castles,  sent,  early  in 
April,  a  deputation  of  four  hundred  of  their  chief  men  to 
Johnson  Hall  to  sue  for  peace. 

Had  the  policy  of  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst  toward  this 
nation  been  carried  out  by  the  Baronet,  far  from  their 
request  for  peace  being  granted,  they  would  have  been 
treated  with  great  severity ;  their  castles  destroyed,  and 
themselves  rendered  an  implacable  foe,  and  the  scourge  of 
the  border  for  years.  Happily,  however,  Amherst  had  now 
left  the  province,  and  Sir  William  was  at  liberty  to  follow 
out  the  peaceful  policy,  which  he  ever  deemed  the  most 
judicious,  except  in  cases  of  great  emergency. l  The  visit 
of  the  deputies  was  therefore  made  the  occasion  by  the 
superintendent,  to  reap  important  advantages  for  the  Eng- 
lish, as  the  conditions  upon  which  peace  would  be  granted. 
The  preliminary  articles  of  the  treaty  stipulated  that  the 
Senecas  should  at  once  stop  hostilities  and  engage  never 

1  It  is  true  that  Johnson  was  responsible  to  General  Gage  as  the  successor 
of  Amherst,  but  Gage  deferred  in  all  matters  of  Indian  policy  entirely  to 
the  superintendent. 


216  LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  again  to  make  war  upon  the  English ;  that  they  should 
XL    deliver   up  at  Johnson   Hall   all   their  prisoners,  within 

1764.  three  months  after  the  signing  of  the  articles  ;  that  they 
should  cede  to  his  majesty  the  Magara  carrying  place,  and 
should  agree  to  allow  the  free  passage  of  troops  through 
their  country  ;  and,  finally,  that  they  should  renounce  all 
intercourse  with  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  and  assist 
the  English  in  bringing  them  to  punishment.  Should 
these  preliminary  articles  be  strictly  adhered  to,  Sir  "Wil- 
liam agreed,  in  the  name  of  his  majesty,  to  grant  them  a 
full  pardon  for  all  past  offences,  and  leave  them  in  the 
quiet  enjoyment  of  all  their  rights  ;  he  also  promised  them 
that  upon  their  signing  a  definite  treaty  of  peace  to  be 
concluded  hereafter  at  Magara,  they  should  be  admitted 
again  into  the  covenant  chain,  and  share  all  the  benefits 
arising  from  a  free  and  open  trade  with  the  English.  To 
all  these  articles  the  deputies  cheerfully  agreed ;  and  leaving 
three  of  their  principal  chiefs  as  hostages  for  their  faithful 
performance,  they  departed  to  their  homes  sincerely  peni- 
tent for  their  past  misconduct.1 

Meanwhile  two  expeditions  were  fitting  out  under  the 
direction  of  General  Gage  for  the  thorough  chastisement 
of  those  tribes  that  still  refused  to  make  peace  with  the 
•English.  The  first  of  these  expeditions,  under  Colonel 
Bouquet,  was  to  act  against  the  Delaware  and  Shawanese 
villages  west  of  the  Ohio,  and  to  march  by  way  of  Fort 
Pitt ;  and  the  other,  under  Colonel  Bradstreet,  was  to 
advance  by  way  of  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie  to  Detroit,  and 
while  it  relieved  Major  Gladwin,  was  to  infuse  into  the 
neighboring  tribes  a  wholesome  fear  of  the  English.  It 
was  intended  that  the  troops  which  were  to  compose  these 
expeditions  should  be  raised  by  the  colonies  ;  and  in  view 
of  this,  General  Amherst,  before   he  left  America,  had 

made  requisitions  upon  the  several  provincial  governors. 

a  jt u i — i — ' — I 1 — — I 

1  Articles  of  peace  concluded  with  the  Seneca  Indians. — iV  Y.  Col.  Doc. 
vol.  vii.,  p.  621. 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  21T 

To  this  request,  the  general  assembly  of  New  York  did  chap. 
not  respond  with  alacrity.  In  the  fall  session  of  1763,  wv_ > 
Lieutenant  Gevernor  C olden,  the  acting  governor,  in  place 1764, 
of  Monckton  who  had  returned  to  England,  demanded 
fourteen  hundred  men.  In  answer  to  this,  however,  the 
legislature  voted  at  the  time  but  three  hundred ;  and  in 
April  of  the  present  year,  it  provided  for  only  one  hundred 
and  eighty  additional  troops,  so  that  New  York  had  scarcely 
live  hundred  men  in  the  field.1  The  assemblies  of  New- 
England,  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  were  equally  back- 
ward. It  was,  therefore,  with  feelings  of  deep  chagrin 
that  Colonel  Bradstreet  found  himself  in  the  spring,  wTith 
an  army  of  but  fourteen  hundred  Provincials,  including 
three  hundred  Canadians.2  The  colonel  had  designed 
leaving  Albany  with  his  troops  the  first  of  April.  The 
tardiness  however,  of  the  Connecticut  levies  under  the 
command  of  Israel  Putnam,  caused  a  delay  of  several 
weeks  ;  so  that  it  was  not  Until  the  end  of  June  that  he 
was  able  to  advance  to  Oswego,  and  thence  to  Niagara. 

The  character  which  is  given  of  Colonel  Bradstreet  by 
Mr.  Parkman  in  his  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  is  eminently 
just.  Although  Bradstreet  was  a  brave  man,  and  had  per- 
formed a  signal  service  in  the  late  war,  by  the  capture  of 
Fort  Frontenac,  yet  he  was  vain,  headstrong,  imperious 
and  flighty — qualities  which  illy  fitted  him  for  the  conduct 
of  an  expedition,  wherein  was  required  patience  and  sound 
judgment,  rather  than  brilliant  and  dashing  bravery.  The 
result,  as  well  as  the  conduct  of  the  expedition  which  will 
hereafter  appear,  shows  how  incompetent  he  was  to  have 
its  command. 

While  these  two  expeditions  were  in  course  of  prepara- 
tion, the  Baronet,  through  Indian  runners,  notified  all  the 
tribes  coming  within  his  jurisdiction,  of  the  intended 
advance  of  the  English  armies ;  requesting,  at  the  same 

1  Journals  of  the  Assembly. 

2  Manuscript  letter ;  Bradstreet  to  Amherst,  6th  April,  1764. 

28 


218  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  time,  all  who  were  desirous  of  becoming  reconciled  to  the 
v-^— /  English  to  meet  him  at  Niagara  in  July.  His  messages 
764.  Were  received  with  peculiar  favor.  Many  of  those  nations 
who  had  joined  Pontiac,  seeing  now  the  utter  hopelessness 
of  his  cause,  eagerly  embraced  this  opportunity  of  making 
friends  with  the  English ;  while  others  again,  partly  from 
curiosity  and  still  more  by  the  hope  of  receiving  presents, 
looked  forward  to  the  meeting  at  Niagara  with  pleasure. 

The  trader,  Alexander  Henry,  to  whom  allusion  has 
heretofore  been  made,  gives  in  his  travels  an  account  of 
the  reception  of  one  of  Sir  William's  messengers  by  a 
wandering  tribe  of  the  Objibwas,  of  which  he  was  an  eye- 
witness. A  council  having  been  called,  the  messenger 
with  a  belt  of  wampum  thus  spoke:  "My  friends  and 
brothers,  I  am  come  with  this  belt  from  our  great  father, 
Sir  William  Johnson.  He  desired  me  to  come  to  you,  as 
his  ambassador,  and  tell  you  that  he  is  making  a  great  feast 
at  Fort  Niagara ;  that  his  kettles  are  all  ready  and  his  fires 
lighted.  He  invites  you  to  partake  of  the  feast,  in  common 
with  your  friends,  the  Six  Nations,  who  have  all  made 
peace  with  the  English.  He  advises  you  to  seize  this 
opportunity  of  doing  the  same,  as  you  cannot  otherwise 
fail  of  being  destroyed ;  for  the  English  are  on  their  march 
with  a  great  army,  which  will  be  joined  by  different  nations 
of  Indians.  In  a  word,  before  the  fall  of  the  leaf  they 
will  be  at  Michillimackinac,  and  the  Six  Nations  with  them." 
The  superior  intelligence  of  the  Iroquois  Confederacy 
to  the  tribes  of  the  Algonguin  stock,  appears,  perhaps,  no 
more  clearly,  than  in  the  manner  in  which  the  Objibwas 
received  this  communication.  Had  the  Onondagas,  for 
instance,  received  a  similar  invitation,  their  course  would 
have  been  to  recommend  a  council  of  all  the  nations  of 
the  Confederacy,  probably  at  Onondaga ;  and  the  expedi- 
ency of  either  rejecting  or  accepting  it  having  been  dis- 
cussed in  a  rational  manner,  an  answer  in  accordance  with 
their  decision  would  have  been  given.  Such  a  proceeding, 
however,  wTas  too  simple  a  one  for  the  superstitious  Objibwa. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  219 

Before  an  answer  could  be  given  to  so  important  a  com-  cg£p- 
munication,  the  Great  Turtle,  "the  chief  of  all  the  spirits,"  v-v-' 
must  be  consulted  through  their  medicine  man. 

The  answer  of  the  oracle  was  favorable ;  for  having 
probably  in  view  the  many  presents  of  tobacco  and  rum 
that  were  to  be  obtained  by  a  visit  to  Niagara,  he  told  them 
that  "  Sir  William  Johnson  would  fill  their  canoes  with 
presents;  with  blankets,  kettles,  guns,  gun  powder  and 
shot,  and  large  barrels  of  rum,  such  as  the  stoutest  of  the 
Indians  would  not  be  able  to  lift ;  and  that  every  man 
would  return  in  safety  to  his  family."  It  may  readily  be 
supposed  that  a  response  so  congenial  to  their  inclinations 
was  hailed  with  delight ;  and  amid  the  general  joy,  "  many 
voices  were  heard  to  exclaim,  "  I  will  go  too !  I  will  go 
too!"1 

The  Baronet  arrived  at  Oswego,  on  his  way  to  Niagara, 
the  twenty-sixth  of  June,  accompanied  by  Hve  hundred 
and  fifty  Indians,  who,  at  his  request,  were  on  their  way  to 
join  the  army  under  Colonel  Bradstreet.  Stopping  a  few 
days  to  attend  to  some  private  matters,  and  also  to  condole 
with  the  Onondagas  upon  the  death  of  Red  Head,  who  had 
fallen  down  dead  in  the  fort  a  few  days  before  his  arrival, 
he  sailed  from  Oswego  on  the  third  of  July,  arriving  at 
Niagara  on  the  eighth. 

The  sight  which  greeted  him  as  he  stepped  from  his  boat 
upon  the  sandy  beach,  must  have  been  peculiarly  gratify- 
ing to  his  self-love.  In  response  to  his  invitations,  he 
beheld,  far  stretched  across  the  fields,  the  wigwams  of  over 
a  thousand  Indians,  whose  number,  but  a  few  days  after 
his  arrival,  was  increased  to  two  thousand  and  sixty,  of 
whom  seventeen  hundred  were  warriors. 2  Deputations 
from  all  the  nations  dwelling  in  that  vast  region  lying 
between  the  pine  forests  of  Nova  Scotia  and  the  head 
springs  of  the  Mississippi,  were  here  assembled.  Ottawas 
and  Hurons,   Chippewas   and   Caughnawagas,    Sacs  and 

1  Parkman. 

'Sir  William  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  30th  Aug.,  1764. 


220  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

ohap.  JHoxes,  picturesquely  attired,  strolled  in  groups  about  the 
w^  fort ;  while  here  and  there  might  be  seen  an  Indian  from 
1764,  tribes  that  trapped  the  beaver  on  the  margin  of  Hudson's 
Bay,  and  hunted  the  moose  on  the  northern  shores  of  Lake 
Superior.  The  Sioux  and  Pottawattamies  alone  were 
absent, — the  former  having  been  kept  away  by  the  feud 
existing  between  their  nation  and  the  Chippewas,  and  the 
latter,  conscious  of  their  previous  conduct,  afraid  of  trust- 
ing themselves  in  the  power  of  the  English. x  Of  the  Six 
Nations  the  Senecas  alone  were  not  prompt.2  This  arose 
not  from  any  hostile  feelings,  but  because  they  were  doubt- 
ful whether  their  brother  Warraghiyagey  would  really  for- 
give their  past  misconduct.3  A  few  Mohawks  were  accord- 
ingly dispatched  to  assure  them  that  their  fears  were 
unfounded,  and  hasten  their  coming. 

Although  the  feelings  of  this  motley  assemblage  were 
as  friendly  as  could  be  expected,  when  in  the  hearts  of 
many,  the  embers  of  rebellion  were  still  smouldering,  yet 
it  required  adroit  management  on  the  part  of  the  Baronet, 
backed  by  the  guns  of  the  fort,  to  prevent  an  open  rupture. 
Indeed  an  incident  which  occurred  at  this  time  threatened 
for  a  little  while  to  thwart  all  his  efforts.  It  seems  that  a 
small  party  of  Indians  on  their  way  to  Niagara,  in  passing 
one  of  the  posts  on  the  carrying  place,  sang  their  war  song, 
and  fired  their  guns  by  way  of  a  salute  to  the  garrison. 
The  commander  of  the  post,  mistaking  this  piece  of  Indian 
military  etiquette  for  a  hostile  movement,  discharged  a 
cannon  loaded  with  grape  shot  among  them,  wounding 
three  of  the  party.4  Fortunately  none  were  killed,  other- 
wise the  affair  would  have  been  productive  of  very  serious 
consequences.  As  it  was,  the  Indians  were  at  first  disposed 
to  resent  it,  suspecting  foul  play,  and  that  it  was  only  a 

i  Manuscript  letter ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Alex.  Colden,  23d  Aug,  1764. 
2  The  Six  Nations,  with  the  exception  of  the  Senecas,  attended  this  meet- 
ing merely  as  spectators. 

3 Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Gage,  5th  Aug.,  1764. 

*  Manuscript  letter  ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Gen.  Gage,  29th  June,  1764. 


LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  221 

prelude  to  a  general  attack ;  and  it  was  not  until  many  chap. 
explanations  had  been  given  that  harmony  Was  restored.  ^^ 

While  waiting  for  the  delinquent  Seneeas,  the  Baronet,  i<64. 
upon  the  eighteenth  of  July,  concluded  a  treaty  with  the 
Hurons.  The  basis  of  the  treaty  was  similar  in  its  chief 
features  to  the  preliminary  articles  of  peace  entered  into 
with  the  Seneeas  in  April.  They  pledged  themselves  to 
abstain  from  any  future  hostilities,  and  to  deliver  up  within 
one  month  to  Major  Gladwin  all  of  their  prisoners ;  they 
moreover  promised  to  treat  all  tribes  inimical  to  the  Eng- 
lish as  common  enemies,  and  agreed  to  protect  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  passage  from  Lake  Erie  to  Detroit.  But  by 
far  the  most  important  article  in  the  treaty  was  the  fourth, 
by  which  they  ceded  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  the 
right  and  title  to  all  the  lands  lying  on  both  sides  of  the 
strait  from  their  village  to  Lake  St  Clair,  in  as  full  and 
ample  a  manner  as  they  were  ever  claimed  or  enjoyed  by 
the  French.  In  consideration  of  which  they  were  guar- 
antied a  free  and  open  trade  with  the  English,  and  were 
restored  to  all  their  former  priviliges.1 

The  Seneca  deputies  arrived  on  the  first  day  of  August, 
bringing  with  them  fourteen  English  captives  and  one 
deserter.  In  the  conference  which  Sir  William  held  with 
them  upon  the  day  of  their  arrival,  he  reproved  them  sharply 
for  detaining  the  company  so  long,  and  told  them  that  as 
a  punishment  for  their  tardiness,  they  would  not  be  allowed 
to  take  up  the  time  as  usual  in  preparatory  ceremonies,  but 
that  they  must  come  at  once  to  the  point,  and  declare 
whether  they  would  or  would  not  fulfill  their  engagements 
made  last  April. 2  In  reply  to  this  rebuke,  they  answered 
without  hesitation,  that  although  they  had  "  scarcely  had 
time  to  draw  their  breath,  having  just  arrived,"  yet  they 
wished  him  to  understand  that  they  had  come  fully  pre- 
pared to  fulfill  every  promise  made   by  them  last  spring, 

1  Original  manuscript;  "Articles  of  peace  concluded  by  Sir  William 
Johnson  with  the  Hurons  of  the  Detroit,  Niagara,  18th  July,  1764." 

2  Manuscript  proceedings  at  Niagara,  1764. 


222  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  and  to  enter  into  a  firm  and  enduring  peace.  A  formal 
wv—/  treaty  was  thereupon  drawn  up  between  their  nation  and 
1764-  the  English,  and  signed  by  the  superintendent  and  the 
deputies  on  the  sixth  of  August.  The  preliminaries  which 
had  been  signed  by  their  deputies  at  Johnson  Hall  were 
made  the  basis  of  the  treaty.  In  addition,  however,  to 
the  grant  made  by  them  at  that  time,  of  the  land  from 
Fort  Niagara  to  the  upper  end  of  the  carrying  place,  they 
now  relinquished  a  strip  of  land  of  the  same  breadth  from 
Fort  Schlosser  to  the  rapids  of  Lake  Erie ;  and  thus  a  tract 
of  land  four  miles  in  width  on  either  side  of  the  river  from 
Lake  Ontario  to  Lake  Erie,  was  vested  in  the  British  crown. 
This  land,  however,  was  given  with  the  express  proviso, 
that  as  it  was  near  their  hunting  grounds,  it  should  be  for 
the  sole  use  of  his  majesty  and  his  garrisons,  and  should 
never  become  private  property.  An  exception,  moreover, 
was  made  in  this  grant  to  the  islands  lying  in  the  Magara 
river.  These  they  begged  the  Baronet  to  accept  as  a  slight 
compensation  for  the  trouble  which  their  nation  had  given 
him.  The  latter,  unwilling  to  refuse  for  fear  of  the  ill 
effects  which  might  arise  from  it,  accepted  the  gift ;  and  as 
the  islands — one  of  which  was  estimated  to  contain  fifteen 
thousand  acres — contained  land  well  adapted  for  grazing, 
he  in  turn  ceded  them  to  his  sovereign  for  the  use  of  the 
cattle  of  the  garrisons.1 

During  the  negotiations,  the  Senecas  stated  that  those 
Delawares  who  had  fled  to  Chenussio  for  protection  were 
also  desirous  of  entering  into  a  treaty  with  the  English. 
The  Baronet,  however,  refused  to  treat  with  them  upon 
any  terms,  until  they  had  delivered  up  their  king,  and 
Squash  Cutter  their  chief  warrior,  together  with  all  the 
prisoners  in  their  possession.  These  conditions  the  Sene- 
cas agreed  to  see  performed,  and  to  prove  their  sincerity,  it 
was  made  a  special  article  in  the  present  treaty  that  they 

Articles  of  peace  between  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  and  the  Genesee  Indians. — 
N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  vol.  vii,  p.  652.  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  to  the  Earl  of  Halifax, 
Sdth  Aug,  1764. 


1764. 


LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART.  223 

should  leave  in  Ms  hands  two  of  their  own  chiefs  as  hosta-  chap. 
ges  for  its  performance.     The  treaty  was  thereupon  ratified, 
the  covenant  chain  brightened  ;  all  past  transgressions  for- 
given, and  their  nation  received  into  the  full  enjoyment  of 
all  their  rights  and  possessions.1 

Although  numerous  councils  were  held  with  the  Indians, 
yet  no  formal  treaty  was  made  with  any  tribe  except  the 
Hurons  and  Senecas.  The  other  nations  declared  that 
they  only  came  to  renew  their  engagements,  not  having 
approved  of  the  war,  or  engaged  in  it ;  and  they  therefore 
very  shrewdly  refused  to  enter  into  a  treaty,  as  by  that  act 
they  would  have  virtually  admitted  the  falsity  of  their 
story.  It  was  useless  to  question  their  veracity,  and  they 
wTere  therefore  all  received  into  the  covenant  chain  upon 
their  agreeing  to  the  reestablishment  of  Michillimackinac, 
and  promising  moreover  to  indemnify  the  traders  for  their 
losses  since  the  beginning  of  hostilities.2  Everything  at 
length  having  been  arranged  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
Indians,  and  medals  having  been  distributed  to  those  of  the 
Confederates  that  had  proved  throughout  the  war  their 
fidelity,  the  Baronet  set  out  on  his  return  the  sixth  of 
August.  The  passage  down  "Wood  creek  from  Oneida 
lake  was  attended  with  much  difficulty.  The  creek  was 
so  low  that  staunch  boats  were  unable  to  come  up,  and  the 
Baronet's  thigh  not  allowing  him  to  ride,  he  was  forced  to 
make  the  rest  of  his  journey  in  a  leaky  boat,  with  no 
covering,  and  exposed  to  a  pelting  rain  during  the  whole 
trip.  He  however  reached  Johnson  Hall  on  the  nineteenth 
of  August,  and  immediately  inserted  in  the  public  prints, 

'Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Gage,  5th  Aug.,  1764.  Johnson  to  the 
lords  of  trade,  30th  Aug.,  1764. 

2  "  A  treaty  was  only  made  with  the  Hurons  and  Senecas,  and  the  covenant 
chain  received  for  the  other  Indians." — Manuscript  letter;  Sir  Wm.  Johnson 
to  Gen.  Gage,  lid  Aug.,  1764.  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  SOth 
Aug.,  1764.  Some  writers,  Parkman  among  them,  have  stated  that  "sepa- 
rate treaties  were  made  with  each  individual  band."  This  however,  was 
not  the  case. 


224  LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  for  the  benefit  of  their  relatives,  a  description  of  all  the 
«By^  prisoners  who  had  been  rescued  by  him  from  captivity. 
1764.  rpj^  peace  thus  made  with  the  Indians,  diffused  general 
joy  throughout  the  province ;  and  Lieutenant  Governor 
C olden,  in  his  opening  message  on  the  fourth  of  Septem- 
ber, failed  not  to  congratulate  the  assembly  upon  the  peace 
lately  concluded  at  Niagara,  "through the  ability,  experi- 
ence and  zealous  efforts  of  Sir  William  Johnson."  But 
while  the  meeting  at  Niagara  promised  to  be  of  benefit, 
other  measures  were  still  required  before  Indian  relations 
could  be  placed  on  a  permanent  basis.  "  To  render  this 
peace  lasting,"  wrote  the  Baronet  to  the  lords  of  trade 
shortly  after  his  return  home,  "  I  know  no  methods  better 
than  to  conquer  their  prejudices  by  our  generosity.  They 
will  then  lay  aside  their  prejudices,  and  we  may  rest  in 
security." 

On  the  same  day  that  the  Baronet  embarked  for  Oswego 
on  his  homeward  voyage,  Colonel  Bradstreet  left  Fort 
Niagara  for  Detroit.  His  army  was  now  increased  by  three 
hundred  Iroquois,  under  John  Johnson  and  Henry  Mon- 
tour, and  also  by  nearly  a  hundred  Ojibwas  and  Mississau- 
gas,  who  were  under  the  command  of  Alexander  Henry. 
These  latter  allies,  however,  availed  little  ;  for  while  the 
army  was  still  at  Fort  Schlosser,  taking  offense  at  thex  stern- 
ness of  the  discipline,  they  deserted  one  night  in  a  body. 
On  the  eighth  of  August,  the  army  embarked  in  their 
boats  from  Fort  Schlosser,  but  when  in  the  vicinity  of 
Presque  Isle,  they  were  obliged  in  consequence  of  a  violent 
storm  to  go  ashore  and  encamp.  While  waiting  for  the 
storm  to  cease,  Colonel  Bradstreet  was  visited  by  ten 
Indians,  who  pretended  to  have  been  sent  by  the  Delawares 
and  Shawanese  to  sue  for  peace.  These  pretended  deputies 
were  at  once  declared  by  the  Indian  allies  to  be  spies,  and 
in  confirmation  of  this,  they  pointed  out  to  Colonel  Brad- 
street several  proofs,  among  others,  that  they  had  brought 
with  them  only  one  belt  of  wampum  with  which  to  ratify 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

the  treaty.     They  therefore  requested  that  he  would  either  chap. 
allow  them  to  be  killed,  or  that  at  least  he  would  hold  no  v-^— > 
intercourse  with  them.     To  this  latter  suggestion,  however,  1764' 
the  colonel  gave  no  heed,  and  in  defiance  of   the  well 
known  character  of  their  nations  for  treachery  and  cruelty, 
he  held  with  the  spies  a  preliminary  treaty  in  which  he 
promised  to  forbear  marching  against  their  castles  as  he 
had  intended,  provided  that  all  their  prisoners  should  be 
delivered  up  to  him  at  Sandusky  within  the  ensuing  twenty- 
five  days,  and  that  they  should  then  and  there  ratify  a  firm 
and  lasting  treaty.1 

The  conduct  of  Colonel  Bradstreet  in  this  afiair  was 
inexcusable,  and  could  only  have  been  prompted  by  excess- 
ive vanity.  Even  had  the  deputies  been  duly  accredited, 
his  instructions  gave  him  no  authority  to  conclude  a  peace.2 
His  orders  from  General  Gage  directed  him  in  the  most 
positive  terms  to  attack  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares,3 
and  in  case  those  tribes  made  submission,  to  offer,  but  not 
to  conclude  peace,  a  power,  which,  by  virtue  of  his  being 
his  majesty's  sole  agent  and  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs, 
was  lodged  in  Sir  William  Johnson  alone.4     The  allies,  as 

1  Original  manuscript  minutes  of  a  treaty  of  peace  between  Colonel  Brad- 
street  and  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  concluded  at  the  camp  at  L'Ance 
aux  Feuilles,  Aug.  4,  1764. 

2 1  herewith  send  you  a  most  astonishing  treaty  of  peace,  which  Colonel 
B  radstreet  has  taken  upon  himself  to  conclude  with  the  Shawanese  and  Dela- 
wares, which  contains  no  one  article  whereby  the  least  satisfaction  is  given 
for  the  many  horrid  murders  committed  by  those  barbarians,  the  sole  pro- 
moters and  contrivers  of  all  our  troubles,  and  the  chief  actors  in  the  bloody 
tragedy.  I  know  not  on  what  foundation  he  builds,  to  imagine  himself 
empowered  to  conclude  any  peace  and  dictate  the  articles  thereof,  agreeable 
^o  his  own  judgment.  He  has  lately  seen  you,  his  majesty's  sole  agent  and 
superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  at  Niagara  on  the  business  of  peace".  lie 
might  perhaps  be  empowered  to  consent  to  a  suspension  of  arms,  and  refer 
them  to  you  to  settle  and  conclude  the  peace,  but  he  has  taken  the  whole 
upon  himself." — Manuscript  letter;  Gage  to  Johnson,  2d  Sept.,  1764. 

3  Idem. 

4  "To  offer  peace,  I  think  can  never  be  construed  a  power  to  conclude  and 
dictate  the  articles  of  peace,  and  you  certainly  know  that  no  such  power  could 
with  propriety  be  lodged  in  any  person  but  in  Sir  William   Johnson,  his 

29 


226  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  it  afterward  appeared,  were  entirely  correct  in  their  sus- 
v-^L  picion ;  for  while  Bradstreet  was  signing  the  treaty  with 
i?64-  the  treacherous  deputies,  the  tomahawks  and  scalping 
knives  of  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  were  even  then 
reeking  with  the  warm  blood  of  the  settlers  along  the 
Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  frontiers.  As  soon  as  the  pre- 
liminary articles  of  the  treaty  were  signed,  the  colonel, 
without  even  waiting  until  he  should  see  if  the  promises  of 
the  deputies  were  faithfully  kept,  wrote  to  Colonel  Bouquet 
to  the  effect  that  Indian  affairs  were  now  amicably  adjusted, 
and  that  he  might  disband  his  troops,,  as  his  aid  was  no 
longer  required.  Colonel  Bouquet,  however,  who  had 
advanced  as  far  as  Fort  Loudoun  when  this  important  mes- 
sage arrived,  treated  it  with  the  slight  that  it  deserved,  and 
continued  his  march,  having  first  written  to  Gage  that  the 
conditions  of  the  treaty  were  so  disgraceful,  that  he  should 
continue  his  operations  until  he  received  orders  from  him 
to  the  contrary. 

But  in  other  respects,  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Bradstreet 
was  extremely  culpable.  By  his  harsh  treatment  of  his 
Indian  allies,  he  completely  alienated  that  branch  of  his 
army.  During  the  whole  expedition  he  seemed  to  be 
guided  by  no  fixed  purpose,  and  frequently  by  his  flighty 
and  strange  conduct  gave  serious  offense.  Often,  after 
stating  to  his  army  that  he  should  encamp  so  long  at  a  cer- 
tain place,  suddenly,  without  any  emergency  or  necessity 
having  arisen,  he  would  give  orders  to  move  directly  ;  so 
that  in  several  instances  many  Indians,  who  had  gone  out 
in  pursuit  of  game,  returned  within  the  appointed  time,  only 
to  find  the  smouldering  embers  of  the  deserted  camp  fires. 
They  were  therefore  obliged  to  pursue  the  rest  of  the 
journey  on  foot,  and  several  of  them  reached  Detroit  half 
starved.  At  other  times,  when  asked  by  the  Indian  officers 
(when  the  boats  were  crowded)  how  they  and  the  Indians 
should  be  transported,  he  would  reply  in  a  surly  and  pro- 


majesty's  sole  agent  and  superintendent  for  Indian  affairs." — Manuscript 
Utter;   Gage  to  Bradstreet,  2d  Sept.  1704. 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  227 

fane  manner,  "  that  they  might  swim  and  be  damned."  l  chap. 
It  may  therefore  readily  be  seen  that  an  officer  who  con-  w^—/ 
ducted  himself  in  such  a  manner  was  not  calculated  to  win 1764- 
the  confidence  of  his  men ;  and  thus  as  a  natural  result, 
quarrels    and    insubordination    were    constantly    arising 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  expedition. 

At  Sandusky,  Bradstreet  was  again  beguiled  by  the  fair 
promises  of  the  Ottawas,  Wyandots  and  Miami's  residing 
near  that  post,  although  his  orders  were  to  give  them  a 
thorough  chastisement.  While  here,  Captain  Morris  was 
dispatched  with  a  few  Canadians  and  Indians  into  the  very 
heart  of  the  Illinois  country,  to  induce  Pontiac  and  the 
tribes  residing  in  that  vicinity  to  sue  for  peace.  The  send- 
ing of  this  officer  at  this  time,  before  Indian  relations  had 
been  amicably  settled,  was  certainly  very  rash  and  in  bad 
policy.  Pontiac,  it  was  well  known,  was  still  chafing  and 
raging  at  his  ill  successes,  and  yet  Captain  Morris,  with 
only  a  few  attendants — some  of  them  of  doubtful  loyalty — 
was  sent  to  beard  the  enraged  tiger  in  its  very  den.  His 
mission,  as  might  have  been  foreseen,  was  productive  of 
no  good,  and  he,  himself,  after  owing  his  life  to  the  singular 
forbearance  of  the  Ottawa  chieftain,  was  allowed  to  depart, 
having  been  robbed  of  everything  except  his  arms,  clothing 
and  canoe.  Cononel  Bradstreet  has  been  called  an  "  excel- 
lent officer."  He  may  have  been  ;  but  his  allowing  Morris 
tlms  uselessly  to  peril  his  life  does  not  indicate  extraor- 
dinary military  judgment. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  the  hearts  of  Major 
Gladwin  and  his  brother  officers  were  gladdened  by  the  sight 
of  the  long  expected  succors,  and  Detroit  was  at  once  sup- 
plied with  a  fresh  garrison.  A  council  was  next  held  on 
the  seventh  of  September,  and  in  defiance  of  express 
instructions,  a  definite  treaty  of  peace  wTas  concluded  with 
a  few  Ottawas,  Ojibwas,  Pottawattamies  and  other  neigh- 

1  Manuscript  paper  containing  remarks  upon,  and  details  of  Bradstreet's 
conduct  during  this  campaign,  and  drawn  up  by  the  officers  who  served 
under  him,  and  taken  down  by  Sir  Wm.  Johnson. 


228  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  boring  tribes.  Leaving  out  of  view,  however,  the  question 
wy^  of  Bradstreet's  authority,  the  treaty  itself  shows  his 
1764.  ignorance  of  the  character  of  those  with  whom  he  was 
dealing,  and  how  incompetent,  therefore,  he  was  to  its 
performance.  "  It  is  a  peace,"  writes  Gage  to  Johnson, 
"  derogatory  to  the  honor  and  reputation  ot  his  majesty's 
arms  amongst  the  Indian  nations,  unsafe  for  the  future 
peace  and  tranquility  of  his  majesty's  subjects,  and  is  a 
basis  of  future  massacres."1  In  the  treaty,  moreover,  he 
spoke  of  the  Indians  as  subjects,  an  appellation  that  the 
Indians  never  would  have  accepted  had  they  understood 
its  true  signification. 2  "You  may  be  assured,"  wrote  the 
Baronet  to  Gage  upon  hearing  of  this  treaty,  "  that  none 
of  the  Six  Nations  or  Western  Indians  ever  declared  them- 
selves subjects,  or  will  ever  consider  themselves  in  that 
light,  while  they  have  any  men  ©r  an  open  country  to  retire 
to.  The  very  idea  of  subjection  would  fill  them  with 
horror."3 

As  soon  as  the  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  different  chiefs, 
Captain  Howard  was  sent  with  a  considerable  force  to 
regarrison  Michillimackinac  and  the  more  remote  posts  of 
Green  Bay  and  Sault  St.  Marie  ;  and  Colonel  Bradstreet, 
having  again  succeeded  in  disgusting  his  red  allies  by  con- 
ducting the  council  through  a  French  interpreter,  and  also 
by  chopping  to  pieces  with  a  tomahawk  a  belt  of  wampum, 
with  which  he  had  just  been  addressed  by  a  messenger 
from  Pontiac,4  hastened  back  to   Sandusky  to  meet  the 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  2d  Sept.,  1764. 

2  Original  manuscript  treaty  between  Col.  Bradstreet  and  ifche  Pottawtta- 
mies,  Ottawas,  Cliippewas  and  Miamis,  Detroit,  Sept.  7,  1764. 

"  I  don't  know  what  to  think  of  this  new  treaty  of  Colonel  Bradstreet. 
He  seems  to  tell  them  they  are  all  subjects,  and  that  the  king  has  dominion 
over  all  their  country.  Was  not  this  formerly  ill  tken  by  the  Six  Nations, 
who  never  would  be  called  subjects  but  allies  :  and  this  dominion  over  their 
country,  will  it  not  confirm  them  in  their  opinion  of  our  designs,  to  have 
all  their  lands?" — Manuscript  letter:   Gage  to  Johnson,  lith  Oct.,  1764. 

8  Manuscript  letter:  Johnson  to  Gage,  31st  Oct.,  1764. 

*  "  Had  anything  effectual  been  prosecuted  against  him"  [Pontiac]  wrote 
Jshnsoda  towage,  "  the  circumstance  of  cutting  the  belt  would  have  appeared 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  229 

Shawanese  and  Delaware  deputies.  As  might  have  beenOHAP. 
expected,  the  appointed  day  came  but  not  the  deputies,  and  w^ 
while,  chagrined  at  their  breach  of  faith,  he  was  still  await- 1763, 
ing  their  appearance,  he  received  a  letter  from  the  com- 
mander-in-chief annulling  the  treaty  that  he  had  made  at 
Presque  Isle,  and  commanding  him  to  march  forthwith 
against  the  enemy.  Enraged  and  mortified  at  this  rebuke, 
he  refused  to  obey  the  instructions  of  Gage,  alleging  that 
his  Indian  allies  declined  accompanying  him,  and  also  that 
the  Sandusky  river — the  route  to  Scioto  plains  where  lay 
the  hostile  castles — was  too  low  for  the  passage  of  the 
boats.  The  Indians,  it  is  true,  disgusted  at  his  conduct, 
did  refuse  to  go  alone,  but  expressed  their  willingness  to 
accompany  the  army,  who  in  good  spirits  and  impatient  of 
their  continued  inactivity,  eagerly  desired  a  brush  with 
the  savages.  Finally,  after  consuming  much  time  in  build- 
ing a  fort  upon  a  piece  of  ground  that  was  so  low  as  to  be 
overflowed  by  every  freshet,  he  suddenly  on  the  eighteenth 
of  October,  gave  orders  to  embark  for  Niagara.  His 
departure  was  marked  by  a  piece  of  cruelty  which  was 
wanton  in  the  last  degree  inasmuch  as  nothing  had  occurred 
that  justified  the  hasty  embarcation.  Two  New  Jersey 
soldiers  and  five  Indians,  who  had  been  sent  out  to  catch 
fish  for  his  table,  were  still  absent  when  the  orders  were 
given  to  embark.  The  officers  remonstrated,  and  begged 
that  the  departure  of  the  army  might  be  delayed  an  hour 
or  two  longer,  or  at  least  that  he  would  allow  a  boat  to  be 
left  for  their  use.  To  this  request,  however,  Bradstreet 
replied  with  an  oath  "that  the  soldiers  might  stay  there, 
but  not  a  boat  should  wait  for  them  a  minute."  No  gar- 
rison having  been  left  in  the  partially  erected  fort,1  the  poor 

well  enough,  but  since  that  was  all  we  did,  he  must  think  little  of  us," — 
an  act  of  impotent  rage,  it  only  disgusted. 

i  It  has  been  generally  stated  by  writers  that  the  soldiers  were  out  for 
game  for  the  officers;  but  from  original  manuscript  statements  of  the  officers 
themselves  in  my  possession,  it  appears  that  they  were  out  for  Bradstreet 
himself. 


230  LIFE    OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  soldiers  when  they  arrived,  had  no  alternative  but  to  either 
s-^  throw  themselves  upon  the  tender  mercies  of  the  savages. 
1764-  or  to  perish  miserably  in  the  wilderness. 

The  sequel  of  the  expedition  was  singularly  unfortunate. 
When  a  few  days  out  from  Sandusky,  and  about  to  encamp 
for  the  night,  Colonel  Bradstreet,  instead  of  landing  at  the 
mouth  of  a  neighboring  river,  where  the  boats  could  have 
lain  in  safety,  persisted  in  disembarking  at  a  spot  which, 
it  was  told  him,  was  visited  by  heavy  surfs.  The  result 
of  this  obstinacy  was,  that  a  heavy  storm  arising,  twenty- 
five  of  the  batteaux  were  dashed  to  pieces,  and  most  of  the 
ammunition  and  baggage  lost,  together  with  the  field  train 
of  six  brass  cannon.  A  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  there- 
fore compelled  to  make  the  journey  to  Niagara  on  foot, 
through  a  wilderness  of  four  hundred  miles,  filled  with 
savage  men  and  savage  beasts,  and  crossed  by  deep  rivers 
and  fearful  morasses.  Many  perished  on  the  way,  and 
those  who  finally  reached  Niagara  were  spent  with  fatigue, 
cold  and  hunger.  On  the  fourth  day  of  November,  the 
main  body  of  the  army,  weary  and  shattered,  entered  the 
gates  of  Niagara.  Stragglers  continued  to  come  in  day 
after  day ;  nor  was  it  until  the  last  of  December,  that  all 
the  survivors  reached  their  homes. 1 

With  the  exception  of  supplying  Detroit  with  a  fresh 
garrison,  and  the  reoccupation  of  Michillimackinac  and 
the  further  posts,  the  expedition  had  accomplished  nothing. 
Its  main  object— that  of  punishing  the  Shawanese,  Dela- 
wares  and  other  tribes — was  still  unaccomplished.  None 
of  the  rebellious  tribes  had  yet  been  brought  to  feel  the 
power  of  the  English;  and  the  expedition,  instead  of 
inspiring  dread  in  the  hearts  of  the  savages,  had  elicited 
only  ridicule.  The  pacific  efforts  of  Sir  William  Johnson 
at  Niagara,  which  had  been  aided  in  no  slight  degree  by 
the  prospect  of  the  advancing  army,  were  to  a  great  extent 


1  Manuscript  remarks  on  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Bradstreet.  Manuscript 
letter;  Johnson  to  Lt.  Col.  Eyre,  Dec.  17th,  1764.  Manuscript  Johnson 
papers.     Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  26th  Dec,  1764. 


LIFE  OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  231 

rendered   abortive.     "  Since  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  chap. 
knowing  you,"   wrote  Gage,  in  relation  to  the  failure  of  ^\ 
the  expedition,  to  the  Baronet,  "you  have  been  as  much  1764. 
employed  to  patch  up  and  mend  what  others  have  put  out 
of  order,  as  in  the  ordinary   course  of  your  business.     I 
fear  that  will  be  the  case  now,  and  that  you  must  still  have 
conferences  with  all  the  savages  of  Detroit,  to  put  matters 
in  a  right  channel." J 

While  Colonel  Bradstreet  was  concluding  useless  treaties 
with  the  western  nations,  the  controversy  between  E"ew 
York  and  New  Hampshire  in  relation  to  their  boundary 
line,  was  at  its  height.  It  has  already  been  mentioned,  in 
connection  with  the  congress  held  at  Albany  in  1754,  that 
the  charters  of  the  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  Massachu- 
setts Bay  were  of  a  very  liberal  and  uncertain  character. 
The  charter  granted  to  the  Plymouth  company  in  1620 — 
from  which  was  derived  that  of  Connecticut, — covered  the 
expanse  from  the  fortieth  to  the  forty-sixth  degree  of 
northern  latitude,  extending  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific 
ocean.  New  York,  or  more  properly  the  New  Netherlands, 
being  then  a  Dutch  possession,  could  not,  however,  be 
claimed  as  a  portion  of  these  grants,  as  an  exception  was 
made  of  all  territory  "  then  actually  possessed  by  any 
other  Christian  prince  or  state."  The  dispute  concerning 
the  Wyoming  lands  was  not  the  only  one  to  which  the 
indefinite  phraseology  of  the  charters  had  given  rise. 
Upon  the  conquest  of  the  New  Netherlands  by  the  Duke 
of  York,  in  1664,  controversies  immediately  arose  between 
that  province  and  those  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts 
bay.  These  disputes,  however,  were  subsequently  adjusted 
by  negotiation  and  compromise — the  commissioners  agree- 
ing that  the  boundary  between  New  York  and  Connecticut 
and  Massachusetts,  should  be  a  line  drawn  north  and  south, 
twenty  miles  east  of  the  Hudson  river.  Hardly  had  the 
controversy  been  thus  settled,  when  New  Hampshire,  with- 

1  Manuscript  letter ;  31st  Oct.,  1764. 


232  LIFK   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  out  the  least  justice  or  title,  insisted  upon  having  the  same 
JJ*i  western  boundary  as  her  sister  colonies.  The  people  of 
1764.  New  York,  who  had  yielded  to  the  decision  of  the  com- 
missioners with  a  very  bad  grace,  were  in  no  mood  to 
brook  further  encroachments  upon  their  territory,  and  they 
therefore  boldly  protested  against  this  assumption  of  New 
Hampshire. 

Protests,   however,   availed  little.     In   1749,   Benning 
Wentworth,  at  that  time  Governor  of   New   Hampshire, 
granted  a  township  six  miles  square  within  the  territory 
claimed  by  New  York,  and  which,  in  honor  of  the  gov- 
ernor, was  named  Bennington.     This  grant  was  the  occasion 
of  a  lengthy   correspondeDce  between   Wentworth   and 
Clinton,  and  renewed  protests  on  the  part  of  the  latter. 
Protests  and  letters,  however,  were  alike  unheeded  by  the 
governor  of  New  Hampshire,  who  intent  upon  increasing 
his  private  fortune,  continued  in  defiance  of  all  right  to 
issue  patents  to  those  who  wished  and  could  afford  to 
pay  for  them.     Such  persons  were  not  few.     A  road,  which 
had  been  cut  through  the  wilderness  from  Lake  Champlain 
to  Charlestown  in  New  Hampshire  by  Amherst  as  a  means 
of   communication  with  Crown  Point,  had  revealed  the 
richness  of   the  land.     Many  therefore  hastened  to  pur- 
chase, and  during  the  year  1761,  no  less  than  sixty  patents 
were  issued,  a  number  that  in  1763,  had  been  increased  to 
one  hundred  and  thirty-eight.     At  length  justly  alarmed 
at  the  growing  audacity  of  Wentworth,  and  having  writ- 
ten a  letter  to  him  with  no  effect,  Lieutenant  Governor 
Colden,  on  the  eighteenth  of  December,   1763,  issued  a 
proclamation,  in  which  the  grant  of  Charles  the  Second 
to   the   duke    of   York,    was    recited;    the   jurisdiction 
of  New  York  as  far  eastward   as   the  Connecticut  river, 
asserted ;  and  the   sheriff  of  Albany  county  enjoined  to 
return  the  names  of  all  persons,  who  by  virtue  of  the  New 
Hampshire  grants,  held  possession  of  lands  westward  of 
that  river.1     This  was  answered  three  months  after  on  the 

i  Belknap. 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

thirteenth  of  March,  by  a  counter  proclamation  from  Gov-  chap. 
ernor  "Wentworth,  declaring  that  the  grant  to  the  duke  of  w. y— * 
York  was  void,  and  that  the  grantees  should  be  encouraged 17(34- 
in  the  possession  of  their  lands. 

Meanwhile,  the  assembly,  through  their  agent  Mr. 
Charles,  laid  the  question  in  dispute  before  the  board  of 
trade,  setting  forth  in  their  petition,  "  that  it  would  be 
greatly  to  the  advantage  of  the  people  settled  on  those 
lands  to  be  annexed  to  New  York."  The  result  was,  that 
on  the  twentieth  of  July,  1764,  an  order  was  made  by  the 
king  in  council,  declaring  "  the  western  banks  of  Connect- 
icut river,  from  where  it  enters  the  province  of  Massachu- 
setts bay,  as  far  north  as  the  forty-fifth  degree  of  latitude, 
to  be  the  boundary  line,  between  the  two  provinces  of  New 
Hampshire  and  New  York."  This  decision  of  the  crown 
was  received  by  the  latter  province  in  September,  with 
great  satisfaction.  Had  the  matter  been  allowed  to  rest 
here,  all  would  have  been  well ;  Governor  Wentworth  in 
obedience  to  the  royal  authority,  ceased  issuing  patents 
westward  of  the  Connecticut  river ;  and  those  who  had 
settled  upon  the  grants,  were  indifferent  as  to  which  govern- 
ment received  their  allegiance,  provided  they  could  culti- 
vate their  lands  in  quietness.  No  sooner  however,  was 
this  decision  received,  than  the  government  of  New  York 
chose  to  interpret  the  words  to  be  as  referring  to  past  time, 
and  construed  them  as  a  virtual  admission  that  the  Con- 
necticut river  always  had  been  the  eastern  boundary  of  its 
province.  It  therefore  declared  that  the  grants  from  Went- 
worth were  invalid,  and  insisted  that  the  grantees  either 
should  surrender  or  repurchase  the  lands  upon  which  they 
had  settled  and  in  many  instances  improved.  To  this 
unjust  demand  the  majority  of  the  settlers  refused  to  accede. 
Notwithstanding  which  the  governor  of  New  York 
regranted  their  lands  anew  to  others,  who  forthwith  brought 
ejectment  suits  against  them  and  obtained  judgments  at 
the  courts  of  Albany.  All  attempts  however,  to  enforce 
these  judgments  thus  obtained,  were  met  by  the  settlers 

30 


234  LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  with  a  spirited  resistance.  The  civil  officers  sent  to  eject 
^-^^  them  "  were  seized  by  the  people,  and  severely  chastised 
1764.  with  twigs  of  the  wilderness";  and  a  proclamation  from 
Governor  Tryon  offering  a  reward  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  for  the  apprehension  of  Ethan  Allen,  the  principal 
offender,  was  met  by  a  burlesque  proclamation  from  the 
latter,  offering  ^ve  pounds  for  the  attorney  general  of  the 
colony  of  New  York. 

Thus  arose  that  fierce  controversy  between  the  hardy 
Green  Mountain  Boys  and  the  authorities  of  New  York, 
which  lasting  with  great  violence  for  twenty-six  years,  was 
finally  terminated  by  the  long  disputed  New  Hampshire 
grants  being,  in  1791,  received  into  the  federal  union  as 
the  state  of  Vermont1 

The  effect  of  Colonel  Bradstreet's  ill-starred  expedition 
was  in  a  measure  counteracted  by  the  success  of  the  one 
under  Colonel  Bouquet.  In  the  early  part  of  October, 
that  officer  left  Fort  Pitt  with  one  thousand  Provincials 
and  five  hundred  regulars,  and  after  a  march  of  ten  days 
through  a  trackless  wilderness,  encamped  on  the  banks  of 
the  Muskingum  near  the  deserted  wigwams  of  aTuscarora 
village,  whose  inhabitants  had  fled  at  his  approach.  The 
advance  of  Colonel  Bouquet  into  the  very  heart  of  their 
country,  filled  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  with  alarm. 
Their  experience  at  Bushy  Run  the  previous  year,  had 
taught  them  that  the  man  with  whom  they  now  had  to 
deal,  was  made  of  different  stuff  from  the  officer  whom 
they  had  so  lately  cajoled  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie. 
They  felt  that  their  temporizing  policy  would  no  longer 
answer,  and  that  the  time  had  come  when  they  must 
either  submit  or  be  exterminated.  Two  men,  who  had 
been  seized  by  the  Delawares  on  their  way  to  Bradstreet 
with  letters  from  Bouquet,  were  therefore  now  brought 
into  the  camp  charged  with  a  message  to  the  effect  that 
their  chiefs  would  soon  come  and   conclude  a  treaty  of 

Belknap.     Allen's  Narrative.     Slade's  Vermont  State  Papers. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  235 

peace.     Accordingly,  a  few  days  after,  a  deputation,  of  the  chap. 
head  chiefs  of  the  Delawares,  Shawanese,  and  a   Seneca  w v— ' 
tribe   settled  on  the  Ohio,  made  their  appearance  at  the 1764- 
camp,  bringing  with  them  eighteen  of  their  captives.  The 
remaining  prisoners,   they   said,   should  be  brought  in  as 
soon  as  they  could  be  collected. 

In  his  reply  to  their  speech,  in  which  the  whole  respon- 
sibility of  their  past  conduct  was  thrown  upon  the  west- 
ern nations,  Bouquet  was  stern,  and  unyielding.  He 
told  them  plainly  that  their  behavior  was  without  excuse, 
and  that  he  saw  through  all  their  subterfuges.  He  then 
entered  into  a  relation  of  their  past  treachery  and  their 
numerous  murders  of  the  traders,  while  they  were  yet 
in  a  state  of  professed  peace ;  their  attacking  Fort  Pitt, 
and  those  other  posts  that  had  been  built  with  their  per- 
mission ;  and  their  black  treachery  in  the  massacre  of 
those  garrisons  that  had  surrendered.  They  had  refused, 
moreover,  to  attend  the  meeting  at  Niagara  in  July,  and 
while  their  former  allies,  the  Ottawas,  Ojibwas,  and  Wyan- 
dots,  were  suing  for  peace,  they,  the  most  relentless  and 
inhuman  of  savages,  were  committing  their  horrid  butch- 
eries upon  the  frontiers.  They  were  then  given  to  under- 
stand, that  it  would  be  owing  entirely  to  the  clemency  of 
the  English,  if  their  nations  were  not  utterly  exterminated, 
and  that  their  treatment  in  future  would  depend  solely 
upon  their  behavior.  "I  now,"  concluded  he,  "give  you 
twelve  days  from  this  date  to  deliver  into  my  hands  all 
the  prisoners  in  your  possession,  without  exception  ;  Eng- 
lishmen, Frenchmen,  women  and  children ;  whether 
adopted  into  your  tribes,  married  or  living  among  you 
under  any  denomination  or  pretense  whatever.  And  you 
are  to  furnish  these  with  clothing,  provision,  and  horses, 
to  carry  them  to  Fort  Pitt.  "When  you  have  fully  com- 
plied with  these  conditions,  you  shall  then  know  on  what 
terms  you  may  obtain  the  peace  you  sue  for." 

This  serious  rebuke,  and  the  determined  character   of 
the  man  who  now  addressed  them,  were  sufficient.     The 


236  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  chiefs  now  really  anxious  to  conciliate,  hastened  to  send 
W—  to  Bouquet  their  prisoners.  Every  day  added  a  few  more 
1764-  to  the  number,  until  in  a  short  time  there  were  nearly  two 
hundred  in  the  camp.  A  few  captives  were  still  among 
the  Indians,  hut  as  they  belonged  to  warriors  away  from 
their  homes  and  could  not  be  brought  in  without  their 
permission,  the  chiefs  delivered  up  some  of  their  own  peo- 
ple as  hostages  for  their  future  surrender.  Then  and  not 
till  then,  did  Bouquet  relax  the  sternness  which  he  had 
hitherto  purposely  assumed  in  his  dealings  with  the  rebel- 
lious chieftains.  But  now  convinced  of  their  sincerity,  he 
consented  to  hold  friendly  communications  with  them. 
The  answer  of  the  colonel  to  their  request  for  peace  was 
right  manly,  and  spoke  the  true  soldier.  "  The  king,  my 
master,"  said  he,  "has  commissioned  me,  not  to  make 
treaties  for  him,  but  to  fight  his  battles  ;  and  though  I  now 
offer  you  peace,  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  settle  its  precise 
terms  and  conditions.  For  this,  I  refer  you  to  Sir  William 
Johnson,  his  majesty's  agent  and  superintendent  for 
Indian  affairs,  who  will  settle  with  you  the  articles  of 
peace  and  determine  every  thing  in  relation  to  trade." 
They  were  then  required  to  deliver  up  additional  hostages 
for  their  good  faith,  and  as  a  pledge  that  they  would  send 
to  the  superintendent  a  deputation  of  their  chiefs,  who 
should  be  fully  authorized  to  treat  in  behalf  of  their 
nation. 

These  conditions,  which,  it  will  hereafter  appear,  were 
faithfully  performed,  were  readily  agreed  to  and  the  re- 
quired hostages  at  once  given.  The  main  objects  of  the 
expedition  having  been  thus  successfully  accomplished, 
Colonel  Bouquet,  with  two  hundred  of  the  rescued  cap- 
tives and  fourteen  hostages,  returned  to  Fort  Pitt  on  the 
twenty-eighth  of  November,  to  receive  from  his  sovereign 
the  appointment  of  brigadier,  and  the  command  of  the 
southern  department.1 

1Parkman.  Manuscript  letter  Johnson  to  Lieut.  Col.  Eyre  17  Dec.  1764. 
Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade  26  Dec.   1764. 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  237 

The  closing  year  brought  no  relaxation  to  the  labors  of  chap. 
the  Baronet.     "  I  have  at  present,"  he  writes  in  December,  ^-v—^ 
"  every  room  in   my  house  full  of  Indians,  and  the  pros- 1764- 
pect  before  me  of  continual  business  all  the  winter,  as  the 
Shawanese  and  Delawaresmay  be  expected  in  a  few  days." 


■ 


. 


. 


■ 

CHAPTER  XII. 
1765. 
c^„p-     Although  much  had  been  accomplished  by  the  expedi- 


1765. 


'  tion  under  Colonel  Bouquet,  yet  Indian  hostilities  were  by 
no  means  ended.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year,  two  sol- 
diers of  the  Detroit  garrison  were  murdered  by  a  party  of 
Pottawattamies  from  St.  Joseph ;  and  upon  the  Pennsylva- 
nia border,  the  tomahawk  still  drank  the  blood  of  the  set- 
tler. French  traders  in  the  Illinois  country,  continued  to 
hold  out  to  the  Indians  the  hope  of  French  intervention, 
although  while  they  thus  spoke,  the  ambassadors,  whom 
Pontiac  had  sent  to  the  governor  of  New  Orleans  for  aid, 
were  paddling  up  the  Mississippi  chagrined  and  disap- 
pointed at  their  bootless  mission.  From  this  untoward 
aspect  of  Indian  relations,  fears  were  entertained  that  the 
Dela wares  and  Shawanese  would  fail  to  redeem  their  prom- 
ise given  to  Colonel  Bouquet  the  previous  autumn ;  and 
these  apprehensions  were  strengthened,  when  it  became 
known  that  the  Shawanese  hostages  had  escaped  from 
Fort  Pitt.  These  fears  however,  so  far  at  least  as  the  Dela- 
wares  were  concerned,  happily  proved  groundless,  and  by 
the  first  days  of  January,  two  deputies  from  that  nation 
were  on  their  way  to  Johnson  Hall.  The  unusually  deep 
snow  that  had  fallen  during  the  winter,  rendered  their  pro- 
gress slow,  and  it  was  not  until  the  twentieth  of  February, 
that  they  arrived.  No  formal  council  was  immediately 
held.  Before  a  treaty  of  peace  should  be  concluded,  the 
Baronet  wished,  for  the  sake  of  the  moral  effect,  to  have 
present  those  Delawares  who  had  fled  to  Chenussio  for 
protection.  He,  accordingly,  sent  a  messenger  to  the 
Senecas,  informing  them  that  he  was  now  ready  to  treat 
with   the   Susquehannas   and   Delawares,   provided  they 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  239 

delivered  up  their  king   and  chief  conformably   to  their  chap. 
agreement  at  Niagara,  the  last  July.     To  this  suggestion,  s_^_ , 
the  Senecas  made  no  objection,  and  signified  their  intcn-  176°- 
tion  of  at  once  coming  down.     A  meeting,  however,  of  all 
the  Confederacy  at  Onondaga,  delayed  their  journey  so 
that  they  did  not  arrive  until  the  close  of  April. 

This  delay  was  not  regretted  by  the  Baronet,  who,  as  it 
was,  had  none  too  much  time,  in  which  to  prepare  for  the 
reception  of  his  Indian  guests.  Quarters  had  to  be  pre 
pared,  and  presents  and  provisions  laid  in  for  the  gather- 
ing, which,  as  the  Six  Nations  had  signified  their  intention 
of  also  being  present,  promised  to  be  large.  Notwith- 
standing, however,  the  multiplicity  of  his  cares,  he  found 
time  to  put  up  a  few  houses  in  his  new  settlement,  in  which 
he  placed  tradesmen  and  artizans  foi\the  benefit  of  his 
settlers,  who  had  been  obliged  hitherto,  very  much  to 
their  inconvenience,  to  make  their  purchases  either  in 
Albany  or  Schenectady.1 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  April,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
Senecas  arrived,  bringing  with  them  the  Delaware  king, 
and  chief,  Squash  Cutter  and  Long  Coat.  Many  of  the 
Six  Nations  were  also  in  attendance,  together  with  some 
Caughnawagas,  so  that  the  whole  number  of  Indians  pres- 
ent on  this  occasion  was  over  nine  hundred.  The  Baro- 
net was  much  pleased  with  the  attendance  of  so  many  of 
the  Six  Nations ;  for  the  establishment  of  amicable  rela- 
tions with  the  western  nations,  although  important,  was 
not  the  only  object  that  he  had  in  view  in  this  meeting. 
In  the  early  spring  of  1764,  he  had  requested  his  deputy 
George  Croghan,  who  was  then  in  London  on  private  busi- 
iness,  to  draw  up  a  memorial  of  Indian  affairs,  and  lay  it 
before  the  lords  of  trade.  In  this  memorial,  Croghan 
urged  the  purchase,  by  the  parent  government,  of  a  large 
tract  of  land  whose  western  boundary  should  be  the  Ohio 
river,  and  that  the  territory  west  of  this  boundary  should 
be  expressly  reserved  to  the  Six  Nations  for  their  hunting 

1  Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Peter  Hosenclever,  22  March,  1765. 


240  LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  grounds.  The  Indians,  Croghan  said,  had  heretofore 
v_^_-  regarded  the  English  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  power  of  the 
1765.  French,  and  for  that  reason  had  always  been  their  friends* 
Since  the  late  war,  however,  they  had  looked  upon  the 
English  in  a  very  different  light,  and  had  become  exceed- 
ingly jealous  of  their  growing  power.  This  feeling,  he 
thought,  would  be  dispelled,  if  a  tract  of  country  should 
be  secured  to  them  and  their  children  forever,  under  the 
protection  of  his  majesty.  "Nor,"  added  Croghan, — pay- 
ing them  in  the  remark  a  deserved  compliment,  which 
many  of  the  whites  might  well  have  noted, — "  need  there 
be  any  solicitude  that  the  Indians  will  not  keep  their  agree- 
ment, for  it  is  well  known  that  they  never  claimed  any 
right  to  a  tract  of  country,  after  they  sold  it  with  the  con- 
sent of  their  council,  and  received  any  consideration  though 
never  so  little."  These  suggestions  were  considered  by 
the  lords  of  trade  so  judicious,  that,  acting  upon  them, 
they  immediately  drew  up  a  "plan  for  the  future  manage- 
ment of  Indian  affairs,"  and  sent  it,  in  July  of  the  same 
year,  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  for  his  perusal  and  correc- 
tion. 

As  the  present  meeting,  therefore,  presented  a  favorable 
opportunity  for  ascertaining  the  sentiments  of  the  Six 
Nations  in  relation  to  the  boundary  thus  recommended, 
Sir  William,  although  he  was  not  yet  empowered  to  settle 
anything  definitely,  took  occasion,  in  the  course  of  the  con- 
ferences, to  draw  out  their  views  upon  the  subject.  "  The 
king,"  said  he,  "being  very  desirous  to  put  an  end  to  all 
disputes  between  his  subjects  and  your  people  concerning 
lands,  has  fallen  upon  a  boundary  between  our  provinces 
and  the  Indians  (which  no  white  man  shall  ever  invade)  as 
the  surest  method  of  accomplishing  that  end."  This  plan, 
he  was  convinced,  must  appear  to  them  so  reasonable, 
that  he  was  confident  they  would  lend  him  all  possible  aid 

in  settling  upon  a  division  line.     As  soon  as  he  was  fully 

_ ______ 

1  Croghan' s  memorial  to  the  lords  of  trade. 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  241 

empowered,  he  should  also  consult  the  governors  of  the  ctcap. 
several  provinces  in  relation  to  it,  but  in  the  meantime,  ^^-* 
he  was  very  desirous  of  knowing  what  boundary  they1765- 
would  consider  fair,  and  upon  which  they  would  cheer- 
fully agree.  This  proposition,  presented  with  so  much 
tact,  struck  the  Indians  favorably,  and  while  in  private 
council,  one  of  their  sachems,  whose  English  name  was 
Thomas  King,  urged  them  to  agree  forthwith  upon  some 
definite  line.  "Let  us  make  a  line,"  said  he,  "for  the 
benefit  of  our  children,  that  they  may  have  lands  that 
can't  be  taken  from  them ;  and  let  us  in  that,  show  the  king 
that  we  are  generous,  and  that  we  will  leave  him  land 
enough  for  his  people ;  then  he  will  regard  us  and  take  bet- 
ter care  that  his  people  do  not  cheat  us."  This  appeal,  so 
artless  and  confiding,  determined  his  braves,  and  in  the 
general  meeting  the  next  day,  on  the  sixth  of  May,  they 
proposed  a  line  running  from  the  German  Flats  to  Oswego, 
on  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehanna;  thence  to  Fort 
Augusta,  now  Sunbury ;  thence  up  the  west  branch  of 
the  Susquehanna  to  Kittaning  on  the  Ohio ;  and  thence 
down  that  river  to  the  Cherokee,  now  the  Tennessee  river. 
Having  thus  ascertained  the  disposition  of  the  Indians 
in  relation  to  the  boundary,  Sir  William  next  turned  his 
attention  to  the  Ohio  deputies,  with  whom  he  concluded  a 
treaty  of  peace,  on  the  eighth  of  May.  The  conditions 
upon  which  peace  was  granted  were,  that  free  permission 
should  be  immediately  granted  to  his  majesty's  troops  to 
pass  through  their  country ;  that  they  should  assist  to  the 
utmost,  the  efforts  of  the  English  in  securing  the  Illinois ; 
and  that  they  should  send  some  of  their  people  with  Mr. 
Croghan,  who  was  about  to  leave  Fort  Pitt  to  take  posses- 
sion of  those  forts  still  in  possession  of  the  French. 
In  case,  moreover,  any  murders  should  hereafter  be  com- 
mitted by  their  nation,  the  offender  was  to  be  delivered  up 
at  the  nearest  garrison  for  trial.  But  these  conditions  were 
not  all.  In  January,  the  traders  of  Pennsylvania,  in  view 
of  this  meeting,  had  petitioned  the  superintendent,  that  he 
31 


242  LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  would  endeavor  to  obtain  of  the  Delawares  indemnity 
s-^for  the  injuries  and  losses  which  they  had  sustained  in  the 
1765.  destruction  of  their  accounts  and  papers.  Another  article 
was  therefore  inserted  in  the  treaty,  to  the  effect  that  they 
were  to  give,  with  the  approbation  of  the  Six  Nations,  to 
those  traders  who  had  suffered,  grants  of  land,  by  way  of 
restitution.  Upon  this  compensation  being  given,  and 
provided,  also,  that  they  solemnly  promised  to  protect  the 
traders  in  their  yearly  journeys,  they  were  guarantied  a 
fair  and  liberal  trade  at  the  principal  posts.  It  was,  how- 
ever, expressly  stipulated,  that  in  case  of  frauds  practiced 
upon  them,  they  were  to  lay  their  complaints  before  the 
commanding  officer  at  the  post,  but  by  no  means,  would 
they  be  allowed  to  take  the  matter  into  their  own  hands. 
In  this  treaty  the  Susquehanna  Delawares  were  also 
included,  upon  their  agreeing  to  deliver  up  within  forty 
days  all  the  prisoners  still  in  their  possession.  Having 
thus  made  their  peace  with  the  English,  they  left  Johnson 
Hall  on  the  fourteenth  of  May,  leaving  Squash  Cutter  and 
Long  Coat  as  hostages  for  the  return  of  the  captives.  The 
Senecas,  also,  left  two  of  their  principal  chiefs  for  the  same 
purpose. 

As  soon  as  the  treaty  was  concluded,  Captain  Bull  and 
two  other  Ohio  Delawares  were  given  up  to  the  deputies 
of  that  nation.  The  remaining  prisoners,  who  had  been 
j3ent  to  New  York  for  security,  were  also  brought  up,  and 
placed  in  charge  of  the  commanding  officer  at  Albany, 
until  the  Susquehanna  Delawares,  to  whom  they  belonged, 
had  delivered  up  their  captives  according  to  their  promise. 
Everything  at  length  having  been  amicably  adjusted  with 
the  Ohio  deputies,  who,  by  the  way,  appeared,  throughout 
the  entire  conference,  desirous  of  acting  cordially  and  can- 
didly, they  were  dismissed  on  the  fifteenth,  with  many 
presents.  The  other  Indians  dropped  away  one  by  one, 
until,  on  the  twenty-second,  none  remained  of  the  vast 
throng,  but  the  families  of  the  four  chiefs  who  were  left 
behind  as  hostages.     These,   however,  numbering  over 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART.  243 

forty  Indians,  formed  quite  a  little  village  near  the  chap. 
Hall ;  and  having  resolved  to  stay  until  the  release  of  the  w^ 
chiefs,  they  were  not  a  small  tax  on  the  Baronet's  larder. 1765- 

The  Susquehanna  Delawares  were  true  to  their  word ; 
and  on  the  nineteenth  of  June,  one  of  Sir  William's 
interpreters,  who  had  been  sent  out  to  collect  the  captives, 
returned  with  twenty-five,  having  succeeded  in  rescuing 
every  one,  even  to  the  half  breeds,  the  children  of  inter- 
marriages with  the  Indians.  The  unfortunate  Squash  Cut- 
ter, however,  did,  not  live  to  reap  the  benefit  of  the  good 
faith  of  his  nation,  having  a  few  days  previously  fallen  a 
victim  to  that  malady,  so  fatal  with  the  red  man,  the  small 
pox.  Sir  William  at  once  advertised  for  the  relatives  of 
the  captives,  "but,"  he  writes,  UT  believe  it  will  be  very 
difficult  to  find  the  friends  of  some  of  them,  as  they  are 
ignorant  of  their  own  names,  or  former  places  of  abode." 
Indeed,  the  rescuing  of  these  prisoners  seemed,  in  a  few 
instances,  to  be  a  mistaken  kindness.  Some  of  them,  hav- 
ing, as  the  Baronet  remarks,  lost  all  recollection  of  their 
white  relatives,  and  having,  moreover,  intermarried  while 
in  captivity,  had  formed  strong  attachments  among  the 
Indians.  Their  ignorance  of  the  abodes  of  their  kindred, 
and  even  of  their  own  names,  rendered  it  impossible  to 
identify  them,  so  that  the  sundering  of  their  newly  formed 
ties  of  friendship  and  affection,  caused  even  more  mental 

agony  than  their  original  captivity.1 

■    ■ 

But  the  hospitalities  of  Johnson  Hall  were  not  always 
lavished  upon  the  red  men  of  the  forest.  During  the 
month  of  June,  Lady  Susan  0 'Brian  and  her  husband 
were  the  guests  and  recipients  of  the  courtly  courtiesies  of 
the  Baronet.  Lady  Susan  was  the  eldest  daughter  of  Ste- 
phen Fox,  the  first  Earl  of  Ilchester,  and  a  sister  of  Lady 
— — — — 1 — ■  i     — i — - —        ■ 

l"  Treaty  of  peace  with  the  Delaware  Indians." 

"  Conferences  at  Johnson  Hall  with  the  Six  Nations  and  Delawares, 
April  29  and  May  22nd  1765." 

Manuscript  letters  ;  Johnson  to  Gage,  1766 


244  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap- Harriet  Ackland,  whose  name  has  become  so  identified 
wy— /  with  Burgoyne's  campaign,  through  the  vivid  and  affect- 
1765.  mg  narratives  of  General  Burgoyne  and  Madame  Riedesel.1 
By  her  marriage  with  William  0 'Brian,  an  actor,  in  the 
spring  of  the  previous  year,  she  had  alienated  her  family, 
and  had  consequently  sailed  with  her  husband  for  America, 
arriving  at  New  York  in  April.  The  Baronet  was  advised 
of  their  arrival,  by  her  uncle,  the  first  Lord  Holland,  who, 
in  April,  wrote  to  him  detailing  the  circumstances  of  the 
marriage,  and  requesting  his  friendly  offices  for  his  niece, 
who  had  just  emigrated  to  the  wild-woods  of  America. 
From  the  letters  of  Lady  Susan,  it  appears  that  her  host 
and  his  housekeeper,  did  everything  in  their  power  to  ren- 
der their  visit  agreeable,  and  that  the  Baronet  was  equally 
at  home,  whether  entertaining  the  rude  savage,  or  the  scion 
of  a  noble  house.  Molly  Brant  is  spoken  of  particularly 
as  a  "  well-bred  and  pleasant  lady,"  who,  in  many  a  ram- 
ble with  her  ladyship  in  the  greenwood,  proved  a  delight- 
ful companion.  ISTor  was  this  kindly  feeling  entirely  one 
sided.  So  much  did  his  high-born  guest  interest  Sir  Wil- 
liam  in  her  favor,  that  shortly  after  Lady  Susan  and  her 

1  The  correct  spelling,  and  not  Eeidesel,  as  it  is  commonly  spelled.  This 
appears  from  the  signatures  of  herself  and  husband  to  several  original  let- 
ters in  my  possession. 

"  My  Lady  Ackland  had  a  tent  not  far  from  our  house :  in  this  she  slept, 
and  the  rest  of  the  day  she  was  in  the  camp.  All  of  a  sudden  one  came  to 
tell  her  thai  her  husband  was  mortally  wounded  and  taken  prisoner;  on 
hearing  this  she  became  very  sorrowful.  We  comforted  her  by  telling  her, 
that  it  was  only  a  slight  wound,  and  at  the  same  time  advised  her  to  go 
over  to  her  husband,  to  do  which,  she  could  certainly  obtain  permission 
and  then  she  could  attend  him  herself.  She  was  very  fond  of  him, 
although  he  was  a  plain,  rough  man,  and  was  daily  intoxicated.  He  was 
nevertheless  a  brave  officer.  She  was  the  most  lovely  of  all  women  \aller- 
liebste.]  I  spent  the  whole  night  in  comfcrting  her,  and  then  went  again  to 
my  children  whom  I  had  put  to  bed.  I  could  not  go  to  sleep,  as  I  had  Gen- 
eral Frazer  and  all  the  other  wounded  gentlemen  in  my  bed-room,  and  I 
was  constantly  afraid  that  my  children  would  awake,  and  by  their  cries 
disturb  the  poor  dying  man,  who  often  apologized  '  for  the  trouble  he  gave 
me.''"  Extract  from  Madame  BiedeseVs  account  of  the  action  of  the  1th  of 
October,  1777 

"  '    '     r 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  245 

husband  returned  to  New  York,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Lord  chap. 
Hoffand,  begging  that  the  young  couple  might  be  again  ^1, 
received   into   the    good-graces    of   his    family, — urging  1765. 
among  other  things,  that  0 'Brian  seemed  to  be  a  very 
worthy  young  man,  possessing,  in  the  highest  degree,  the 
affections  of  his  wife.1 

During  the  latter  part  of  their  stay,  the  circle  of  guests 
was  farther  increased  by  a  visit  from  Lord  Adam  Gordon, 
afterward  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  in  Scotland, 
who  was  then  making  a  tour  of  pleasure  in  America. 
"While  at  Johnson  Hall,  quite  an  intimacy  sprung  up  be- 
tween the  entertainer  and  his  guest,  and  upon  the  latter's 
return  to  England  in  October,  the  former  sent  with  him  his 
son  John,  "to  try  to  wear  off,"  as  the  Baronet  expresses 
it,  "  the  rusticity  of  a  country  education." 2 

While  the  Baronet  was  thus  pleasantly  entertaining  his 
noble  guests,  George  Croghan  was  slowly  pursuing  his 
journey  into  the  country  of  the  Illinois.  It  will  be 
remembered,  that,  by  the  treaty  of  1763,  all  the  territory 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  except  the  Island  of  New  Orleans, 
was  ceded  by  France  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain.  In 
conformity  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  orders  were 
received,  at  the  close  of  that  year,  by  the  French  officers 
stationed  in  the  Illinois,  to  surrender  their  posts  whenever 
British  troops  should  demand  their  evacuation.  When 
these  orders,  however,  arrived,  the  English,  whose  entire 
energies  were  absorbed  in  the  war  with  Pontiac,  were  in 
no  condition  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  ceded  terri- 
tory; and,  although  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  year, 
the  Indians  had  been  partially  brought  to  terms  by  the 
expedition  of  Colonel  Bouquet,  and  the  pacific  efforts  of 
Sir  William  Johnson,  yet  Pontiac  was  still  at  bay  in  the 
Illinois,  and  Gage,  therefore,  hesitated  to  occupy  that  coun- 
try, until  those  tribes  that  were  sullenly  holding  aloof,  should 

Manuscript  correspondence  of  Sir  William  Johnson  and  Lord  Holland. 
a  Manuscript  letter;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Gage,  1  October,  1765. 


246  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  be  mollified  and  won  over  to  the  English  interests.     This 
i^  hesitation  had  been,   moreover,  greatly  increased  by  the 
1765.  recent  repulse  of  Major  Loftus   by  the  savages,  in   an 
attempt  to  occupy  Fort  Chartres1  and  the  adjacent  posts, 
with  English  garrisons.     In  the   spring  of  1764,  that  offi- 
cer embarked  on  the  Mississippi  at  New -Orleans  with  five 
hundred  regulars,  but  he    had   proceeded  up  that  river 
scarcely  eighty  leagues,  when  the   foremost  boat  was  sud- 
denly emptied  by  a  rapid  volley  of  musketry  from   the 
western  bank.     Terrified  at  this  hostile  reception,  at  once 
so  fatal  and  unexpected,  the  prows  of  the  boats  were  hast- 
ily put  about,  and  the  survivors  retreated  in  great  trepida- 
tion to  New  Orleans.2     This  unfortunate  attempt  having 
satisfied   Gage  that  no  effectual   occupation  could  take 
place,  while  the  Indians  were  yet  averse  to  the  measure, 
Croghan  was  dispatched  by   Sir  William  Johnson  to  the 
Illinois,  with  directions  to  divest  the  Indians,  by  persuasion 
and  the   judicious  use  of  presents,  of  their  hostile  feel- 
ings.    Accordingly,  Croghan,  accompanied  by  Lieutenant 
Grazer  and  a  few  troops  as  a  body  guard,  set  off  late  in 
the  winter,  and  arrived  the  middle  of  February  at  Fort  Pitt. 
At  this  place,  the  deputy  was  delayed  several  weeks, 
until  the  snow,  which,  as  has  been  observed,  had  fallen  to  a 
great  depth  during  the  winter,  should  be  sufficiently  melted 
to  allow  him  to  pursue  his  journey  with  rapidity  and  safety. 
The  time  thus   consumed  was   not,  however,  lost.     The 
Shawanese  had  not  yet  delivered  up  their  prisoners  accord- 
ing to  the  promise  made  by  them  to  Bouquet,  nor  had 
they,  thus  far,  shown  any  disposition  to  send  a  deputation 
to  Johnson  Hall  to  confer  with  the  superintendent.     The 
escape,  moreover,  of  their  hostages  from  Fort  Pitt,  justified 
the  suspicion  of  meditated  treachery.     In   this   state  of 
affairs,  and  aware  of  the  danger  which  would  attend  his 


1  Fort  Chartres  was  an  old  French  trading  post,  built  in  1720.  It  was 
situated  in  the  vicinity  of  what  is  now  Randolph  county,  Indiana,  about  a 
mile  and  a  half  from  the  Mississippi.     The  ruins  yet  remain. 

a  Parkman. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  247 

mission — perilous  at  the  best — should  the  Shawanese  chap. 
relapse  into  their  former  hostility,  the  deputy,  soon  after  v-^-l< 
his  arrival,  invited  the  chiefs  of  that  nation  to  a  council. 1765- 
This  precaution  was  well  taken.  If  the  chiefs,  before 
his  arrival,  entertained  a  design  of  again  taking  up  the 
hatchet,  his  threats  and  persuasions  decided  them  against 
such  a  suicidal  course.  They  now,  not  only  expressed 
themselves  heartily  in  favor  of  maintaining  amicable 
relations,  but,  on  the  ninth  of  May,  delivered  up  at  Fort  Pitt 
all  the  prisoners  yet  in  their  possession,  amounting  to  forty- 
four.  Nor  did  their  efforts  to  prove  their  sincerity  end 
here.  Toward  the  close  of  June,  four  of  their  deputies, 
accompanied  by  a  number  of  Delawares  and  Mingoes, 
arrived  at  Johnson  Hall.  They  were  all  cordially  received 
by  the  superintendent,  and  a  treaty  of  peace  having  been 
ratified,  on  the  thirteenth  of  July,  with  the  Shawanese  and 
Mingoes,  the  deputation  was  dismissed  with  presents. 

In  the  meantime,  Lieutenant  Frazer,  young,  impulsive 
and  impatient  of  delay,  started  in  advance  of  the  deputy, 
leaving  the  latter  still  engaged  in  Indian  conferences.  His 
rashness,  however,  in  thus  venturing  with  but  two  or  three 
attendants,  into  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country,  while 
Indian  relations  were  in  such  an  unsettled  state,  had  nearly 
proved  fatal.  In  reply  to  his  threat  that  an  English  army 
was  on  its  way  to  Illinois,  the  French  traders  only  laughed ; 
and  he  himself,  having,  like  Captain  Morris,  been  rescued 
from  death  by  the  efforts  of  Pontiac,  was  only  too  glad  to 
escape  to  New  Orleans. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  May,  Croghan  embarked  on  his  peril- 
ous voyage  down  the  Ohio,  accompanied  by  fourteen  Sha- 
wanese and  Delawares,  and  a  few  whites.  If  he  had  any 
lingering  doubts  of  the  friendly  intentions  of  the  Sha- 
wanese, they  must  have  been  dissipated  by  the  following 
circumstance.  "While  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  the  Scioto 
river,  a  party  of  that  nation,  in  response  to  a  message  sent 
to  them  a  week  previously,  brought  in  seven  French  traders 
who  had  been  residing  among  them.     There  were  six 


248  LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  more,  they  said,  residing  with  the  Delawares.  These  they 
s-v-L  would  endeavor  also  to  procure,  by  prevailing  upon  that 
1765.  nation  to  deliver  them  up.  In  fact,  as  they  farther  told 
the  deputy,  they  were  determined  to  do  everything  in 
their  power  to  convince  him  of  their  sincerity,  and  of  their 
desire  for  peace.  Continuing  their  voyage,  the  party 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash  at  the  close  of  the  sixth 
day  of  June,  and  prepared  to  go  ashore  for  the  night. 
Warned,  however,  by  the  prints  of  moccasoned  feet  in 
the  mossy  bank,  of  an  ambuscade,  they  pushed  off  from 
the  shore,  and  landed  six  miles  farther  down,  where  they 
encamped.  The  Indians  were  not  to  be  thus  baffled. 
Just  at  daybreak  of  the  eighth,  while  the  party  were  yet 
encamped  in  the  same  place,  they  were  assailed  by  a  storm 
of  bullets  and  arrow s  from  a  war  party  of  eighty  Kickapoos 
and  Musquattamies  concealed  in  the  neighboring  thickets. 
Three  Shawanese  and  two  white  men  were  instantly  killed, 
and  Croghan  and  all  of  his  party  wounded.  Eesistance 
was,  of  course,  useless,  and  they  therefore  surrendered, 
only,  however,  to  be  robbed  of  everything  they  possessed. 
Croghan* s  baggage,  even  to  his  paper,  was  completely 
destroyed ;  and  he  was  consequently  forced  to  write  his  jour- 
nal upon  such  scraps  of  paper  as  he  could  pick  up  during 
the  remainder  of  his  journey. 

Scarcely  were  the  captives  fairly  in  the  power  of  the 
Indians,  when  the  latter  suddenly  manifested  deep  con- 
trition for  their  conduct.  "  After  this,"  naively  remarks 
.  Croghan  in  his  journal,  "  they  told  us  they  were  sorry  for 
what  had  happened,  that  they  had  been  employed  by  the 
French,  their  fathers,  who  had  told  them  it  was  Cherokees 
that  Were  with  me,  and  that  there  was  peace  made  with  the 
Shawanese,  Delawares  and  Six  Nations."  How  much 
credit  is  to  be  attached  to  this  statement,  will  ever  remain 
doubtful.  It  is  by  no  means  improbable, — and  this  by  the 
way,  was  always  the  opinion  of  Sir  William  Johnson  and 
his  deputy — that  some  of  the  French  traders,  conscious 
that  their  monopoly  of  trade  in  the  Illinois  was  at  an  end, 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  249 

sought  to  gratify  their  revenge  by  setting  the  Indians  on  to  chap. 
Croghan    and    his    party.     Many    of   the   traders    werew^ 
unprincipled,  base  men,  who  would  not  have  scrupled  to1765- 
resort  to  anything  which  would  gratify  their  hatred  and 
malice.     Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that  when 
the  Kickapoos  discovered  who  it  was  that  they  had  killed, 
they  not  only  freed  their  Indian  prisoners,  but  evinced  the 
utmost  fear,  begging  Croghan  to  intercede  with  the  Sha- 
wanese  and  Six  Nations  that  the  revenge  of  those  powerful 
nations  might  be  averted. 

The  prisoners  were  conducted  by  their  captors  up  the 
Wabash  to  Yincennes,  a  small  French  settlement  of  about 
eighty  houses,  and  thence  to  Ouataum,  which  they  reached 
on  the  twenty-third  of  June.  At  this  place,  Croghan  was 
met  by  a  messenger  from  St.  Ange,  the  officer  in  command 
of  Fort  Chartres,  inviting  him  to  visit  that  post,  and  place 
matters  on  a  right  footing.  The  condition  of  his  wounds 
not  allowing  him  to  immediately  accept  this  invitation,  it 
was  not  until  the  eighteenth  of  July,  a  week  after  the 
arrival  of  the  messenger,  that  he  was  able  to  set  out  for 
the  French  post.  Hardly,  however,  had  he  left  the  fort, 
when  he  was  met  by  Pontiac  himself,  who,  advancing  from 
among  his  body  guard  of  chiefs,  frankly  proffered  his  hand 
to  the  deputy,  expressing  at  the  same  time  a  desire  to  have 
a  friendly  talk.  To  have  appeared  to  doubt  his  intentions, 
would  have  been  madness,  and  Croghan,  at  the  solicitation 
of  the  chieftain,  returned  to  the  fort.  Pontiac,  however, 
meditated  no  treachery.  Convinced  at  last,  that  the 
French  were  powerless  to  further  his  ambitious  designs,  he 
was  now  sincere  in  offering  the  calumet  and  peace  belt  to 
the  deputy  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  He  had  been  deceived 
he  said,  by  the  French.  They  had  informed  him  that  the 
English  intended  to  take  their  country  from  them  and  give 
it  to  the  Cherokees,  their  bitter  enemies.  They  had  also 
told  him,  that  the  English  would  enslave  the  Indians  of  the 
Illinois,  all  of  which  had  deeply  grieved  him.  More 
recently,  however,  he  had  learned  from  the  Six  Nations 

32 


250 


BART. 


chap,  that  all  past  differences  were  settled,  and  he  was,  therefore, 

,_^_,  also  willing  to  bury  the  tomahawk  and  forever  he  at  peace. 

1765.  The  French,  he  concluded,  never  claimed  any  title  to  the 

country,  and  if  the  English  took  possession  of  their  forts 

with  the  same   understanding,  they  would  he  welcomed 

by  the  Indians  with  open  arms. 

A  visit  to  Fort  Chartres  being  now  rendered  unnecessary 
by  his  interview  with  Pontiac,  Croghan,  having  dispatched 
expresses  to  Fort  Pitt  and  Johnson  Hall,  with  news  of  the 
successful  termination  of  his  mission,  set  out  for  Detroit, 
accompanied  by  Pontiac  and  a  few  of  his  principal  chiefs. 
The  remainder  of  the  journey  was  without  incident,  and 
having  collected  on  his  way  the  English  prisoners  among 
the  Ottawas  and  Twightwees,  he  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the 
seventeenth  of  August.  Here  he  found  awaiting  him  several 
tribes  of  Ottawas,  Pottawattamies  and  Chippewas,  and  also 
De  Couagne,  the  Niagara  interpreter,  with  belts  and  mes- 
sages from  the  superintendent  to  the  Ottawa  king.  Sev- 
eral days  were  occupied  in  conferences,  in  one  of  which 
the  deputy  delivered  to  all  the  western  nations  a  road  belt, 
in  the  name  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  to  open  a  road  from 
the  rising  to  the  setting  sun.  This  was,  however,  only 
preliminary  to  the  grand  council  which  was  held  with  Pon- 
tiac and  the  tribes  of  the  Ottawa  confederacy  on  the  twenty- 
seventh.  At  this  meeting,  the  hatchet  was  taken  out  of 
their  hands  and  burned ;  the  tree  of  peace  planted ;  and 
the  pipe  of  peace  smoked.  They  were,  moreover,  urged  to 
return  to  their  ancient  settlements  near  Detroit,  and  take 
care  of  their  council  fire  as  of  old.  The  reply  of  Pontiac, 
the  following  day,  is  not  remarkable  for  any  special  elo- 
quence, and  is  mostly  worthy  of  note  from  the  fact,  that 
while  it  expressed  a  disposition  to  be  friendly,  it  shows 
that  the  speaker  had  consented  to  peace  more  from  com- 
pulsion than  inclination.  In  answer  to  the  allusion  to  the 
council  fire,  he  said  that  they  had  now  settled  upon  the 
Miami l  river,  where  they  could  hereafter  be  found  when- 

1  Now  the  Maumce. 


LIFE   OP  SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  251 

ever  they  were  wanted,  assigning  for  this,  that  should  they  chap. 
remain  near  Detroit,  they  would  always  be  drunk  and  quar-  v-^— • 
relsome.     The  probable  motive,  however,  was,  that  the1'65* 
Ottawa  chieftain  chose  not  to  dwell  where  he  would  ever 
be  reminded  that  his  was  a  conquered  race.     "  I  now,"  he 
said  in  conclusion,  "  deliver  my  pipe  to  be  sent  to  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson,  that  he  may  know  I  have  made  peace,  and 
taken  the  king  of  England  for  my  father,  in  presence  of 
all  the  nations  now  assembled ;  and  whenever  any  of  these 
nations  go  to  visit  him,  they  may  smoke  out  of  it  with  him 
in  peace." 

Having  wrung  from  Pontiac  a  promise  to  meet  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson  the  next  spring  at  Oswego,  there  to  ratify  a 
lasting  peace  on  behalf  of  the  Ottawa  confederacy,  Croghan' 
left  Detroit  the  latter  part  of  September,  and  arrived  at 
Johnson  Hall  the  middle  of  October.  The  result  of  the 
deputy's  mission  was  highly  satisfactory  to  the  superintend- 
ent. "  Croghan,"  writes  the  latter  to  John  Watts,  "has 
succeeded  admirably,  and  to  the  utmost  of  my  expectation ; 
and  has  left  the  Indians  in  such  a  calm  state,  as  will  insure 
the  public  tranquility."  * 

Upon  the  receipt  of  Croghan' s  letter  from  Ouataum, 
announcing  that  the  road  was  now  clear  for  the  passage 
of  the  troops,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Reid,  the  officer  com- 
manding at  Fort  Pitt,  dispatched  Captain  Sterling  with  one 
hundred  Highlanders  of  the  forty-second  regiment,  to  take 
possession  of  Fort  Chartres.  Accordingly  they  embarked 
the  last  of  August ;  and  wThile  they  floated  down  the  Ohio 
on  their  mission,  trade,  which  ever  keeps  pace  with  Anglo 
Saxon  triumphs,  was  building  boats  at  Fort  Pitt,  in  which 
to  penetrate  the  heart  of  the  Indian  country.  The  thirty- 
fifth  regiment  had  also  been  sent  up  from  New  Orleans 
with  the  same  object;  but  the  Highlanders  under  Stirling 

1  Manuscript  letter ;  Johnson  to  J.  Watts,  30th  Oct.,  1765.  John  Watts 
was,  I  believe,  the  father  of  the  old  Recorder  of  New  York  city,  of  the  same 
name. 


■ 


252  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

CxnP'  arrived  first,  and  upon  the  tenth  of  October,  the  chivalrous 
w^  St.  Ange  yielded  into  their  keeping  the  last  token  of  French 
1765.  supremacy  in  the  country  of  the  Illinois.1 


^roghan's  Journal.     Letters   of  Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,    1765. 
Manuscript  correspondence  between  Johnson  and  Gage,  1705. 


i 


CHAPTER   XIII 


1765. 

The  general  pacification  of  the  Indian  tribes  would  have  Pg{*- 
been  made  the  subject  of  special  rejoicing  by  the  colonists, v— v— ' 
had  they  not  been,  at  this  time,  engaged  with  the  mother 
country  in  a  contest  which  seemed  to  portend  more  danger 
to  their  liberties,  than  the  most  horrible  massacre  ever  per- 
petrated by  the  savage  foe. 

It  was  in  the  fall  of  1763,  that  George  Grenville  and 
Lord  North  first  devised  the  plan  of  raising  a  revenue  by 
the  sale  of  stamps  to  the  colonists.  Grenville,  however, 
hesitated  long  before  pressing  this  measure,  and  it  was  not 
until  the  twenty-second  of  March  of  this  year  that  the 
stamp  act  passed,  and  received  the  signature  of  the  king. 
The  act  declared  that,  thenceforth,  no  legal  instrument 
should  possess  any  validity  in  the  colonies  unless  it  was 
stamped  by  the  government.1  Long  before  the  passage  of 
the  act,  the  rumor  that  such  a  project  was  even  meditated 
by  the  ministry  produced  a  universal  outburst  of  indig- 
nation. If  parliament  wished  to  raise  any  sum,  said  the 
colonists,  let  them  employ  the  usual  method  of  writing 
circular  letters  to  the  provinces,  requesting  supplies  accord- 
ing to  the  ability  of  each.  "When  thus  applied  to  hereto- 
fore, the  king  had  never  found  them  remiss,  but  on  the 
contrary — as  their  loyal  obedience  to  these  requisitions 
during  the  last  war,  had  fully  shown — they  had  always 
responded  with  alacrity.  Taxation,  however,  without 
representation  in  parliament,  was  tyranny,  to  which  they 


rcLm 
Ttan, 


mon  printed  ones,  before,  was  £15  ;  a  ream  of  stamped  policies  of  insurance 
was  £190  ;  of  common  ones,  without  stamps,  £20."     Bradford,  Mass.,  i,  12. 


1765. 


254  LIFE  OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

CxmP'  woul(*  not  submit.  These  views  were  advocated  with  great 
*  power  by  James  Otis  in  a  series  of  pamphlets ;  and  the 
public  prints  teemed  with  similar  discussions,  all  of  which 
were  read  with  care  and  reflection.  The  assemblies  of 
Virginia  and  New  York,  especially,  by  their  protests,  took 
firm  ground  against  the  passage  of  theact,  but  the  petition 
of  the  former  body  was  not  received  in  England  until  it 
was  too  late,  while  that  of  the  latter  was  so  intemperate 
in  its  expressions  against  the  newTly  assumed  pretensions 
of  the  parliament,  that  the  agent,  Mr.  Charles,  was  unable 
to  find  any  member  of  that  body  bold  enough  to  present  it. 
It  may  therefore  readily  be  seen,  that  if  the  mere  intima- 
tion that  such  an  odious  measure  was  in  contemplation, 
produced  so  much  solicitude,  the  passage  of  the  act  itself 
was  not  calculated  to  allay  the  growing  apprehensions  of 
the  people.  But  it  was  no  sudden  ebulition  of  indignation 
that  first  manifested  itself.  Indeed,  so  amazed  were  the 
colonists  at  the  presumption  of  parliament,  that  when  the 
news  was  first  received,  their  feelings  were  too  deep  for 
utterance.  Hutchinson,  the  chief  justice  of  Massachusetts, 
mistaking  this  for  submission,  hastened  to  write  to  the 
ministry,  that  "  his  countrymen  were  waiting  not  to  con- 
sider if  they  must  submit  to  a  stamp  duty,  but  to  know 
wThen  its  operation  was  to  commence."  He  knew  not  that 
this  calm  was  but  the  stillness  which  preceded  the  tornado, 
that  was  soon  to  sweep  with  such  desolating  fury  through- 
out the  land  !  He  was  shortly  undeceived.  Mutterings 
began  to  be  heard  in  every  province,1  which,  in  New  Eng- 
land and  New  York,  soon  grew  into  acts  of  violence.  On 
the  fourteenth  of  August,  Andrew  Oliver,  the  brother-in- 
law  of  the  chief  justice,  who  had  received  the  appoint- 
ment of  stamp  distributer  for  Massachusetts,  was,  together 
with  Lord  Bute,  suspended  in  efUgy  from  a  tree  in  one  of  the 
streets  of  Boston.     In  reply  to  the  command  of  the  chief 


i  In  this  discussion,  Canada  and  Halifax  are  not  included ;  both  of  these 
povinces  made  no  resistance. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  255 

justice  to  take  down  those  figures,  the  sheriff  gave  a  flat  chap. 
refusal ;  and  the  council  of  the  province,  likewise,  declined  ^^ 
to  interfere.  That  same  night,  the  mob,  taking  the  images 1765# 
down,  carried  them  to  the  newly  erected  stamp  office,  which 
they  immediately  razed.  Oliver's  dwelling  was  next 
assailed,  the  windows  and  furniture  demolished,  and  the 
effigies  burned  on  Fort  Hill.  The  next  day,  Oliver  resigned ; 
but  he  was  obliged,  the  same  evening,  to  make  a  public  re- 
cantation at  a  bonfire  which  the  populace  had  kindled.  But 
having  once  given  vent  to  their  long  pent  up  exasperation, 
they  did  not  stop  here.  Urged  on  by  a  popular  preacher, 
Jonathan  Mayhew  by  name,  who  had  taken  for  his  text  the 
previous  day,  "I  would  they  were  even  cut  off  which  trouble 
you,"  they  destroyed,  on  the  twenty-sixth,  the  records 
and  files  of  the  court  of  admiralty,  and  breaking  into  the 
house  of  Hallowel,  the  comptroller  of  customs,  broke  the 
furniture,  and  freely  drank  of  the  choice  wines  in  the  cellar. 
To  their  just  anger  were  now  added  the  fumes  of  liquor, 
and  proceeding  forthwith  to  the  residence  of  Hutchinson, 
they  tore  the  paintings  from  the  walls,  destroyed  the  plate, 
and  scattered  his  large  and  valuable  library  of  books  and 
manuscripts  to  the  winds ;  nor  did  they  depart  until  the 
interior  of  the  building,  even  to  the  partition  walls,  was 
completely  demolished.  Happily,  Hutchinson  and  his 
innocent  family,  having  received  timely  notice  of  their 
danger,  had  escaped  before  the  arrival  of  the  rioters — other- 
wise the  crime  of  murder  might  have  been  added  to  these 
violent  and  disgraceful  proceedings. 

In  Connecticut,  Ehode  Island  and  New  Hampshire,  the 
popular  indignation  showed  itself  in  similar  demonstrations, 
though  not  of  so  violent  a  character.  The  effect,  however, 
in  those  provinces  was  the  same ;  each  of  the  stamp  dis- 
tributors being  forced  to  resign  to  save  himself  from  odium, 
if  not  from  death. 

Meantime,  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts  resolved,  on 
the  sixth  of  June,  that  "  it  was  highly  expedient  there 
should  be  a  meeting,  as  soon  as  might  he,  of  committees 


256 

chap,  from  the  houses  of  representatives  or  burgesses  in  the 
s—y — i  several  colonies,  to  consult  on  the  present  circumstances 
1765.  0f  ^g  coionieg?  and  the  difficulties  to  which  they  were  and 
must  he  reduced,  and  to  consider  of  a  general  congress — 
to  he  held  at  New  York  the  first  Tuesday  of  October." 
To  this  invitation  the  colonies  heartily  responded,  and  in 
the  convention,  held  at  the  time  and  place  designated,  they 
were  all  represented,  except  New  Hampshire,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina  and  Georgia.  The  three  latter,  however, 
although  prevented  by  their  governors,  by  continued 
adjournments,  from  sending  delegates,  signified  by  letters 
their  willingness  to  acquiesce  in  whatever  measures  the 
convention  might  adopt.  So  also  wrote  New  Hampshire. * 
Lieutenant  Governor  Colden,  who  had  from  the  beginning, 
pronounced  the  convention  unconstitutional  and  unlawful, 
likewise  endeavored,  by  successive  adjournments,  to  pre- 
vent the  assembly  of  New  York  from  electing  delegates. 
But  an  assembly  that  had  driven  Clinton  from  his  chair, 
and  had  successfully  fought  through  so  many  years  against 
a  permanent  support,  was  not  to  be  thus  easily  foiled  ;  and 
a  committee  appointed  by  them  in  October,  1764,  to  cor- 
respond with  their  sister  colonies  upon  recent  acts  of  parlia- 
ment in  relation  to  trade,  now  took  their  seats  in  the  con- 
gress as  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  New  York. 2 
Timothy  Euggles,  who  had  been  sent  by  Bernard,  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  to  thwart  the  patriotic  efforts 
of  his  colleagues,  was  chosen  president  of  the  congress, 
and  John  Cotton  clerk.  No  time  was  lost.  Committees 
were  immediately  appointed  to  draft  petitions  to  parlia- 
ment, having  for  their  burden  the  stamp  act ;  and  after  a 
harmonious  session  of  fourteen  days,  the  convention  dis- 
solved, having  adopted  a  declaration  of  rights,  a  petition 
to  the  king,  and  a  memorial  to  both  houses  of  parliament 
— the  latter  being  drawn  by  James  Otis. 

1  Why  New  Hampshire  neglected  to  send  delegates  does  not  appear. 
*  This  committee  were  Robert  R.  Livingston  (Justice  Livingston),  John 
Cruger,  Philip  Livingston,  William  Bayard,  and  Leonard  Lispenard. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  257 

As  before  remarked,  the  people  of  New  York  were  chap, 
among  the  most  bitter  opponents  of  the  stamp  act.  While  ^^, 
the  riots  were  going  on  in  Boston,  the  act  itself  was  re-  1766- 
printed  and  hawked  about  the  streets  of  New  York  city, 
as  "  The  folly  of  England,  and  ruin  of  America."  Secret 
organizations  styling  themselves  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  met 
to  discuss  plans  of  resistance.  Warned  by  the  example 
of  his  brother  appointees,  in  the  neighboring  colonies,  Mc 
Evers,  the  stamp  distributer,  resigned.  General  G-age,  at 
the  solicitation  of  Colden,  ordered  down,  in  July,  from 
Crown  Point,  a  company  of  the  sixtieth  regiment,  for 
the  defence  of  Fort  George,  the  guns  of  which  were 
remounted,  new  ordnance  ordered,  and  the  magazine 
replenished  with  a  bountiful  supply  of  ammunition.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  first  cargo  of  stamps  in  the  harbor, 
toward  the  end  of  October,  placards  were  posted  up  in 
the  streets  and  at  the  Merchant's  Coffee  House,  of  which 
the  following  is  a  copy : 

"  PRO  P ATRIA. 

11  The  first  man  that  either  distributes  or  makes  use  of  stampt 
paper,  let  him  take  care  of  his  house,  person  and  effects. 

"  vox  POPULI. 
"WE  DARE." 

Terrified  at  signs  he  could  not  misunderstand,  the  lieuten- 
ant governor  had  the  stamps  conveyed  for  greater  security 
to  the  fort ;  and  in  great  trepidation  summoned  the  members 
of  his  privy  council  for  their  advice.  But  notwithstand- 
ing he  sent  repeated  messages,  and  notwithstanding,  also, 
that  seven  members  were  in  the  city,  only  three,  Horsman- 
den,  Smith,  and  Ried,  responded  to  his  call,  and  they 
declined  giving  any  advice  unless  there  was  a  fuller  board. 
In  this  state  of  affairs,  nothing  was  left  to  Colden  but  to 
shut  himself  up  in  the  fort,  and  await  the  result.  He  was 
not  long  in  suspense. 

On  the  first  of  November,  the  day  appointed  for  the  stamp 
act  to  go  into  operation,  the  popular  indignation,  which 

33 


258  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  had  been  so  long  smouldering,  burst  forth.  Early  in  the 
s_^_/  evening,  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  numbering  several  thousand, 
1765«  appeared  before  the  fort  and  demanded  the  stamps.  On 
being  refused,  they  proceeded  to  the  open  fields — a  por- 
tion of  which  is  now  the  park — and  having  erected  a  gib- 
bet, they  hung  the  lieutenant  governor  in  e^gjy  and  sus- 
pended by  his  side  a  figure,  holding  in  his  hand  a  boot, 
representing  Lord  Bute.1  The  images  after  hanging  some 
little  time,  were  taken  down  and  carried,  together  with 
the  scaffold,  in  a  torch-light  procession  to  the  gates  of  the 
fort.  Having  in  vain  knocked  on  the  gates  for  admission, 
the  mob  broke  into  Colden's  carriage-house,  brought  forth 
the  family  coach,  placed  inside  of  it  the  two  effigies,  and 
having  again  paraded  them  around  the  city,  returned  to 
within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  fort  gate,  and  hung  the 
figures  upon  a  second  gallows  erected  for  that  purpose.  A 
bonfire  was  then  made  of  part  of  the  wooden  fence,  which, 
at  that  time,  surrounded  the  Bowling  Green,  and  the  effi- 
gies, together  with  the  lieutenant  governor's  coach,  a  sin- 
gle horse  chair,  two  sleighs,  and  several  light  vehicles  were 
cast  into  the  flames  and  entirely  consumed.  While  the 
flames  were  lighting  up  the  black  muzzles  of  the  guns  of 
the  fort,  another  party,  having  spiked  the  cannon  on  the 
Battery,  proceeded  to  the  house  of  Major  James,  an  artil- 
lery officer,  who  had  made  himself  specially  obnoxious  by 
his  having  aided  in  putting  the  fort  in  a  suitable  posture 
for  defence,    and    having   burned   everything   of   value, 


'  i  Colden,  it  is  true,  in  a  letter  under  date  of  November  fifth  to  Secretary 
Conway,  says  that  the  image  suspended  by  the  side  of  his  effigy  was 
intended  to  represent  the  devil.  In  a  manuscript  letter,  however,  now 
before  me,  written  by  Alexander  Colden,  his  son,  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  a 
month  after,  and  when  the  facts  therefore  could  be  better  ascertained,  the 
excitement  having  partially  subsided,  the  writer  says  that  the  second  im- 
age was  designed  for  Lord  Bute.  The  boot  has  now  significance  as  a  rebus 
on  Lord  Bute  which  before  it  had  not.  "  His  Lordship's  [John  Stewart, 
Earl  of  Bute]  established  type  with  the  mob  was  a  jack-boot,  a  wretched 
pun  on  his  christian  name  and  title." — Maccauley's  Essay  on  The  Earl  of 
Chatham. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  259 

returned  in  triumph,  bringing  with  them  the  colors  of  the  chap. 
royal  artillery  regiment.  v_ v— * 

When  McEvers  resigned,  Colden  had  sneered;  but1766- 
even  he,  was  now  compelled  to  give  way.  The  day  after 
the  riot,  he  caused  a  large  placard  to  be  posted  up,  signed 
by  Goldsbrow  Banyar,  the  deputy  secretary  of  the  council, 
stating  that  he  should  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  the 
stamps,  but  would  leave  them  to  Sir  Henry  Moore  Bart., 
who  was  then  on  his  way  from  England  to  assume  the 
government.  This  declaration,  however,  did  not  satisfy 
the'  Sons  of  Liberty.  Through  their  leader,  Isaac  Sears, 
they  insisted  that  the  stamped  paper  should  be  immedi- 
ately delivered  into  their  hands,  threatening,  in  case  of 
refusal,  to  storm  the  fort  where  it  was  deposited.  The 
common  council,  alarmed  at  the  uncontrolable  fury  of  the 
mob,  and  fearing  an  effusion  of  blood,  added,  likewise, 
their  solicitations  that  the  stamps  might  be  deposited  in 
the  City  Hall.  In  answer  to  this  latter  request,  the  cause 
of  the  dispute  was  delivered  up,  after  considerable  negotia- 
tion, to  the  corporation — the  board  giving  a  pledge  to  make 
good  all  the  stamps  that  might  be  lost. 

But  if  the  spirit  of  the  mob  could  not  be  subdued,  it 
might  at  least  be  guided.  On  the  sixth  of  November,  a 
meeting  of  the  more  conservative  citizens  was  called,  and 
Sears,  with  four  others,1  was  authorized  to  correspond  with 
the  several  colonies  upon  the  new  and  alarming  feature  of 
the  prerogative  of  parliament.  The  committee  thus  ap- 
pointed entered  into  their  work  with  zeal,  the  fruits  of 
which  soon  became  apparent.  A  resolution,  emanating 
from  New  York  and  adopted  by  the  other  colonies, 
directed  the  English  merchants  to  ship  no  more  goods  to 
America,  and  declared  that  no  more  goods  coming  from 
England  should  be  sold  on  commission  in  the  colonies 
after  the  first  day  of  January,  1766.  Nor  did  the  patriot- 
ism of  the  people  end  here.  The  wearing  of  cloth  of  British 

1  These  were  John  Lamb,  Gushom  Mott,  William  Wiley,  and  Thomas 
Robinson. 


260 

chap,  manufacture  was  dispensed  with,  coarse  home-spun   gar- 
v_^^  ments  taking  its  place.  Marriages  were  no  longer  performed 
1765.  i) j  licences,  upon  which  the  stamp  act  had  now  laid  duty, 
but  were   solemnized  by  being  proclaimed   in   church. 
Everywhere  resistance  to  kingly  oppression  was  the  watch- 
word.1 

The  new  governor,  Sir  Henry  Moore  Bart,,  who  had 
been  appointed,  in  June,  to  succeed  General  Monckton, 
arrived  in  New  York  the  beginning  of  November,  after  a 
tedious  passage  of  ten  weeks.  When  he  first  landed,  he 
was  disposed  to  assume  a  haughty  tone  in  relation  to  the 
stamp  act.  The  corporation  offered  him  the  freedom  of 
the  city  in  a  gold  box,  but  he  refused  to  accept  it,  unless 
upon  stamped  paper.  The  custom  house  cleared  vessels, 
but  the  men-of-war  ran  out  their  guns  and  refused  to 
allow  them  to  leave  the  harbor,  unless  they  produced  a 
certificate  from  the  governor  that  no  stamps  were  to  be 
had.  This  the  latter  declined  to  give,  and  the  vessels  re- 
mained at  the  wharfs.  The  spectacle,  however,  of  Colden 
quaking  with  fear  in  the  fort,  and  the  judicious  advice  of 
his  council,  soon  convinced  him  of  the  folly  of  any  attempt 
to  carry  the  act  into  execution  ;  and  before  his  first  meet- 
ing with  the  assembly,  he  openly  announced  that  he  had 
suspended  his  power  to  execute  the  stamp  act.  To  still 
farther  appease  the  people  he  dismantled  the  fort,  very 
much  to  the  disgust  of  the  lieutenant  governor,  who,  not 
having  been  consulted,  retired  in  chagrin  to  his  country 
seat  at  Flushing.2 

Owing  to  the  successive  adjournments  by  Colden,  the 
general  assembly  met,  for  the  first  time  this  year,  on  the 
thirteenth  of  November.     Only  fourteen  members,   how- 

1  Colden  to  the  lords  of  trade,  Nov.  5,  1765.  Colden  to  Secretary  Con- 
way, Oct.  26,  1765.  Grahame,  manuscript  letters  ;  Alexander  Colden  to 
Sir  William  Johnson,  Dec.  1765. 

2  Manuscript  letter ;  Alexander  Colden  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  2  Dec. 
1765.  Sir  Henry  Moore  to  Conway  21  Nov.  1765.  Colden  to  Conway,  21 
Feb.  1766 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  261 

ever,  answering  to  their  names,  the  speaker  announced  the  chap. 
appointment  of  Sir  Henry  Moore  to  the  government,  and  ^- > 
adjourned  the  assembly  to  the  nineteenth.  1766, 

The  severest  test,  perhaps,  of  public  opinion,  at  this  time, 
is  to  be  found  in  the  governor's  opening  address,  which 
was  brief  and  general,  and  contained  not  the  slightest 
allusion  to  the  existing  troubles.  The  answer  of  the  house 
was  equally  guarded ;  each  party  seeming  to  be  averse  to 
broach  a  topic  that  was  so  unpleasant  to  the  other.  But 
if  the  assembly  was  unwilling  to  allude  in  their  address  to 
that  which  was  now  upon  every  mind,  they  showed  no  indis- 
position to  handle  it  among  themselves.  Among  their  first 
resolutions,  was  one  not  only  approving  the  action  of  the 
committee  in  meeting  with  the  congress  in  October,  but 
tendering  them,  also,  their  warmest  thanks  for  the  part 
which  they  had  taken  in  the  deliberations  of  that  body. 
In  connection  with  this  resolution  they  farther  resolved, 
nemine  contradicente,  "  that  for  obtaining  relief  from  the  ope- 
ration and  execution  of  the  act  of  parliament  called  the 
stamp  act,  humble  petitions  be  presented  to  his  majesty, 
the  house  of  lords  and  the  house  of  commons,  as  nearly 
similar  to  those  drawn  up  by  the  late  congress  as  the  par- 
ticular circumstances  of  the  colony  will  admit  of."  A 
committee  was  therefore  appointed  to  draw  up  the  three 
petitions,  which,  signed  by  ¥m.  Nicoll,  the  speaker,  were 
forwarded,  in  the  name  of  the  house,  to  Mr.  Charles  and 
John  Sargeant,  the  colony's  agents  in  London. 

But  the  action  of  the  assembly  did  not  keep  pace  with 
the  public  requirements ;  at  least  so  thought  the  Sons  of 
Liberty.  On  the  twenty-sixth,  a  sealed  letter  was  handed 
by  an  unknown  person  to  Mr.  Lott,  clerk  of  the  house, 
directed  "  to  mr.  lot,  merch't.  in  new  york,"  and  ran  as 
follows: 

"  On  receiving  you  are  to  read  the  in  closedin  the  open  assem- 
bly of  this  Province  New  York  as  you  are  clark  and  whare  of 
fail  not  on  your  perrel. 

(Signed)  "  freedom." 


262  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.     The  enclosed  letter  was  directed  "  to  the  general  as- 

wY-L'SEMBLY    OF  THE   PROVINCE   OF   NEW   YORK,"    and    Was   ill  the 

1765.  following  words : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  house  of  Representatives,  you  are  to  Con- 
sider what  is  to  be  Done  first  Drawing  of  as  much  money  from 
the  Lieut.  Governor's  Sallery  as  will  Hepare  the  fort,  $  on 
Spike  the  Guns  on  the  Battery  $  the  nex  a  Repeal  of  the  Gun- 
ning Act£  then  there  will  be  a  good  Militia  but  not  before  §  also 
as  you  are  asetting  you  may  consider  of  the  Building  Act  as  it  is 
to  take  place  nex  yeare  which  it  Cannot  for  there  is  no  supply  of 
Some  Sort  of  materials  -Required  this  Law  is  not  Ground  on 
Reasons  but  thar  is  a  great  many  Reasons  to  the  Contrary  so 
Gentlemen  we  desire  you  will  Do  what  lays  in  your  power  for 
the  Good  of  the  public  bid  if  you  take  this  ill  be  not  so  Conceited 
as  to  Say  or  think  that  other  People  know  nothing  about  Govern- 
ment you  have  made  their  laws  and  say  they  are  Right  but  they 
are  Rong  and  take  a  way  Leberty.  Oppressions  of  your  make 
Gentlemen  make  us  Sons  of  Liberty  think  you  are  not  for  the 
Public  Liberty,  this  is  the  General  Opinion  of  the  People  for 
this  part  of   Your  Conduct. 

"  1765  "  by  order  "  Sign'd,  one  ft  all. 

"  NovW.  26 

"FREEDOM." 

Both  of  these  letters, — which,  by  the  way,  bear  on  their 
face,  unmistakable  evidence  of  their  being  designedly 
written  in  this  illiterate  manner,  probably  for  the  greater 
disguise, 1 — were  laid  before  the  house  by  the  clerk,  who 
dared  not  refuse.  But  the  assembly  were  not  disposed  to 
have  any  such  gratuitous  advice ;  nor  was  their  patriotism 
yet  attuned  to  the  same  accord  with  that  of  the  writer. 
However  much,  moreover,  they  might  be  disposed,  them- 
selves, to  criticise  the  unpopular  Colden,  they  did  not 
choose  to  be  instructed  by  the  ironical  suggestion  in  rela- 
tion to  the  lieutenant  governor's  salary   and  the   spiked 

1  The  entire  absence  of  punctuation,   in  the  same  letter  with  the  correct 
♦      ahreviation  of  Sign'd  and  Nov'r.,  and  the  correct  spelling  of  the  more  dif- 
ficult words,  show  clearly  the  marks  of  design. 


LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  263 

guns.     They  therefore  resolved,  that  the  said  letters  were  chap. 
rebellious,    scandalous,    and   seditious;    that  they  werew^ 
designed  to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  good  people  of  the 1765* 
colony  against  their  representatives  ;  and  that  an  address 
should  be   presented  to  the  governor,  requesting  him  to 
offer  a  reward  of  fifty  pounds  for  their  author  or  authors, 
that  they  might  be  brought  to  "  condign  punishment;" — 
pledging  themselves,  at  the  same  time,   to   provide  the 
means  for  defraying  the  above  reward.1 

On  the  third  of  December,  the  governor,  by  Mr.  Ban- 
yar,  sent  down  a  message  to  the  house,  in  which  the  latter 
was  informed  that  by  the  mutiny  act,  passed  during  the  last 
session  of  parliament,  the  expense  of  furnishing  the  king's 
troops  in  America  with  quarters  and  other  necessaries, 
was  to  be  defrayed  by  the  several  colonies.  In  consequence 
thereof,  the  commander-in-chief  had  demanded  that  pro- 
vision should  be  made  for  the  troops,  whether  quartered 
within,  or  marching  through  the  province ;  and  it  was  now 
requested  to  make  provision  accordingly. 

This  request  was  at  this  time  exceedingly  inopportune. 
It  involved  a  question,  which  in  Lord  Loudoun's  time — 
when  the  country  was  engaged  in  a  disastrous  war,  and 
when  therefore  there  was  a  seeming  necessity  for  such  pro- 
vision— had  been  productive  of  ill  feeling,  and  almost  of 
riots.  It  may  readily  be  seen,  therefore,  that  when  no 
such  necessity  existed,  and  when  the  public  mind  was  in 
such  an  excited  state,  the  assembly  were  in  no  mood  to 
comply.  The  message  was  accordingly  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee of  the  whole  house,  of  which  Robert  R.  Livingston 
was  the  chairman.  On  the  nineteenth,  they  reported  against 
it  on  the  following  grounds ; — that  when  his  majesty's 
forces  were  quartered  in  barracks  belonging  to  the  king, 
they  were  always  furnished  with  necessaries  without  any 
expense  to  the  counties  in  which  they  were  quartered ; 
and  that  if  any  expense   was  necessary  for  quartering 

f  Journals  of  the  assembly. 


r 


264  il^fi   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  troops  on  their  march,  and  supplying  them  with  what  was 
s-^-L  required  by  the  act,  the  house  would  consider  thereof 
1765,  after  the  expense  was  incurred.1  Sir  Henry  Moore  was 
too  prudent  a  man  to  press  the  matter  farther ;  and  hav- 
ing satisfied  his  duty  to  the  crown  by  the  formal  demand 
for  quarters,  he  allowed  the  matter  to  drop  for  the  present. 
Numerous  acts  were  passed  during  this  session  ;  among 
which  was  one  for  vesting  the  stone  wall,  erected  during 
the  war  on  the  north  side  of  Albany  for  its  defense,  in 
the  corporation  of  that  city ;  and  another  for  building  a 
pier  in  the  river  to  prevent  damages  by  ice.  After  which 
the  assembly,  having  drawn  up  a  declaration  of  rights  set- 
ting forth  that  his  majesty's  subjects  were  entitled  to  all 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  Englishmen,  not  having  forfeit- 
ed them  by  their  emigration  to  America,  adjourned,  on 
the  twenty-third  of  December,  to  the  following  March. 

What  Were  the  views  of  Sir  William  Johnson  upon  the 
question  which  was  now  agitating  all  classes  of  commu- 
nity ?  This  query  is  an  interesting  one,  not  only  from  the 
prominence  of  the  man,  but  from  the  fact  that  it  has  always 
been  taken  for  granted  that  his  sympathies  must  have  been, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  upon  the  side  of  the  crown.  In 
elucidating  this  point,  I  think  I  am  justified,  after  careful 
investigation,  in  stating,  that  when  the  troubles  between 
the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  first  began,  so  far 
from  giving  the  ministry  an  unreserved  support,  he  was 
decidedly  non-committal.  In  a  letter  to  the  commander- 
in-chief,  under  date  of  September  twelfth,  he  expresses 
himself  upon  the  topic  then  uppermost  in  every  mind,  to 
say  the  least,  in  a  very  equivocal  manner.  "  The  change 
of  men  at  home,"  he  writes,  in  September,  to  General 
Gage,  "  may  have  produced  a  change  of  measures,  and 
the  affairs  of  the  colonies  in  general  may  have  engaged 
x  their  attention,  and  will  doubtless  do  so  much  more,  when 
they  hear  of  the  riotous  conduct  of  some   of  the  Ameri- 

#     — tt  ' 

i  Journals  of  the  assembly. 


BART.  265 

cans,  which  has  proceeded  such  lengths  as  must  give  us  chap. 
reason  to  think  that  any  ministry  will  take  notice  of  it."  ^^L 
Again  in  the  same  letter:  "Although  no  great  part  of  1<65- 
my  landed  estate  was  purchased  from  the  Indians,  neither 
is  it  equal  in  its  whole  extent  to  what  former  secretaries 
for  Indian  affairs  acquired  from  them,  yet  it  is,  perhaps, 
more  improvable  than  many  others  ;  and,  therefore,  having 
a  property  to  lose,  I  cannot  be  supposed  to  think  differ- 
ently from  the  real  interests  of  America ;  yet  as  a  lover  of 
the  British  constitution,  I  shall  retain  sentiments  agreea- 
ble to  it,  although  I  should  be  almost  singular  in  my 
opinion,  and  I  have  great  reason  to  think  that  the  late  trans- 
actions, and  what  is  daily  expected  in  other  colonies,  will 
be  productive  of  dangerous  consequences — as  I  do  not 
enter  into  their  debates,  nor  suffer  myself  to  be  led  by  the 
artful  constructions  of  the  law.  I  know  you  will  excuse 
my  freedom  in  offering  my  thoughts."  l  Again  in  another 
letter  to  a  friend,  he  writes.  "  For  my  part,  I  neither 
wish  us  here  more  power  than  we  can  make  a  good  use  of, 
or  less  liberty  than  we  have  a  right  to  expect." 2 

The  cautious  and  non-committal  tone  of  these  extracts 
is  apparent.  Indeed,  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  one, 
whose  feelings  were  ever  peculiarly  sensitive  to  injustice, 
and  whose  life  was  spent  in  shielding  a  persecuted  race 
from  oppression,  could  have  been  an  uninterested  specta- 
tor of  events  then  occurring.  Very  many  of  his  warm 
personal  friends  in  the  Mohawk  valley,  had  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  colonies ;  and  the  presumption  is,  that  had  not 
his  independence  been  shackled  by  the  honors  of  the 
peerage  and  his  obligations  to  the  crown,  he  would  boldly 
have  advocated  the  side  of  the  people. 

1  Manuscript  letter ;  12  Sept.,  1765. 

2  In  his  correspondence  at  this  time  occurs  also  passages,  of  which  the 
following  are  fair  specimens.  "  I  wish  we  may  always  meet  with  the  mod- 
eration from  the  British  crown."  "I  heartily  congratulate  you  on  the 
repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act."  "  The  crown  must  pay  for  it  [i.e.  the  troubles] 
all  at  last."  "Unless  they  alter  the  Stamp  Act,  we  shall  all  bo  Republi- 
cans."    Exuno  disce. 

34 


266  LIFE   OF   SLR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.     The  Sons  of  Liberty  were  still  in  the  ascendant.     The 

XIII. 

s-v-1*  last  week  in  November,  two  hundred  of  them  crossed  over 
1765.  to  Flushing,  and  compelled  the  Maryland  stamp  distributer, 
who  had  fled  thither  for  safety,  to  sign  a  resignation  of  his 
office.  In  December,  ten  boxes  of  stamps  were  seized  on 
their  arrival  in  port  and  consumed  in  a  bonfire.  "  We 
are  in  a  shocking  situation  at  present,"  wrote  Alexander 
Colden  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  with  whom  the  former 
was  on  terms  of  intimacy,  "  and  God  knows  how  it  will 
end.  Its  not  safe  for  a  person  to  speak,  for  there  is  no 
knowing  friend  from  foe."  * 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Alexander  Colden  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  2d  Decem- 
ber, 1765. 

-' 


■J 


■(. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

1766. 

It  would  have   been  strange   if  Sir  William  Johnson,  chap. 
who  had  risen  from  the  body  of  the  people  to  such  prom-  >-^ 
inence  in  the  colony  by  his   own  ability,   and  who  had,  1'b6* 
moreover,  thwarted  so  many,  in  their  schemes  of  aggrand- 
izement at  the  expense  of  the   Indians,  should  not  have 
presented  a  conspicuous  mark  for  the  envenomed  shafts 
of  malice  and  jealousy.     In  the  beginning  of  this   year, 
reports  were  circulated  that  he  had  incurred  the  royal  dis- 
pleasure,  and  that  he  was  to  be  removed  in  disgrace.     It 
was,  therefore,  with  peculiar  pleasure,  that  he  received,  in 
January,  the  intelligence  that  his  son  John,  upon  his  pre- 
sentation at  court  immediately  on  his  arrival  in  England, 
in  Nov  ember  last,  had  been  created  a  knight. 

The  temperament  of  the  Baronet  was  such  as  to  render 
him  miserable  unless  actively  employed.  Having  there- 
fore a  little  leisure  by  the  termination  of  Indian  hostilities, 
he  turned  his  attention  more  particularly  to  personal  and 
home  matters.  Accordingly,  during  the  spring  months, 
we  find  him  busily  engaged  in  erecting  a  grist  mill  for  his 
tenantry ;  overseeing  the  building  of  an  Episcopal  church 
in  Schenectady,  of  which  he  was  the  patron;  and — having 
taken  a  past-master's  degree  in  March — fitting  up,  at  his 
own  expense,  a  masonic  lodge  at  Johnson  Hall.1  He  also 
built  two  commodious  stone  dwellings  for  his  sons-in-law — 
the  families  of  whom  had  hitherto  resided  at  the  hall — 
into  which  they  removed  the  latter  part  of  March.2 

1  Sir  John  Johnson,  was  the  last  Provincial  Grand  Master  of  the  province 
of  New  York. 

2  With  each  of  these  dwellings  the  Baronet  conveyed  a  farm  of  six  hun- 


268  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  One  would  naturally  imagine  that  these  labors  would 
^y— '  have  occupied  his  whole  attention.  The  thorough  system, 
1766.  }10Wever,  which  he  introduced  into  all  his  affairs,  enabled 
him  to  accomplish  a  great  deal  in  a  little  time;  and  hav- 
ing received  the  appointment  of  commander-in-chief  of 
the  militia  in  the  northern  district  of  New  York,  he  found 
opportunity  not  only  to  make  a  return  of  his  old  regiment 
to  Governor  Moore,  but  to  assist  the  latter  in  reorganizing 
the  state  militia,  which  had  fallen,  since  the  war,  into  a 
chaotic  state.  But  this  was  not  all.  Trade  at  the  differ- 
ent frontier  posts,  owing  to  the  recent  hostilities,  had 
become  completely  broken  up  ;  and  the  regulations  which 
the  Baronet  had  established  on  his  journey  to  Detroit,  in 
1761,  had  now  to  be  modified  and  altered.  The  lords  of 
trade,  moreover,  in  the  spring,  had  directed  the  superin- 
tendent to  curtail  as  much  as  possible  the  expenses  of 
his  department ;  and  in  conformity  with  this  instruction, 
General  Gage,  at  his  suggestion,  ordered  the  post  at  On- 
ondaga and  a  few  blockhouses  in  the  Indian  country,  to  be 
abandoned.  Two  objects  were  thus  attained.  First,  the 
vacating  of  these  posts,  removed  in  a  great  degree  the 
jealousy  of  the  Indians;  and  secondly,  by  concentrating 
the  trade  at  Oswego  and  Niagara,  the  expense  was  greatly 
diminished.  The  frauds  of  the  traders,  also,  having  been 
a  great  source  of  the  unfriendly  feeling  of  the  Indians,  the 
Baronet  determined  to  effect  an  entire  change  in  the  basis 
upon  which  trade  should  in  future  be  conducted.  He 
therefore,  in  the  spring,  appointed  at  Oswego,  Niagara, 
Fort  Pitt,  Detroit,  and  Montreal,  commissaries  of  trade, 
under  whose  supervision  all  trade  should  be  carried  on, 
and  whose  business  it  should  be,  to  redress  grievances 
between  the  whites  and  Indians.  At  the  same  time,  the 
commanders  of  the  several  trading  posts  were  forbidden 

dred  and  forty  acres.  The  dwelling  occupied  by  Guy  Johnson  was  called 
Guy  Park,  and  is  still  [1864]  standing  about  a  mile  above  the  village  of 
Amsterdam.  The  house  occupied  by  Colonel  Claus  burned  down  during 
the  revolution. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  269 

to  allow  any  trader  to  go  among  the  Indian  nations.     By  c^^' 
these  judicious  measures,   those  swarms  of  unprincipled  — v— ' 
traders  that  had  hovered  around  the  forts,  were  scattered    '    ' 
— one  man  of  character,  at  each  post,  transacting  the  entire 
business.     To  further  still  more  this  arrangement,  Croghan 
was  dispatched  in  April  to  the  Illinois,  with  directions  to 
establish  trade  in  that  country  on  the  same  footing.     The 
deputy  accomplished  his  mission  successfully  ;  and  having 
concluded,  in  August,  a  treaty  with   eight  of  the   more 
southern  nations   at  Fort  Chartres,  he   returned  to  New 
York  by  way  of  New  Orleans. 

The  good  effect  of  these  measures  was  soon  apparent. 
Convinced  that  they  were  no  longer  to  be  imposed  upon, 
the  Indians  hastened  to  show  by  their  conduct,  that  they 
appreciated  the  efforts  which  had  been  made  for  their 
benefit.  "The  Indians,"  wrote  Lieutenant  Roberts,  from 
Niagara,  in  July,  to  the  superintendent,  "are  now  very 
honest;  and  a  bateau  of  rum  which  they  recently  dis- 
covered, cast  away  on  Lake  Erie,  they  left  untouched,  and 
communicated  it  immediately  at  this  post."  l 

Opposition  to  the  stamp  act  still  continued.  In  Janu- 
ary, a  committee  from  the  Sons  of  Liberty  waited  upon 
six  persons  in  Albany  and  requested  them  to  take  an  oath 
that  they  would  not  accept  the  office  of  stamp  distributer. 
All  but  Henry  Van  Schaack,  the  Albany  post  master, 
having  complied,  the  mob  went  to  the  latter* s  house,  a  lit- 
tle below  the  city,  broke  the  windows,  furniture,  and  the 
piazza,  and  taking  his  pleasure  sleigh  into  town  consumed 
it  in  a  bonfire.  Alarmed  at  these  demonstrations,  Yan 
Schaack  took  the  required  oath,  and  the  mob  dispersed. 

In  New  York  city,  the  committee  of  which  Isaac  Sears 
was  chairman  were  still  active.     Having  ascertained  by 

1  Manuscript  letters;  John  Brown  to  Johnson,  3d  Jan.,  1766;  Johnson  to 
Duncan,  yth  Jan.,  1766  ;  Wm.  Darlington  to  Johnson,  2d  Feb.,  1766;  John- 
son to  Capt.  McLeod,  15th  March,  1766  ;  B.  Roberts  to  Johnson,  23d  April, 
1766;  Instructions  from  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  to  John  Rosseau,  intepreter, 
1766. 


270  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

CHAP. 
XIV. 

s-^-*  their  secret  agents  in  Philadelphia  that  a  merchant,  Lewis 
1766.  pm^ar(j?  ba(j  sent  t0  that  city  a  mediterranean  pass  and  a 
bond  on  stamped  paper,  they  waited  npon  the  merchant 
and  also  upon  the  naval  officer  wrho  had  given  the  pass  on 
the  twelfth  of  January,  and  compelling  them  to  appear  on 
the  common,  forced  them  to  swear  before  a  crowd  of  eight 
thousand  people,  that  the  passes  which  they  had  signed 
and  delivered  were  not  stamped  to  their  knowledge.  ISTot 
satisfied,  however,  with  this  declaration,  the  committee  con- 
ducted them  to  the  coffee  house,  before  which  a  bonfire 
had  been  kindled,  and  obliged  Pintard  to  commit  the  pass- 
es to  the  flames  with  his  own  hands.  On  the  following 
day,  Governor  Moore,  who,  being  of  a  timid  and  amiable 
nature,  had  a  dread  of  becoming  unpopular,  sent  for  one 
of  the  committee,  and  said,  in  the  course  of  the  conversa- 
tion, that  he  hoped  the  "gentlemen  his  associates,"  did  not 
suspect  him  of  being  cognizant  of  the  mediterranean  pass- 
es. Upon  being  informed  that  they  did  not,  the  Gover- 
nor farther  stated,  that  he  had  solicited  this  interview  to 
assure  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  that  not  only  was  he  ignorant 
of  that  transaction,  but  that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  any  stamps  whatever. 2 

Alarmed  at  the  rapid  growth  of  republican  principles  in 
America,  the  seeds  of  which  had  been  sown  by  its  own 
folly,  parliament,  on  the  eighteenth  of  March,  repealed  the 
obnoxious  act.  The  British  legislature,  however,  yielded 
not  with  a  good  grace.  "  The  colonists,"  wrrote  Sir  Wil- 
liam Baker  to  the  Baronet,  "  must  not  think  that  these 
lenient  methods  were  brought  about  by  the  inducements 
of  their  violence."3    Fearing,  therefore,  that  their  action 

1  Manuscript  letter;  John  Glenn  Jun.   to  Johnson,  7th  Jan.,  1766. 

2  Manuscript  letter ;  Norman  McLeod  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  14th  Jan.,  1766. 

3  "I  hope  the  la3t  session  of  parliament  has  conciliated  the  North  Americans 
to  their  mother  country  ;  but  at  the  same  time  it  must  be  expected  from 
tbem  obedience  to  the  laws  of  this  government.  The  colonists  must  not 
think  these  lenient  methods  made  use  of  by  that  administration  was  brought 
about  by  the  inducement  of  their  violence;  but  was  really  the  effect  of 
conviction  that  the  rash  act  past  the  two  preceding  sessions  were  unwarant. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  271 

would  be  misconstrued,  parliament  hastened,  almost  simul-  chap. 
taneously  with  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  to  pass  a  bill,  w y_> 
declaring  the  absolute  right  of  the  king  and  parliament 1765- 
Ho  bind  the  colonies  and  people  of  America,  subjects  of  the 
crown  of   Great  Britain  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 

In  the  first  delirium  of  delight  at  the  repeal,  the  news 
of  which  was  communicated  to  the  colonists  by  their 
agents,  on  the  sixteenth  of  May,  the  tendency  of  the 
declaratory  act  was  not  heeded.  In  New  York  city, 
especially,  the  populace  seemed  wild  with  joy.  Bells 
were  rung,  a  royal  salute  of  twenty-one  guns  fired,  and 
the  city  illuminated.  On  the  fourth  of  June,  the  king's 
birth  day,  the  governor  had  an  ox  roasted  whole,  a  hogs- 
head of  rum  and  twenty-five  barrels  of  beer  opened,  and  the  peo- 
ple invited  to  join  in  the  feast.  On  the  same  day  a  mast 
was  erected,  inscribed  "  To  his  most  Gracious  Majesty, 
George  the  Third,  Mr.  Pitt,  and  Liberty."  But  the  enthu- 
siasm of  the  people  did  not  end  here.  On  the  twenty- 
third  of  June  a  meeting  was  held,  at  which  a  petition 
was  signed  by  a  majority  of  the  citizens,  requesting  the 
assembly  to  erect  a  statue  to  William  Pitt,  as  a  mark  of 
their  appreciation  of  his  services  in  repealing  the  stamp 
act.  That  body  entered  fully  into  the  feelings  of  the 
people ;  and  besides  complying  with  the  wishes  of  their 
constituents,  in  relation  to  Pitt,  they  made  provision  for 
an  equestrian  statue  to  his  Majesty,  George  the  Third; 
and  also  voted  their  thanks,  and  a  piece  of  plate,  to  John 
Sargeant,  "for  his  services  as  special  agent,"  during  the 
stamp  act  controversy. 

The  opening  speech  of  Governor  Moore  to  the  assem- 
bly, on  the  twelfth  of  June,  began  by  adverting  to  the 
general  satisfaction  diffused  among  the  people  by  the 
repeal  of  >the  stamp  act.  It  was  the  impression  made 
on  the  minds  of  the  people  by  this  act  of  his  majesty's 
favor,   that  had   induced  the  governor,  so  early,  to   call 

able  and  oppressive."     Manuscript  letter;  Sir   Wm.   Baker  to  Johnson,    7th 
Nov.,  1766. 


272 

chap,  the  legislature,  in  order  to  give  them  the  earliest  oppor- 
w^tunity  of  making  those  acknowledgments  of  duty  and 
1766.  submission,  which,  on  such  an  occasion,  his  excellency 
thought  must  arise  in  the  bosom  of  every  iu  dividual. 
It  then  spoke  of  the  impositions  upon  the  credulity 
of  the  people  by  the  misrepresentations  of  artful  and 
designing  men.  "Let  it  be  your  concern,"  it  continued, 
"  to  undeceive  the  deluded,  and  by  your  example,  bring 
back  to  a  sense  of  their  duty,  those  who  have  been 
misled,  that  nothing  which  can  carry  with  it  the  least 
resemblance  of  former  heat  and  prejudice  may  be  suffered 
to  prevail,  and  the  minds  of  those  who  are  too  easily 
agitated  be  again  disposed  to  a  cheerful  obedience  to  the 
laws,  and  to  sentiments  of  respectful  gratitude  to  the 
mother  country."  Their  attention  was  next  directed  to 
the  care  of  those  unfortunate  persons,  who  had  suffered 
from  the  "  licentiouness  of  the  populace  for  their  defer- 
ence to  the  British  legislature,"  and  they  were  requested 
to  make  full  and  ample  compensation  for  the  goods  and 
effects  of  the  sufferers,  that  had  been  destroyed. l  This 
latter  suggestion  was  owing  to  circular  letters  from  the 
minister  to  the  Provincial  governors,  requesting  the  colo- 
nial assemblies  to  show  their  "  respectful  gratitude  for  the 
forbearance  of  parliament,"  by  indemnifying  those  who 
had  suffered  injury  in  attempting  to  execute  the  late  act- 
In  connection  with  the  opening  speech,  petitions  were 
handed  in  by  Lieutenant  Governor  Colden  and  Major 
James,  praying  the  assembly  to  make  good  their  losses  by 
the  recent  riots.  These  petitions  were  thereupon  referred 
to  a  committee  of  the  whole  house,  who  reported  favor- 
ably upon  the  claims  of  Major  James,  but  passed  over  in 
silence  those  of  the  lieutenant  governor  —  very  much  to 
the  chagrin  of  the  latter,  who  forthwith  wrote  a  letter  to 
Conway,  begging  him  to  lay  his  case  before  the  king,  that 
his  losses  might  be  recompensed  by  a  pension. 2 

1  Council  minutes. 

2  Lt.  Gov.  Colden  to  the  minister,  24th  June,  1766. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  273 

The  governor  now  ventured  again  to  request  of  the  chap. 
assembly  its  compliance  with  the  demands  of  the  minis-  s^a* 
try  in  relation  to  the  quartering  of  troops,  a  large  body  of  1766- 
whom  was  shortly  expected  from  England.  But,  although 
the  house  had  joined  with  the  council  in  an  humble 
address  to  the  king  thanking  him  for  the  repeal  of  the 
stamp  act,  and  although,  moreover,  it  was  perfectly  wil- 
ling to  vote  statues  to  his  majesty  and  "William  Pitt,  it 
was  no  more  disposed  to  comply  with  this  demand,  now 
that  parliament  had  yielded  to  its  wishes,  than  it  was  at  the 
previous  session,  when  the  stamp  act  was  in  full  force. 
The  house  accordingly  voted  a  series  of  resolutions  similar 
in  tone  to  those  passed  November,  1765,  and  postponed 
farther  discussion  on  the  subject  until  the  troops  had  ar- 
rived. A  second  message,  however,  from  Sir  Henry  Moore, 
induced  it  to  alter  its  determination  so  far,  as  to  state  that 
the  appropriations  of  1762  were  at  his  disposal,  and  might 
be  applied  towards  providing  barracks,  fire-wood,  and 
candles  for  two  battalions  and  one  company  of  artillery 
for  one  year.  Beyond  this,  however,  it  would  not  go ;  and 
the  governor,  while  he  was  obliged  to  be  content  with  this 
decision,  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  the  lords  of  trade, 
that  its  partial  compliance  was  more  the  result  of  com- 
pulsion, than  of  gratitude  for  recent  favors ;  and  that,  in 
his  opinion,  every  act  of  parliament,  unless  backed  by  a 
sufficient  power  to  enforce  it,  would  meet  with  the  same 
fate.1 

The  time  had  now  arrived  for  the  promised  visit  of  the 
Ottawa  king.  Fearing,  however,  that  he  might  fail  to 
keep  his  engagement,  Sir  William  Johnson  had  dispatched, 
in  March,  Hugh  Crawford  with  belts  and  messages  to 
Pontiac  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Ottawas,  Hurons,  Chippe- 
was  and  Pottawattamies,  with  orders  to  accompany  the 
delegation  to  Oswego  as  a  body  guard.  Indeed,  it  requir- 
ed no  little  courage  on  the  part  of  Pontiac,   to  venture 

1  Sir  Henry  Moore  to  the  lords  of  trade,  20th  June,  1766. 
35 


274  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  so  far  east,  among  those  who  regarded  his  name  as  a 
v— v— t  synonym  of  horror.  Several  Indians  moreover,  had  been 
1766.  recently  murdered  by  the  relentless  borderers  of  the 
Pennsylvanian  frontier,  which  fact  the  French  traders  had 
not  failed  to  use  in  their  assertions  to  Pontiac,  that  the 
English  would  never  suffer  him  to  return  alive.  That 
Pontiac  himself  was  greatly  influenced  by  these  insidious 
efforts  to  prevent  his  journey,  is  evident  from  a  circum- 
stance which  occured  while  he  was  at  Port  Erie  on  his 
way  eastward.  Just  after  his  arrival  at  that  post,  on  the 
twenty-seventh  of  June,  a  few  of  the  garrison  tired  at  a 
flock  of  pigeons.  Hearing  the  report  of  the  shots,  so 
soon  upon  his  entrance  into  the  fort,  Pontiac  started 
in  evident  trepidation,  and  it  was  not  until  after  many 
assurances  from  the  commanding  officer,  that  he  was 
divested  of  the  idea  of  treachery. x  At  Fort  Schlosser, 
which  was  reached  on  the  last  day  of  June,  Pontiac  and 
his  warriors  were  furnished  with  a  bountiful  supply  of 
tobacco ;  and  carrying  their  birchen  canoes  over  the  port- 
age, they  launched  them  upon  Lake  Ontario,  and  soon 
arrived  at  their  destination. 

At  Oswego,  while  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  superintend- 
ent, the  party  were  hospitably  entertained  by  Norman 
McLeod,  the  Niagara  commissary.  The  attendance  of  the 
Baronet  was  necessarily  delayed.  Being  desirous  of  hav- 
ing present  at  the  expected  council  a  few  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations,  for  the  purpose  of  allaying  any  jealousy  which 
his  conference  with  the  western  nations  might  excite,  he  had 
dispatched,  in  June,  Captain  John  Butler  to  the  castles  of 
the  Confederacy,  inviting  them  to  Oswego.  The  Mohawks, 
however,  who  had  promised  to  be  in  readiness  to  start 
with  him  by  the  last  of  June,  were  found,  when  the  time 
arrived,  in  a  beastly  state  of  intoxication,  produced  by 
George  Klock,  who  had  thus  taken  his  usual  preliminary 
step  in  some  land  negotiations.  A  slight  indisposition  also 


i  Manuscript  letter;  John  Carden  (commander  at  Erie)  to  Johnson,  30th 
June,  1766. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 


275 


detained  him,  so  that  it  was  not  until  almost  the  twentieth  chap. 
of  July  that  he  reached  Oswego. l  sh 

The  twenty-third  of  July,  was  the  day  appointed  for  the  1766- 
council.  As  may  be  supposed,  every  effort  was  made  to 
invest  the  present  occasion  with  as  much  augustness  as 
possible.  Covenants,  solemn  and  lasting,  were  now  to  be 
entered  into  between  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  a 
chieftain  by  far  the  most  powerful  that  ever  trod  the  forest 
glades,  and  one,  also,  whose  beck  could  at  pleasure  sum- 
mon legions  of  painted  warriors  upon  the  war  path,  or 
send  them  cowering  to  their  wigwams.  As  it  was  now 
the  warmest  of  summer  weather,  the  council  was  held  in  the 
open  air ;  the  assembly  being  protected  from  the  rays  of 
the  sun,  by  an  awning  of  evergreens.  Indeed  the  appear- 
ance of  the  council  upon  that  summer's  morning  was  ex- 
ceedingly picturesque.  At  one  end  of  the  leafy  canopy 
the  manly  form  of  the  superintendent,  wrapped  in  his 
scarlet  blanket  bordered  with  gold  lace,  and  surrounded 
by  the  glittering  uniforms  of  the  British  officers,  was  seen 
with  hand  extended  in  welcome  to  the  great  Ottawa,  who, 
standing  erect  in  conscious  power,  his  rich  plumes  waving 
over  the  circle  of  his  warriors,  accepted  the  proffered  hand, 
with  an  air  in  which  defiance  and  respect  were  singularly 
blended.  Around,  stretched  at  length  upon  the  grass,  lay 
the  proud  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  gazing  with  curious 
eye  upon  the  man  who  had  come  hundreds  of  miles  to 
smoke  the  calumet  with  their  beloved  superintendent. 

After  the  salutations  of  welcome  had  been  interchanged, 
and  the  council  opened  by  the  usual  ceremony  of  present- 
ing three  strings  of  wampum,  Sir  William  condoled  the 
Hurons  on  the  death  of  their  great  sachem  Aughstaghregi, 
covered  his  grave  with  a  black  belt  of  wampum,  and 
dismissed  the  meeting  for  the  day. 

On  the  twenty-fourth,  as  soon  as  the  chiefs  were  all  seated, 
the   superintendent   lighted   the  great  calumet  of  peace, 

1  Manuscript  report  of  John  Butler  to  Sir  Wni.  Johnson,  30  June,  1766; 
Johnson  to  the  lords  of  trade,  20  Aug.,  1766. 


276  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  which  Pontiac  had  sent  to  him  hy  Croghan,  and  having 
3vL  taken  a  whiff  from  its  hieroglyphic  stem,  passed  it  around 
!766.  to  every  chief  in  turn.     Then  amid  the  profound  silence 
of  his  auditors,  he  stood  up,  and  having  "  opened  the  door 
and  made  the  road  clear  and  smooth"  by  a  belt,  he  thank- 
ed them  for  their  kindness  to  his  deputy,  the  previous  sum- 
mer, and  for  their  disapprobation  of  the  conduct  of  those 
who  had  endeavored,  at  that  time,  to  "  obstruct  the  good 
work  of  peace."     "  I  have  now,"  he  continued,  "  with  the 
.  approbation  of  General  Gage  (your  father's  chief  warrior 
in  this  country)  invited   you  here  in  order  to  confirm  and 
strengthen  your  proceedings  with  Mr.  Croghan  last  year. 
I  hope  that  you  will  remember  all  that  then  passed,  and  I 
desire  that  you  will  often  repeat  it  to  your  young  people, 
and  keep  it  fresh  in  your  minds. 

"  Children,  you  begin  already  to  see  the  fruits  of  peace, 
from  the  number  of  traders  and  plenty  of  goods  at  all  the 
garrisoned  posts ;  and  our  enjoying  the  peaceable  posses- 
sion of  the  Illinois  will  be  found  of  great  advantage  to 
the  Indians  in  that  country.  You  likewise  see  that  proper 
officers,  men  of  honor  and  probity,  are  appointed  to  reside 
at  the  posts,  to  prevent  abuses  in  trade,  to  hear  your  com- 
plaints, and  to  lay  before  me  such  of  them  as  they  cannot 
redress.  Interpreters  likewise  are  sent  for  the  assistance 
of  each  of  them;  and,  smiths  are  sent  to  the  posts  to 
repair  your  arms  and  implements.  All  this,  which  is 
attended  with  great  expense,  is  now  done  by  the  great 
king  your  father,  as  a  proof  of  his  regard ;  so  that,  casting 
from  you  all  jealousy  and  apprehension,  you  should  now 
strive  with  each  other  who  should  show  the  most  gratitude 
to  this  best  of  princes.  I  do  now,  therefore,  confirm  the 
assurances  which  I  give  you  of  his  majesty's  good  will, 
and  do  insist  on  your  casting  away  all  evil  thoughts,  and 
shutting  your  eyes  against  all  flying  idle  reports  of  bad 

people." 

Allusion  was  then  made  to  the  murders  lately  committed 
on  the  borders  by  the  frontiersmen  ;  and  while  they  were 


LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  277 

assured  that  no  pains  would  be  spared  to  bring  tbe  offend-  chap- 
ers  to  justice,  they  were  reminded  that  the  people  of  the  w^_, 
border  had  been  made  frantic  by  the  barbarities  that  their 1766- 
kindred  had  suffered,  during  the  late  war,  by  the  Indians 
themselves.  Hunting  and  trade  were  then  recommended, 
and  the  efforts  which  had  been  made  for  their  protection 
against  fraud  again  adverted  to.  "I  now,"  he  added  in 
conclusion,  "  with  this  belt  turn  your  eyes  to  the  sunrising, 
where  you  will  always  find  me  your  sincere  friend ;  and 
from  me  you  will  always  hear  what  is  good  and  true.  I 
charge  you,  therefore,  never  more  to  listen  to  those  bad 
birds,  who  come  with  lying  tongues  to  lead  you  astray 
and  to  make  you  break  the  solemn  engagements  you  have, 
in  the  presence  of  the  Great  Spirit  (who  detests  liars) 
entered  into  with  the  great  king  your  father  and  his  peo- 
ple. Be  strong  then,  and  lay  fast  hold  of  the  chain  of 
friendship  with  the  English,  that  your  children,  imitating 
your  example,  may  be  a  prosperous  and  happy  people." 

As  soon  as  Sir  William  had  finished,  Pontiac  thanked 
him  for  his  speech,  every  paragraph  of  which,  he  said,  was 
good,  and  promised  his  reply  on  the  following  morning. 

The  next  day  Atheriata, '  the  Huron  speaker,  opened 
the  meeting  with  a  short  address  on  behalf  of  the  nations 
residing  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Detroit,  who,  he  said, 
desired  that  Mr.  Crawford  should  be  appointed  to  assist 
Mr.  Hay  in  his  duties  as  commissary  at  Detroit.  As  soon 
as  he  had  ended,  Pontiac  resumed  his  reply: 

"  Father :  Let  us  thank  the  Supreme  Being  for  enabling 
us  to  meet  together  on  so  fine  and  clear  a  day  as  this ;  it 
seems  as  if  it  was  with  his  approbation  we  are  met.  I  am 
now  speaking  on  behalf  of  all  the  western  nations  I  com- 
mand, and  in  their  name  take  you  by  the  hand.     You  may 

1  Spelled  thus  in  the  original  manuscript  minutes  of  this  council,  in  my 
possession.  It  is  also  written  Teata  and  Tiata.  He  survived  this  council 
but  a  short  time,  as  appears  from  the  following  extract :— Tiata,  the  Huron 
speaker,  who  was  at  Oswego  with  me,  died  at  Fort  Erie  of  a  hard  drinking 
bout,  though  the  Indians  say  that  a  Po.ttawattamy  poisoned  or  bewitched 
him."     Manuscript  letter ;  Johnson  to  Colonel  Clam,  10  Sept.,  1766 


278  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  be  assured  that  whatever  I  now  agree  upon  will  be  a  law 
J^Il,  to  them,  and  I  take  the  Almighty  to  witness,  that  what  I 
1766-  am  going  to  say  I  am  determined  steadfastly  to  perform  ; 
for  it  seems  that  he  who  made  the  universe  would  have  it 
so.  "While  I  had  the  French  king  by  the  hand,  I  kept  a 
fast  hold  of  it;  and  now  having  you,  father,  by  the  hand,  I 
still  do  the  same,  in  conjunction  with  all  the  western 
nations  in  my  district,  whom  I  shall  acquaint  with  every 
transaction  of  this  congress  as  soon  as  I  return,  and  who 
will  readily  comply  with  any  thing  I  desire." 

At  this  point,  he  handed  to  Sir  William  a  large  belt  of 
six  rows  of  wampum. 

" Father :  We  sincerely  thank  you  for  your  goodness  in 
supplying  us  so  plentifully  with  merchandize,  which  is  a 
sure  means  of  maintaining  a  good  understanding  between 
us.  It  gives  us  great  pleasure  to  hear  that,  in  future, 
traders  will  not  be  allowed  to  straggle  through  the  woods 
to  trade  with  us ;  and  that  they  are  to  trade  only  at  the 
posts,  under  the  immediate  inspection  of  the  commissaries. 
"Father :  When  you  address  me,  it  is  the  same  as  if  you 
addressed  all  the  nations  of  the  west.  This  belt,  (hold- 
ing a  large  belt  over  the  chain  belt  given  the  previous 
day)  covers  and  defends  your  belt,  to  the  end  that  if  any 
nation  attempts  to  disturb  the  peace  now  so  firmly  estab- 
lished, we  may  feel  it  first  and  give  you  notice  and  assist- 
ance. You  told  us,  father,  to  look  towards  the  rising 
sun  ;  we  cheerfully  comply  with  your  desire,  and  on  my 
return  home,  I  shall  direct  all  the  nations  I  command,  to 
do  the  same,  and  look  towards  their  father,  so  that  stretch- 
ing out  their  hands  they  can  always  take  hold  of  his." 

Several  days  were  thus  occupied  in  speeches  and  inter- 
changes of  good  feeling ;  and  on  the  last  day  of  August, 
Sir  William  having  given  to  each  chief  a  silver  medal, 
with  the  inscription,  "a  pledge  of  peace  and  friendship 
with  Great  Britain,  confirmed  in  1766,"  Pontiac  and  his 
warriors  again  launched  their  canoes,  loaded  with  presents, 
upon  Lake  Ontario ;  and  keeping  time  with  their  paddles 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  279 

to  a  wild  and  strange  melody,  they  were  soon  lost  to  sight  chap. 
on  the  waste  of  waters. *  ^—v— 

The  Baronet  tarried  a  day  longer  to  calm  the  Six  Nations, 1766- 
who  were  greatly  exasperated  at  a  recent  murder,  by  a 
white,  of  an  unoffending  Oneida  at  Minisink ;  and  on  the 
fifth  of  August,  arrived  at  Johnson  Hall.  "Every  thing," 
he  wrote  a  few  days  afterward,  "  is  settled  to  my  entire 
satisfaction  with  Pontiac  and  the  western  chiefs,  on  whose 
fidelity  I  think  I  can  safely  rely."  The  writer  was  not 
deceived  in  the  sincerity  of  Pontiac  ;  for  while  that  rude 
savage,  in  December,  was  refusing  a  belt  from  the  French 
inviting  him  to  fall  upon  the  English,  Major  Eogers,  the 
ranger  of  St.  Sacrement,  was  planning  the  delivery  of 
Michilimackinac  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards. 2 

Upon  his  return  home,  the  Baronet  found  a  letter  from 
the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  tendering  him  the  king's  thanks 
for  his  able  management  of  the  Indian  department,  and 
also  one  from  Sir  Henry  Moore,  announcing  the  writer's 
intention  of  paying  him  a  visit  toward  the  close  of  Sep- 
tember. 

1  The  career  of  Pontiac  was  brought  to  an  untimely  end  in  the  spring  of 
1769,  by  the  tomahawk  of  an  Illinois  Indian.  Some  writers  have  attribute 
ed  his  murder,  to  the  jealousy  with  which  he  was  regarded  by  the  Indians 
themselves,  while  Parkman,  in  his  elaborate  history  of  Pontiac's  conspiracy* 
says,  that  his  assassin  was  instigated  to  the  deed  by  an  English  trader  of 
the  name  of  Williamson.  Although  this  latter  author  is  unquestionably  the 
best  authority,  upon  this  point,  yet  it  may  be  of  interest,  in  connection  with 
the  former  of  these  statements,  to  give  an  extract  from  a  manuscript  letter 
to  the  Baronet  from  Norman  McLeod,  written  from  Oswego  under  date  of 
Aug.  4,  1766,  four  days  after  Pontiac  had  left  for  the  west.  McLeod  says  ; 
14  Last  night  Mon.  Degur  arrived  here  from  Detroit.  He  tells  me  its 
firmly  believed  at  that  place,  that  Pontiac  is  to  receive  10  shillings  sterling 
a  day,  from  the  crown  of  Great  Britain.  It  seems  this  report  has  been 
raised  by  his  enemies  to  create  a  jealousy  among  the  Indians  that  will 
end  in  his  ruin.  The  Frenchman  offered  to  lay  me  a  bet,  that  Pontiac 
would  be  killed  in  less  than  a  year,  if  the  English  took  so  much  notice  of 
him." 

2  Rogers  was  appointed,  very  much  against  the  judgment  of  the  Baronet, 
to  the  command  of  Michilimakinac  by  General  Gage,  in  the  spring  of 
this  year. — Manuscript  correspondence  of  Johnson  and  Gage,  1766-66. 


280  LIFE   OF   SIB   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.     Meanwhile  troubles  had    arisen   in    Dutchess   county, 

XIV.  .  . 

\_^— i  which,  although  in  no  way  connected  with  the  issues 
1766-  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country,  at  first 
threatened  serious  consequences.  In  the  beginning  of 
this  year,  the  Stockbridge  Indians,  feeling  themselves 
aggrieved  by  the  intrusion,  as  they  claimed,  of  some  of  the 
people  of  Dutchess  upon  their  lands,  applied  through 
eight  of  their  sachems,  to  Governor  Moore  for  redress. 
The  latter,  wholly  disposed  to  act  fairly  in  the  matter, 
ordered  notices  to  be  served  upon  the  trespassers  sum- 
moning them  before  the  council,  promising  the  sachems, 
that  when  they  should  give  him  proof  of  such  service,  he 
would  appoint  a  day  for  hearing  their  complaint.  This 
course,  however,  was  too  slow  for  the  Indians,  who  in  July, 
— feeling  perhaps  that  their  claims  would  not  bear  investi- 
gation, broke  into  the  houses  of  the  alleged  trespassers, 
and  turned  their  families  out  of  doors.  As  is  generally 
the  case  on  such  occasions,  several  of  the  vagabond  class 
of  whites,  ever  ready  for  a  fray,  joined  the  rioters,  and 
committed  acts  of  violence  throughout  the  country.  The 
excitement  soon  extended  into  Albany  county;  and  the 
mob,  now  grown  to  formidable  dimensions,  threatened  to 
attack  New  York  city,  and,  indeed,  actually  began  their 
march  thither.  In  this  exigency,  the  governor  wrote  to  the 
superintendent,  who  was  then  at  Oswego,  requesting  his 
influence  in  quelling  the  disturbance ;  and  at  the  same  time, 
General  Gage  ordered  up,  to  meet  the  insurgents,  the 
twenty-eighth  regiment,  which  had  just  arrived  from  Eng- 
land. The  appearance  of  the  troops  soon  brought  the 
rioters  to  reason ;  and  having  succeeded — though  not  with- 
out some  bloodshed — in  restoring  order,  they  returned  to 
New  York  with  the  chief  ringleaders  of  the  rebellion.1 

The  boundary  between  the  provinces  of  New  York  and 
Quebec  was  still   undetermined,    and   although,    shortly 

1  Governor  Moore  to  the  Minister,  14  July,  1766.    Governor  Moore  to  the 
lords  of  trade,  12  August,  1766. 


LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  281 

after  the  peace  of  17  63,  the  king  had  fixed  the  line  at  the  chap. 
forty-fifth  degree  of  latitude,  yet  the  unsettled   state  of  w^-L, 
the  country  had  hitherto  prevented  any  farther  steps  toward  1766- 
its    adjustment.     Instructions,    however,     having    been 
received  in   the   spring,   to   delay  the  survey  no  longer, 
Governor  Moore  set  out,  .at  the  close  of  August,  for  Lake 
Champlain,  accompanied  by  Brigadier  Carleton, — who  had 
lately  been  appointed  lieutenant  governor  of  Quebec,1 — 
and  an  accomplished  surveyor.  At  the  foot  of  the  lake  the 
party  were  joined  by  the  deputy  surveyor  of  Canada,  and 
after  a  careful  survey  of  three  weeks,  the  division  line  was 
fixed  in  the  river  Sorel  about  two  miles  and  a  half  below 
Windmill  point.2 

On  his  return,  Sir  Henry  Moore  made  his  promised 
visit  to  the  Baronet,  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  daughter, 
and  remained  at  Johnson  Hall  four  days.  The  principal 
object  of  this  visit  was,  to  purchase  some  land,  for  him- 
self, General  Gage,  and  Lord  Holland,  with  the  intention 
of  settling  it  with  emigrants  from  Europe.  In  anticipa- 
tion of  this,  the  Baronet  had  summoned  the  Oneidas — 
from  whom  it  was  proposed  to  purchase  the  land — to  meet 
the  governor ;  and  the  former  had  just  communicated  to 
the  Indians  a  proclamation  of  Governor  Franklin,  of  New 
Jersey,  offering  a  reward  of  one  hundred  dollars,  for  the 
apprehension  of  the  murderer  of  the  Oneida  at  Minisink, 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  to  Johnson,  20  June,  1767. 

"Governor  Moore  to  the  lords  of  trade,  7  Nov.,  1766. 

Governor  Moore  to  the  minister,  8  Nov.,  1766. 

Ibid,  Dec,  1767. 

The  veritable  boundary  stone  which  was  set  up  during  this  survey  between 
New  York  and  Quebec,  is  now  [1864]  in  the  agricultural  rooms  at  Albany, 
N.  Y.,  having  been  presented  by  Jasper  Curtis,  of  St.  Albans.  It  is  a  shell 
lime  stone,  and  has  in  quaint  lettering,  the  word  Quebec  engraved  on  the  one 
side,  and  New  York  upon  the  other.  The  boundary  commissioners,  in  locat- 
ing the  line  under  the  Webster  and  Ashburton  treaty  of  1842,  placed  an  iron 
monument  in  its  place.  It  is  a  singular,  as  well  as  an  interesting  fact,  as 
showing  the  accuracy  of  the  surveys,  that  at  the  ti  ae  of  running  the  lines 
in  1842,  the  surveyors  ran  on  to  this  very  stone,  and  that  too,  without  hav- 
ing had  any  knowledge  of  its  location.  I  am  indebted  for  this  curious  fact 
to  B.  P.  Johnson  Esq.,  secretary  of  the  N.  Y.  Agricultural  Society. 

36 


* 


282  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

CxivP"  wnen  tne  latter  arrived.  After  considerable  negotiation, 
w^— >  a  purchase  was  consummated  of  a  tract  of  two  hundred 
1766.  thousand  acres,  lying  on  the  north  side  of  the  Mohawk, 
above  the  German  Flats.  The  Oneidas,  however,  while 
they  .assented  to  the  sale  with  seeming  willingness, 
requested,  with  great  simplicity,  that  they  might  not  be 
asked  "  to  sell  any  more."  This  purchase  was  subsequently 
divided  into  five  shares;  the  three  original  purchasers 
retaining  each  one  fifth,  and  the  Baronet,  and  a  Mr.  Hasen- 
clever,  the  other  two  shares.1  Having  finished  this  trans- 
action, Governor  Moore  distributed  a  few  presents  among 
the  Indians,  and  hastened  home  to  prepare  for  the  meet- 
ing of  the  general  assembly. 

The  joyous  feelings  which  had  followed  the  repeal  of  the 
stamp  act  was  of  not  long  continuance.  Hardly  had  the 
first  gratulations  of  victory  passed,  and  sober  reflection 
taken  its  place,  when  the  declaratory  act,  in  all  its  ominous 
proportions,  loomed  up,  overshadowing  the  public  mind 
with  gloomy  forbodings.  The  persistent  attempt,  more- 
over, to  force  the  province  into  a  compliance  with  the 
mutiny  act — an  act,  which  to  thinking  men,  seemed 
intended  to  provide  the  nucleus  of  a  standing  army — 
alarmed  all  classes ;  and  secret  leagues  were  at  once  formed 
in  most  of  the  colonies,  the  object  of  which  was  to  further 
union  of  council  in  resisting  oppression.  The  partial 
compliance  of  the  assembly,  to  the  requisition  of  the 
governor  for  quarters,  had  been  exceedingly  distasteful  to 
the  Sons  of  Liberty,  who,  upon  the  arrival  of  the  troops, 
made  no  disguise  of  their  feelings.  Mutual  animosities 
accordingly  arose  between  the  citizens  and  soldiery,  which 
soon  culminated  in  open  acts  of  hostility.  On  the  tenth 
of  August,  some  of  the  troops,  exasperated  at  the  people, 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  Colden,  8  Nov.,  1766. 

Manuscript  letter ;  Hasenclever  to  Johnson,  1766. 

Mr.  Lossing  in  his  Life  of  Schuyler,  states  that  Schuyler  was  associated 
with  Moore,  in  the  purchase  of  lands  this  year,  near  Fort  Stanwix.  That, 
however,  must  have  been  another  transaction,  as  Schuyler's  name  does  not 
appear  in  this. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  283 

to  whose  influence  they  attributed  the  action  of  the  assem-  chap. 
bly  in  depriving  them  of  their  liquor,  cut  down  the  flag-  wY— / 
staff1,  which,  with  so  much  apparent  unanimity,  had  been 1766- 
dedicated  to  "  Pitt  and  Liberty."  The  following  evening, 
while  the  citizens  were  preparing  to  reerect  the  pole,  they 
were  assaulted  by  the  soldiers  with  drawn  bayonets,  and 
several  of  them,  among  whom  was  Isaac  Sears,  were 
wounded.  Governor  Moore,  who  heartily  wished  the 
troops  away,  attempted,  with  General  Gage,  to  restrain 
these  outrages,  and,  to  some  extent,  succeeded ;  but  the 
officers,  intent  upon  gratifying  their  private  malice,  winked 
at  the  conduct  of  their  men,  who  thus  encouraged,  became 
more  violent  than  ever.  Several  dwellings  of  the  poorer 
class,  situated  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  were  broken  into, 
on  the  twenty-third  of  October;  and,  on  the  third  day  of 
November,  the  domestic  sanctuary  of  an  honest  drayman 
was  entered  by  a  soldier,  who,  while  he  wounded  its  occu- 
pant, hesitated  not  to  hamstring  his  horse,  upon  which  he 
relied  for  his  daily  bread. 

These  licentious  proceedings  were  not  calculated  to 
dispose  the  assembly  any  more  favorably  to  the  attempt 
to  quarter  the  obnoxious  red-coats  at  their  expense. 
Accordingly,  when,  on  the  seventeenth  of  November, 
Governor  Moore  laid  before  that  body,  instructions  from 
the  minister,  informing  them  of  the  king's  displeasure  at 
their  conduct ;  their  absolute  duty  to  obey  the  acts  of 
parliament ;  and  of  his  wish  that  provision  for  the  troops 
should  be  immediately  made,  they  refused  outright  to  make 
farther  provision,  choosing  to  interpret  the  act  as  referring 
solely  "to  soldiers  on  the  march."  On  this  refusal, 
Governor  Moore  waited  upon  the  house,  and  endeavored 
to  prevail  upon  them  to  alter  their  determination.  His 
efforts,  however,  were  unavailing;  and  having,  by  the 
defiant  attitude  thus  assumed,  no  other  alternative  left,  he 
prorogued  the  assembly  on  the  nineteenth  of  December.1 

1  Governor  Moore  to  the  duke  of  Richmond,  23  Aug.,  1766. 
Governor  Moore  to  the  lords  of  trade,  19  Dec,  1766. — Holt. 


284  LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.  The  Paxton  men,  notwithstanding  the  proclamations 
v-v— '  of  the  governors  of  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  recom- 
1766.  mending  kindness  and  humanity  to  the  Indians,  still  con- 
tinued their  bloody  work  upon  the  frontiers.  Blinded  by 
their  passions,  they  thought  of  nothing  but  revenge  for 
past  injuries ;  and  every  scalp  taken,  was  so  much  to  be 
placed  to  the  credit  side  of  the  bloody  account.  Yet  while 
pursuing  this  course,  they  seemed  conscious  that  they 
were  drawing  down  a  terrible  retribution ;  and,  in  the  fall, 
many  of  them  left  their  farms  and  again  withdrew  into 
the  larger  towns  for  protection.  Their  conduct,  in  truth, 
gave  reason  to  fear  a  renewal  of  Indian  hostilities.  Mutter- 
ings  were  again  heard  among  the  tribes ;  and  when,  in 
Pecember,  a  party  of  Tuscaroras,  returning  from  Carolina, 
were  robbed  of  their  horses  at  Paxton,  the  clouded  brows 
of  the  haughty  chieftains  presaged  fearful  vengeance. 
Even  the  Baronet  felt  powerless  to  avert  the  storm.  "Mur- 
ders," he  wrote,  "are  now  daily  committed  on  the  fron- 
tiers, and  I  fear  that  an  Indian  war  is  inevitable." 1 


1  Manuscript  letter ;  Johnson  to  O'Brien. —  Johnson  to  the  minister,  16 
Deo.,  1766. 


CHAPTEK  XV. 

1767. 

Already  the  British  cabinet  regretted  the  repeal  of  the  chap. 
stamp  act;  and  the  project  of  taxing  America  was  again v-^l/ 
resumed.  The  extravagant  demonstrations  of  delight,  1767. 
manifested  by  the  colonists  at  the  repeal,  had  been  regard- 
ed by  British  statesmen  with  ill  concealed  disgust.  The 
still  stronger  exhibitions  of  joy  upon  the  anniversary  of 
the  repeal  did  not  abate  this  feeling ;  and  when,  in  May, 
the  news  was  received  that  Georgia,  following  in  the  wake 
of  New  York,  had  also  declined  obedience  to  the  mutiny 
act,  their  chagrin  at  having  yielded  became  open  and  undis- 
guised. Pitt,  Camden,  and  Conway,  it  is  true,  protested 
against  taxation  ;  but  the  former,  no  longer  the  great  com- 
moner, but  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  had  lost,  from  the  day 
on  which  he  had  taken  his  seat  in  the  house  of  lords,  his 
popularity,  and  with  it  his  influence :  Camden  and  Conway 
were  unreliable:  and  Charles  Townshend,  the  chancellor 
of  the  exchequer,  with  Grenville,  was  thus  left  to  mature  his 
favorite  scheme  of  replenishing  the  finances  at  the  expense 
of  the  colonies.  Accordingly,  in  May,  Townshend,  taking 
advantage  of  the  absence  of  Chatham  (caused  by  a  tempo- 
rary indisposition)  introduced  a  bill  into  the  house  of  com- 
mons, imposing  a  duty  on  all  paper,  glass,  tea,  and  painter's 
colors,  imported  into  the  colonies.  The  preamble  of  the 
bill  set  forth  that  "it  is  expedient  that  a  revenue  should  be 
raised  in  his  majesty's  dominions  in  America,  for  making 
a  more  certain  and  adequate  provision  for  defraying  the 
charge  of  the  administration  of  justice,  and  the  support  of 
civil  government,  in  those  provinces  where  it  shall  be  found 
necessary;  and  towards  farther  defraying  the  expenses  of 


chap,  defending,  protecting,  and  securing  the  said  dominions." 
v—v— *  In  its  passage  through  parliament,  the  bill  met  with  scarce- 
1767.  \y  anv  opposition,  and  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  it 
received  the  cordial  assent  and  signature  of  the  king. 
This  was  shortly  followed  by  another,  "  to  establish  com- 
missioners of  customs  in  America,"  and  also  by  one  "  to 
compensate  the  stamp  officers  who  had  been  deprived  by 
the  people."  But  by  far  the  most  important  in  its  conse- 
quences was  still  another,  which  received  the  royal  assent 
*  upon  the  twenty-ninth,  and  which  declared  that  the  func- 
tions of  the  assembly  of  New  York  were  henceforth  an- 
nulled— the  governor  and  council  being  forbidden  to  give 
their  assent  to  any  act  passed  by  that  body,  "  until  the 
mutiny  act  was  unequivocally  acknowledged  and  submitted 
to."  The  rebellious  people  of  the  colonies,  said  the 
authors  of  this  act,  must  be  brought  to  unqualified  sub- 
mission, and  the  supremacy  of  parli  ment  be  maintained. 
This  latter  act,  by  far  the  deadliest  blow  that  had  yet 
been  struck  at  their  liberties,  excited  the  utmost  conster- 
nation throughout  the  American  provinces.  It  was  at 
once  seen,  that  if  parliament  could  at  pleasure  disfranchize 
a  sister  colony,  the  same  fate  might  at  any  moment  over- 
take the  others.  "  This  act,"  wrote  Richard  Henry  Lee 
of  Virginia,  "  hangs  like  a  flamings  word  over  our  heads, 
and  requires,  by  all  means,  to  be  removed."  The  citizens 
of  Boston,  sympathizing  deeply  with  the  people  of  New 
York,  expressed  in  no  measured  terms  their  indignation 
of  what  they  styled  ministerial  tyranny.  Tyranny  it  indeed 
was,  and  of  the  most  inexcusable  kind,  inasmuch  as  it 
was  not,  as  some  have  supposed,  a  tyranny  into  which  the 
British  ministry  were  led  blindly,  or  through  ignorance  of 
the  consequences.  "  It  is  strange,"  says  an  elegant  Eng- 
lish writer,"  that  the  British  government  should  not  have 
been  apprehensive  of  the  great  and  increasing  danger 
of  the  predicament  in  which  its  colonial  dominion  was 
involved."1     It  is   not,  however,  strange.      The   British 

1  Graham.  < 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  287 

government  did  it  with  open  eyes,  and  clearly  forsaw  the  chap. 
results  toward  which  its  colonial  policy  was  fast  tend-  v-^— * 
ing ;  for  while,  in  the  spring  of  this  year,  the  chancellor  of  176L 
the  exchequer  was  pushing  forward  his  schemes  of  taxation, 
General  Gage  was  putting  Fort  George,  Ticonderoga,  and 
Crown  Point  on  a  thorough  war  footing,  and  Carleton, 
the  lieutenant  governor  of  Canada,  was  adding  new  defen- 
ces to  Quebec.1  "These  measures,"  wrote  the  latter  to 
the  commander-in-chief,  "  will  link  these  two  provinces 
— New  York  and  Quebec —  so  strongly  together,  as  will 
add  great  security  to  both,  and  will  facilitate  the  transfer 
of  ten  or  fifteen  thousand  men,  in  the  beginning  of  a  war, 
from  one  to  another,  as  circumstances  may  require :"  and,  in 
the  same  letter,  the  writer  suggests  that  a  "  place  of  arms" 
should  be  immediately  established  in  New  York,  "  for," 
he  adds,  "  no  pains,  address,  nor  expense  is  too  great,  that 
will  give  security  to  the  king's  magazines;  divide  the 
northern  and  southern  colonies ;  and  afford  an  opportu- 
nity of  transporting  our  forces  into  any  part  of  the  conti- 
nent." 

The  duties  of  his  department  left  Sir  William  Johnson 
little  time  for  relaxation ;  and  he  had  scarcely  dismissed 
an  appeal  of  some  Nahantics  of  Rhode-Island,  praying  his 
interference  in  an  intestine  broil, 2  when  he  received  let- 
ters from  Governors  Sharp  and  Penn,  requesting  his  influ- 

*Lt.  Gov.  Carleton  to  Major  General  Gage,  15  Feb.  1767. 

2  Shortly  after  the  Narragansetts  had  become  merged  in  the  Nahantics, 
Ninigret,  the  sachem  of  the  latter  nation,  made  in  1709  a  grant  of  a  large 
portion  of  the  lands  of  his  people  to  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island,  very 
much  against  the  wishes  of  a  portion  of  his  tribe.  The  dispute  was 
encouraged  by  the  whites,  who  wished  to  obtain  more  of  their  lands  ;  and 
when  about  the  year  1650,  Thomas  Ninigret  a  descendant  of  old  Ninigret 
made  farther  sales,  the  malcontents  proceeded  to  depose  him.  An  appeal 
was  made  by  both  parties  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  in  1763  ;  and  the  controversy 
and  corespondence  with  Sir  William  continued  for  some  years.  The  Baro- 
net, however,  though  evidently  inclining  to  the  side  of  the  sachem,  continu- 
ally declined  to  interfere  ;  and  the  Rhode  Islanders  ultimately  obtained  the 
lands. — Manuscripts  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson. 


288  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  ence  with  the  Six  Nations  in  favor  of  their  allowing  com- 
v-^-^  missioners  to  run  a  boundary  line  over  the  Alleganies 
1767-  between  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania.  The  running  of 
this  division  line  had  been  several  times  attempted,  but 
had  as  often  been  prevented  by  the  jealousy  of  the  Indi- 
ans, who  regarded  any  movement  of  the  kind  with  their 
habitual  suspicion.  The  present  time,  moreover,  was 
hardly  less  inauspicious.  The  winter,  it  is  true,  had  passed 
away  without  the  expected  Indian  outbreak,  but  the  future 
still  looked  black,  and  it  was  evident  that  the  Indians — 
especially  the  western  nations — had  remained  quiet  only  for 
want  of  a  leader,  and  that  their  resentment  would  take 
fire  from  the  least  spark.  Notwithstanding  this,  how- 
ever, the  proprietaries  of  both  Maryland  and  Pennsylva- 
nia were  impatient  for  an  adjustment  of  their  boundaries  : 
they  were  certain  that  the  assent  of  the  Confederacy  could 
be  obtained  by  the  superintendent;  and  the  latter,  thus 
urged,  had  no  alternative  but  to  make  the  trial. 

Accordingly,  early  in  March,  he  sent  runners  to  the 
different  castles,  inviting  the  Indians  to  meet  him  at  the 
German  Flats.  Owing,  however,  to  the  recent  murders 
on  the  frontier,  they  came  in  slowly,  and  it  was  not  until 
May  that  the  Confederacy  wras  fully  represented.  On  the 
twentieth,  the  Baronet  laid  before  the  Indians,  who  num- 
bered nearly  eight-hundred  and  were  chiefly  Senecas,  the 
business  which  had  called  them  together.  The  first  inter- 
view gave  little  promise  of  success.  The  chiefs  were 
surly  and  never,  in  all  the  Baronet's  past  experience,  had 
they  manifested  so  much  discontent,  or  seemed  so  little 
inclined  to  a  spirit  of  accommodation.  It  so  happened, 
however,  that  while  the  negotiations  were  pending,  the 
Baronet  received  letters  from  the  minister,  in  answer  to 
his  complaints  to  the  board  of  trade,  in  which  he  was 
assured  that  a  stop  should  at  once  be  put  to  the  conduct 
of  the  borderers.  The  opportune  arrival  of  these  dis- 
patches greatly  facilitated  the  negotiations ;  and  molified 
by  their  contents  and  also  by  the  presents  from  the  pro- 


LIFE    OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  289 

prietaries,  the  Indians  were  finally  induced  to  grant  the  chap 
desired  permission  ;  and  deputies  from  among  themselves  w^—/ 
were  immediately  sent  to  accompany  the  surveyors  while 1767, 
running  the  boundary. l 

But  permission  to  run  the  boundary  was  not  all  that 
was  contemplated  by  this  meeting  ;  and  before  the  Indians 
were  dismissed,  a  point  was  gained  from  those  fickle  people 
still  more  important,  from  its  bearing  upon  the  peace  and 
quiet  of  the  more  southern  provinces.  It  had  long  been  the 
desire  of  Governor  Fauquier,  of  Virginia,  that  the  Six 
Nations  should  become  reconciled  with  their  hereditary 
enemies,  the  Cherokees;  and  within  the  last  year  the 
correspondence  between  himself  and  the  superintendent 
upon  this  subject,  had  been  frequent.  Accordingly,  as 
soon  as  the  affair  of  the  boundary  had  been  adjusted,  the 
subject  of  the  proposed  peace  was  laid  before  the  chiefs, 
who  finally  promised,  in  the  name  of  the  Confederacy, 
that  if  a  deputation  from  the  Cherokees  would  meet  them 
at  Johnson  Hall,  they  would  ratify  a  solemn  and  lasting 
treaty  with  that  nation. 

Allusion  has  frequently  been  made  in  this  work  to  the 
attacks  of  illness  to  which  the  Baronet  was  liable.  For 
years  he  had  been  subject  to  dysentery,  which  often  pros- 
trated him  upon  his  bed  for  weeks  together.  At  such 
times,  the  wound,  that  he  had  received  at  the  battle  of 
Lake  George,  in  1755,  and  from  which  the  ball  was  never 
extracted,  became  excessively  painful,  rendering  him,  for 
weeks  after  an  attack,  unable  to  ride  on  horseback  or  to 
endure  any  active  exercise.  Suitable  medical  attendance 
it  was  very  difficult  to  procure ;  and  it  frequently  happened 
that  having  exhausted  the  contents  of  his  own  medical 
chest,  he  was  obliged  to  send  to  Albany,  and  sometimes 
even  to  New  York,  for  a  physician.     It  was  during  one  of 

1  Manuscript  correspondence  between  the  governors  of  Maryland,  Penn- 
sylvania,  and  Sir  William  Johnson,  1767. 

Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  John  Watts,  30  May,  1767. 

r 

37 


290  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  these  attacks,  in   the  summer  of  this  year,  that  he  was 

w ^L  induced  to  visit  a  medicinal  spring, l  the  peculiar  proper- 

1767 '•  ties  of  which  had  recently  been  brought  to  his  notice  by 

the  Mohawks,  who  passed  by  it  yearly  in  their  hunting 

excursions. 

Accompanied  by  his  Indian  guides,  the  Baronet  set  out 
on  his  journey,  the  twenty-second  of  August,  and  passing 
down  the  Mohawk  in  a  boat  soon  reached  Schenectady. 
At  this  place,  Sir  William,  being  too  feeble  either  to  walk 
or  ride,  was  placed  on  a  litter,  and  borne  on  the  stalwart 
shoulders  of  his  Indian  attendants  through  the  woods  to 
Ballston  Lake.  Tarrying  over  night  at  the  log  cabin  of 
Michael  McDonald,  an  Irishman,  who  had  recently  begun 
a  clearing  on  the  shores  of  the  lake,  the  party,  accompa- 
nied by  McDonald,  plunged  again  into  the  forest ;  and 
following  the  trail  of  Indian  hunters  along  the  shore  of 
Lake  Saratoga,  and  its  chief  tributary,  the  Kayaderosseras, 
reached  their  destination.  Close  to  the  spring,  for  the 
comfort  of  the  invalid,  a  rude  bark  lodge  was  erected ;  and 
in  this  primitive  hotel,  reclined  the  first  white  man,  —  of 
whom  we  have  any  knowledge, —  that  had  ever  visited 
the  Springs.  Yet  while  the  sufferer  lay  on  his  evergreen 
couch,  did  the  fortunes  of  the  general  whom  he  had 
defeated  twelve  years  previously  occur  to  him  ?  Perhaps 
so;  for  by  a  singular  coincidence,  while  the  conqueror  of 
Dieskau  was  prostrated  amid  those  forests  where  the 
wounds  of  both  had  been  received,  the  French  general 
was  languishing  on  his  death  bed  at  a  small  town  in  the 
interior  of  France  :2 — 

'.'The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave." 

The  Baronet  had  been  but  four  or  five  days  at  the  High 
Kock,  when  he  received  letters  obliging  him  to  hasten 
immediately  home.  Short  as  his  visit  was,  however,  the 
water,  forest  life,  and  change  of  air,  restored  his  strength 

1  Now  known  as  the  High  Rock,  at  Saratoga  Springs,  N.  Y. 

2  Baron  Dieskau  died  from  the  effects  of  his  wounds  received  at  Lake 
George,  on  the  eighth  day  of  September,  1767,  at  Surenne,  in  France. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  291 

so  far  as  to  enable  him  to  travel  some  of  the  way  to  Sche-  chap. 

xv. 
nectady  on  foot ;  and  again  taking  his  water  carriage,  he  v-^ 

arrived,  on  the  fourth  of  September,  at  the  Hall,  to  wel- 1767- 
come  his  son,  Sir  John,  who  had  just  arrived  from  Eng- 
land. ' 

The  popularity  of  Saratoga  Springs,  as  a  watering  place, 
may  be  said  to  date  from  this  visit.  For  although  the 
Baronet  was  not  benefited  as  much  as  he  anticipated, — 
perhaps  from  the  shortness  of  his  stay — yet  the  fact  of  so 
distinguished  a  personage  as  Sir  William,  having  been 
even  partially  restored  by  the  water,  soon  became  noised 
through  the  country ;  others  were  induced  to  make  the 
trial ;  new  springs  were  discovered ;  and,  thenceforth,  the 
Springs  became  the  resort  of  those  who  were  in  pursuit 
of  health  or  pleasure. 
- 

The  letters,  which  had  hastened  the  return  of  the  Baro- 
net, contained  intelligence  of  the  death  of  the  chief  sachem 
of  the  Seneca  nation.  As  the  latter  had  been  for  several 
years  past  sincerely  attached  to  the  English  interest,  his 
death,  in  the  present  excited  state  of  the  Indians,  was 
considered  a  great  calamity.  The  time,  moreover,  was 
close  at  hand,  when  the  general  yearly  meeting  of  the 
Confederacy  would  take  place  at  Onondaga ;  and  accord- 
ingly upon  his  return,  Sir  William,  under  the  guise  of 
making  a  tour  for  his  health,  set  out  for  the  great  fire- 
place, hoping  that  his  presence  would  neutralize  any 
attempt  to  incite  sedition  among  the  tribes.  His  influence 
prevailed ;  the  meeting  passed  oft*  quietly ;  and  having  by 
numerous  gifts,  and  many  tedious  ceremonies,  condoled 
the  Seneca's  death,  he  returned  to  the  Hall,  the  middle  of 
October. 

Convinced  by  his  past  experience,  and  more  especially, 
by  his  recent  visits  to  Onondaga,  of  the  necessity  of  the 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  Moore,  21  Aug.  1767. 
Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Gage,  6  Sept.  1767. 
The  descendants  of  McDonald  are  yet  living  (1862)  in  the  vicinity  of 
Ballston,  N.  Y. 


292  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap-  mother  country  at  once  adopting  a  definite  Indian  policy, 
w^  Sir  "William,  upon  his  return,  drew  up,  for  the  perusal  of 
1767-  the  lords  of  trade,  a  highly  elaborate  and  carefully  digest- 
ed "  Review  of  the  past  and  present  state  of  Indian  trade 
and  relations."  This  document  consists  of  more  than 
eleven  hundred  folios,  and  is  accompanied  with  valuable 
suggestions  for  the  improvement  and  amelioration  of  the 
Indian  race,  all  of  which  are  marked  by  the  writer's 
characteristic  vigor  of  thought,  and  strong  common  sense. 
After  adverting  at  length  to  the  necessity  of  a  well 
governed  frontier  trade,  he  proceeds  "to  a  subject  of  the 
highest  importance — religious  instruction."  This,  he  went 
on  to  say,  had  hitherto  been  greatly  neglected,  and  up  to 
ttris  time  had  made  little  or  no  progress.  The  best  chan- 
nel, the  writer  thought,  by  which  the  truths  of  Christianity 
could  be  conveyed  to  the  north,  and  north  western  tribes, 
was  through  the  Six  Nations,  among  whom  as  yet  there 
was  no  missionary.  The  mission,  which  had  formerly 
been  established  by  Rev.  Mr.  Barclay  at  the  lower  Mohawk 
Castle,  had  latterly  been  of  no  benefit,  as  the  missionary 
resided  at  Albany,  and  only  occasionally  delivered  a  ser- 
mon— "  so  that"  adds  the  writer,  "  had  not  many  of  the 
Indians  been  furnished  by  me  with  religious  books  in 
their  own  language,  they  would  now  be  almost  entire 
strangers  to  the  Christian  religion.  It  was  true,  that  some 
of  the  dissenters  had  occasionally  sent  a  missionary  to  the 
Oneidas  and  Senecas,  but  they  all,  growing  tired  of  the 
hard  mode  of  life,  had  soon  abandoned  the  field.  Most 
of  those,  moreover,  who  had  been  sent,  having  just  taken 
orders,  either  gave  their  hearers  long  discourses  upon  the 
distinctions  of  creeds  or  uttered  long  tirades  against  hunt- 
ing, advising  an  agricultural  life — than  which  nothing  could 
have  been  more  distasteful  to  the  red  man — so  that  the 
Indians  had  profited  little  by  their  instructions.  Others 
again,  well  meaning  but  injudicious,  had  attempted  to 
abolish  at  once  many  of  their  innocent  customs — such  as 
dances,  and  marriage  feasts,— all  of  which  was  only  calcu- 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  293 

lated  to  inspire  the  Indians  with   disgust.     "What  was  chap. 
wanted,  said  the  Baronet,  were  men  of  piety,  ability,  and  v-^— / 
experience,  who  would  be  willing  to  remain  among  the 1767* 
Indians  long  enough  to  become  perfect  masters  of  their 
lauguage  and  disposition. 

Another  measure  recommended  Was,  that  interpreters 
should  be  provided  at  the  different  posts,  with  salaries 
sufficiently  large  to  make  it  an  object  for  them  to  acquire 
a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  Indian  tongue.  As  the 
Indians  considered  it  a  mark  of  respect,  to  be  spoken 
with  through  an  interpreter,  this  measure  was  deemed  very 
essential.  Good  interpreters,  however,  it  was  Very  diffi- 
cult to  find,  and  he  was,  therefore,  often  under  the  necessity 
of  delivering  his  speeches  himself.  As  an  illustration  of 
the  mistakes  committed  by  ignorant  interpreters,  the  writer 
alluded  to  an  occurrence  of  recent  date.  It  so  happened 
that  a  Boston  divine,  having  expressed  a  desire  to  preach 
to  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  Johnson  Hall,  chose  for 
his  text,  "for  God  is  no  respecter  of  persons."  The  inter- 
preter in  explaining  this  sentiment  told  the  Indians,  "  that 
God  had  n"o  love  for  such  people  as  they."  Sir  William, 
immediately  interfered,  and  not  only  corrected  the  error,  but 
interpreted  the  remainder  of  the  discourse,  to  prevent  far- 
ther blunders.  "  Had  I  not  been  present,"  he  writes, 
"the  error  must  have  passed,  and  many  more  might  have 
been  committed  in  the  course  of  the  sermon." 

One  great  cause,  hitherto,  of  the  difficulty  which  had 
been  experienced  in  redressing  Indian  grievances,  and 
bringing  the  offenders  to  justice,  was  the  fact  that  no 
Indian  was  allowed  to  give  testimony* in  court  against  that 
of  a  white.  This  injustice  the  Baronet  proposed  to  remedy, 
by  the  passage  of  a  law,  providing  that  the  testimony  of 
all  Indians  who  had  embraced  Christianity,  should  be 
admitted  in  civil  and  criminal  actions ;  and  farther,  that 
the  accusations  of  those,  who  did  not  profess  the  Christian 
faith,  should  be  reduced  to  writing,  to  which  juries  might 
attach  as  much  credit  as  their  judgment  should  dictate. 


294  LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.  If  these  several  suggestions,  added  Sir  William  in  his 
Jt-L,  summing  up,  were  carried  out,  a  marked  improvement 
1767-  in  the  condition  of  the  Indians  would  soon  be  apparent, 
and  the  expenses  of  his  department  materially  diminished.1 
Although  the  Baronet  was  warmly  attached  to  the 
church  of  England,  he  was  by  no  means  sectarian  in  his 
feelings ;  and  at  this  time,  he  was  in  correspondence  with 
Doctor  Wheelock,  in  relation  to  the  removal  of  the  Moor 
Charity  School  into  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk.  Various 
reasons  seemed  to  require  a  change  in  the  location  of  the 
school,  and  Sir  "William  was  in  hopes  of  having  it  per- 
manently established  in  his  vicinity.  The  jealousy,  j  how- 
ever, of  the  ecclesiastics  of  Albany,  thwarted  his  wishes ; 
and  Governor  Wentworth  having,  in  the  meantime,  granted 
to  the  school  a  township  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Con- 
necticut river,  it  was  removed  thither  in  the  fall  of  1769, 
receiving  a  charter  under  the  name  of  Dartmouth  College, 
in  honor  of  its  chief  patron,  the  earl  of  Dartmouth. 

i 
In  December,  three  Cherokee  chieftains— Little  Carpen- 
ter, Great  Warrior,  and  Eaven  King— accompanied  by  six 
warriors  and  an  interpreter,  arrived  in  New  York,  on  their 
way  to  Johnson  Hall.  They  were  kindly  received  by  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  sent  forward  in  a  sloop  to  Albany. 
Thence,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Philip  Schuyler  as  an 
escort,  they  rode  up  on  horseback  to  Fort  Johnson  ;  and 
on  the  last  day  but  one  of  the  year  they  reached  the  hall,— 
thereto  be  domiciled,  until  the  Confederacy,  by  belts  and 
messages,  should  be  notified  of  their  arrival. 

i «  Review   of  the  progressive  state  of  the  trade  &c,"  by  Sir  William 
Johnson.    N.  Y.  Col.  Doc. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

1768-1769. 

The  prospect  for  a  favorable  reception  of  the  belts  sum-  ^hap. 
moning  the  Six  Nations  to  meet  their  ancient  enemies,  *— v— * 
the  Cherokees,  was  not  flattering.  The  borderers,  more 1768, 
savage  than  the  she-wolf,  still  shot  down  from  ambuscades 
every  unoffending  Indian  that  came  in  their  path;  and 
when,  in  January,  the  "White  Mingo  with  eleven  others 
was  murdered,  and  his  assassin  rescued  from  justice  by  a 
mob  of  whites,  the  patience  with  which  the  Indians  had 
borne  taunts  and  insults  for  the  past  three  years,  began  to 
give  way.  In  defiance,  moreover,  of  the  king's  proclama- 
tion in  1763,  settlers,  chiefly  from  Virginia,  had,  within 
the  past  year,  crossed  the  Alleghanies,  and  begun  settle- 
ments along  the  Monongahela,  and  Red  Stone  creek ;  and 
although  General  Gage,  at  the  request  of  the  Baronet,  had 
ordered  them  to  remove,  yet  the  only  notice  taken  of  his 
commands  had  been  the  sowing  of  fresh  crops,  and  the 
clearing  of  new  fields.  All  the  tribes,  but  especially  the 
Six  Nations,  witnessed  these  proceedings  with  fear  and 
anger.  They  had  offered,  they  said,  in  the  congress  at  the 
German  Flats,  in  1765,  to  give  up  all  the  land  east  of  the 
Ohio  to  the  English  for  a  fair  consideration,  but  their  offer 
had  never  been  accepted ;  notwithstanding  which,  the 
whites  scrupled  not  to  establish  themselves  upon  their 
land.  "I  wish  that  boundary,"  wrote  Croghan  to  the 
Baronet  at  this  time,  "  had  never  been  mentioned  to  them, 
or  that  his  majesty  had  before  now,  ordered  it  confirmed. 
Indians  cannot  bear  disappointments  or  delays,  when  they 
expect  to  get  anything;  and  nothing  now  will,  in  my 
opinion,  prevent  a  war,  but  taking  a  cession  from  them, 
and  paying  them  for  their  lands." 


296  LIFE    OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  The  apprehensions  of  the  deputy  appeared  well  ground- 
J^ed.  "Brethren,"  spoke  the  Senecas  in  January,  with  a 
1768.  large  belt,  to  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  "  those  lands 
are  yours  as  well  as  ours ;  God  gave  them  to  us  to  live 
upon,  and  before  the  white  people  shall  have  them  for 
nothing,  we  will  sprinkle  the  leaves  with  their  blood,  or 
die  every  man  in  the  attempt."  Secret  belts  and  messages, 
borne  by  swift  runners  through  the  western  tribes,  sum- 
moned the  Indians  to  a  great  congress  to  be  held  in  the 
Shawanese  country  in  March.  In  reply  to  Croghan's 
question,  why  the  congress  was  called,  the  Delawares 
replied  that  they  knew  not ;  yet  while  they  thus  spoke, 
the  fiery  glances  shot  askance  from  their  eyes,  told  a 
different  story,  and  their  preparations  still  went  on.  Sev- 
eral bateaux,  loaded  with  goods  for  the  Indian  trade,  were 
stopped  on  the  Ohio  and  robbed  of  their  ammunition ; 
and  tomahawks  and  scalping  knives,  that  had  long  lain 
rusty  and  blunted,  were  now  raked  from  among  the  rub- 
bish of  wigwams,  and  polished  and  sharpened  with  grim 
satisfaction.  It  was  evident  that  the  colonies  were  upon 
the  very  brink  of  another  Indian  war. 

Alarmed  at  length  at  these  demonstrations,  the  meaning 
of  which  was  clear  to  the  dullest  mind,  the  assembly  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  February,  voted  twenty-five  hundred 
pounds,  to  be  placed  in  the  Baronet's  hands  for  distribu- 
tion, at  the  approaching  council,  among  those  Indians  who 
had  lost  kindred  along  the  frontiers.1  But  this  attempt  to 
patch  up  Indian  grievances  did  not  suit  the  ideas  of  the 
superintendent,  who  was  fearful  that  presents,  like  a  remedy 
too  often  applied,  had  lost  their  efficacy.  Accordingly  on 
the  reception  of  the  appropriation,  while  he  thanked  the 
assembly  for  it,  he  wrote,  that  good  laws  vigorously  enforced, 
would  be  the  best  guaranty  against  Indian  resentment.2 
Notwithstanding    these   untoward    circumstances,   the 


1  Manuscript  letter ;  Croghan  to  Johnson  17th  Feb.,  1768. 
2 Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  James  Galloway  [speaker  of  the  assem- 
bly of  Penn.]  29th  Feb.,  1768. 


BART.  29T 

third  day  of  spring  found  the  Six  Nations  and  their  allies,  chap- 
to  the  number  of  seven  hundred  and  sixty,  assembled  at  s-^-1/ 
Johnson  Hall.  The  Indians,  however,  came  not  as  of  old, 1768- 
with  shouts  of  glee  and  cheerful  looks,  but  dropped  along 
one  after  another,  with  laggard  steps  and  scowling  brows. 
Previous  to  opening  the  council,  the  Baronet  held  several 
private  conferences  with  the  principal  chiefs,  all  of  whom, 
as  he  had  feared,  seemed  so  greatly  incensed  at  the  recent 
outrages  perpetrated  upon  them,  that  he  had,  at  first,  but 
little  hopes  of  mollifying  their  resentment.  It  is  true  that 
a  few  of  the  older  sachems,  who  were  warmly  attached  to 
his  person,  lamented  the  threatening  rupture;  but  even 
they  saw  not  how  it  could  be  avoided.  All  agreed  that 
the  late  murder  of  the  white  Mingo,  was  a  prelude  to  still 
farther  hostile  designs — which  idea,  the  settlements  west 
of  the  Alleghanies  tended  to  confirm,  especially  as  a  few 
of  those  who  could  read,  had  lately  seen  in  the  newspapers 
discussions  regarding  the  feasibility  of  settling  the  rich 
lands  beyond  the  Ohio.  "When  our  young  men,"  said 
they,  u  wish  to  go  hunting  in  our  country,  they  find  it 
covered  with  fences,  so  that  they  are  weary  crossing  them ; 
neither  can  they  get  venison  to  eat,  or  bark  to  make  huts, 
for  the  beasts  are  run  away,  and  the  trees  are  cut  down." 
Their  resentment  was,  moreover,  the  more  difficult  to 
overcome  inasmuch  as  it  was  just.  It  so  happened,  how- 
ever, that  Sir  William  had  received  in  February,  through 
Governor  Moore,  the  news  of  the  king's  determination  to 
have  the  boundary  line  at  once  settled.  The  intention  of 
his  majesty  was,  therefore,  now  communicated  to  the 
sachems,  and  with  such  good  effect,  that  they  soon  relaxed 
into  good  humor  ;  and  laying  aside  their  revengeful  feel- 
ings, signified  their  willingness  to  enter  at  once  upon  the 
treaty  with  the  Cherokees.  Accordingly,  the  council  was 
opened  on  the  following  morning,  which,  lasting  for  eight 
days,  terminated  i  n  a  joint  treaty  between  the  Six  Nations, 
their  allies,  and  the  Cherokee  deputies.  Sir  William 
then,  with  a  belt,  figurativly  pulled  up  by  the  roots  the 
largest  pine  tree  he  could  find,  under  which  the  axe  that 
38' 


298 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


CxviP' llacl  k^led  the  White  Mingo  was  thrown,  and  the  tree 
Sary-w' replaced.  The  presents,  voted  by  the  assembly  of  Penn- 
1768-  sylvania,  were  thereupon  distributed  among  those  who  had 
lost  kindred  along  the  border,  and  the  meeting  was 
broken  up — not,  however,  until  the  chiefs  had  promised 
to  be  in  readiness,  whenever  they  should  be  summoned,  to 
aid  in  adjusting  the  question  of  the  boundary.1 

Thus,  through  the  tact  of  the  superintendent,  was  the 
war  which  had  lately  seemed  so  imminent  once  more 
averted.  Deprived  of  the  support  of  the  Six  Nations,  and 
without  a  leader — for  Pontiac,  despite  of  the  continued 
seductions  of  the  French  and  Spaniards,  remained  true — 
the  congress  of  the  western  nations  came  to  naught ;  the 
scalping  knife  was  sheathed ;  and  the  savages,  with  sup- 
pressed curses,  slunk  away  to  their  wigwams. 

Owing  to  the  large  number  of  Indians  in  attendance, 
the  council  had  been  held  in  the  open  air,  and  Sir  William, 
who  had  consequently  been  obliged  to  remain  standing  in 
the  snow  for  hours  together,  took  a  violent  cold,  which, 
bringing  on  his  old  complaint,  confined  him  to  his  room 
for  several  weeks.  As  soon  as  he  was  able  to  travel, 
which  was  not  until  the  close  of  April,  he  went  by  the 
advice  of  his  physician  to  the  sea  side,  where  he  remained 
nearly  three  months,  dividing  his  time  between  New  Lon- 
don and  the  eastern  end  of  Long  Island.2 

1  Sir  "William  Johnson  to  the  minister,  14th  March,  1768  ;  Proceedings  of 
the  council,  held  at  Johnson  Hall,  March  4 — 12,  1768. 

2 The  following  directions  for  his  journey  to  New  London,  which  I  find 
among  his  private  papers,  may  be  of  interest  to  the  curious. 

"From  Albany  to  Fitches,  8  miles. 

"  From  Fitches  to  Kinderhook. 

"  From  Kindei*hook  to  Hogebooms. 

"Lovejoys  at  Nobletown. 

"  Then  over  the  Taconic  Mountains  to  Captain  Spencers  at  Egremont, 
but  Barrington  which  is  near  it,  is  a  better  stage. 

"Thence  to  Noble's  at  Sheffield. 

"  Lawrence  at  Canaan. 

*'•  The  widow  Segewick. 

"  Baldwin  at  Litchfield. 

"Cole  at  Farmington." 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  299 

The  colonial  history  of  New  York  would  be  imperfect,  c*$l* 
without  an  allusion   to   the   controversy   concerning  the^— v-' 
great  patent   of  Kayaderosseras  ; — a  controversy,  which 
lasting  for  upward  of  half  a  century,   was   finally  termi- 
nated, mainly  through  the  agency  of  the  Baronet,  in  July 
of  the  present  year. 

In  the  spring  of  1703,  Samson  Shelton  Broughton, 
attorney  general  of  the  province,  in  behalf  of  himself 
and  twelve  others,  obtained  from  Governor  Cornbury  a 
license  to  purchase  the  "  tract  of  vacant  and  unappropri- 
ated land  in  the  county  of -Albany,  called  or  known  by 
the  Indian  name  of  Kayaderosseras."1  In  pursuance  of 
this  license,  Broughton,  in  the  fall  of  the  following  year, 
purchased  of  the  Mohawks  for  a  trifling  consideration  suf- 
ficient land,  as  the  Indians  understood  it,  "  to  make  a 
small  farm."  Having  thus  obtained  the  land,  the  pur- 
chasers, under  semblance  of  their  deed,  procured  in 
November,  1708,  a  grant  from  the  crown  of  all  the  land 
lying  between  the  Hudson  and  Mohawk  rivers,  extending 
from  Ooic  falls  near  the  junction  of  those  streams,  to  the 
third,  or  as  it  is  now  called,  Baker'  falls,  on  the  Hudson, 
and  containing  about  seven  hundred  thousand  acres ! 
Owing,  however,  to  the  jealousy  and  watchfulness  of  the 
Indians,  the  original  Proprietaries,  having  obtained  their 
patent,  had  taken  no  farther  steps  for  many  years ;  and  up 
to  the  year  1764,  it  had  never  been  surveyed.2  From  this 
apparent  indisposition  of  the  Proprietaries  to  take  advant- 
age of  their  purchase,  the  Mohawks  gradually  lost  the 
solicitude  with  which  they  had  at  first  regarded  the  transact- 
ion ;  and  although  at  the  great  congress  in  1754,  they  had 

1  The  grant  was  **  to  her  [Queen  Ann]  loving  subjects,  Naning  Hermanse, 
Johannes  Beekman,  Rip  Van  Dam,  Ann  Bridges,  Mary  Bickley,  Peter  Fan- 
connier,  Adrian  Hogelandt,  Johannes  Fisher,  John  Tudor,  Jorris  Hogelandt, 
John  Stevens,  John  Tatham  and  Samson  Broughton,"  and  was  M  for  all  that 
tract  of  land  situated,  lying  and  being  in  the  county  of  Albany,  called 
Kayadorosseras,  alias  Queensborough."  ( 

2  Manuscript  letter  ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Lieut.  Col.  Charles  Lee,  26th 
December,  1764. 


J 


300  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

c'xv\P'  a^u^e^  to  it,  yet  they  supposed  that  all  claim  upon  the  land 
w^w  had  been  entirely  relinquished.  In  1764,  however,  the  dis- 
1'68*  putewas  renewed  with  increased  bitterness.  It  happened 
that  in  the  spring  of  that  year,  three  or  four  families  settled 
at  the  connuenceof  the  Kayaderosseras  creek  and  Lake 
Saratoga.  These  squatters  were  discovered  about  a  month 
after  their  settlement  by  a  hunting  party  of  Mohawks,  who, 
incensed  at  the  presumption  of  the  whites  in  settling  upon 
their  best  hunting  ground,  ordered  them  peremptorily  to 
leave ;  and  upon  their  return  to  their  castles,  six  of  the  lower 
Mohawk  chiefs,  among  whom  was  Abraham  the  brother 
of  King  Hendrik,  waited  upon  the  Baronet  on  the  twen- 
tieth of  September,  and  demanded  that  the  settlers  should 
be  removed,  and  that  the  claim  of  the  Proprietaries  to 
the  Kayaderosseras  land  be  immediaiely  relinquished.1 
Convinced  of  the  justice  of  their  demand,  Sir  William 
immediately  wrote  to  Lieutenant  Governor  Colden,  giving 
an  account  of  the  fradulent  manner  in  which  the  patent 
had  been  obtained,  and  soliciting  the  influence  of  him- 
self and  his  council,  in  procuring  redress.  But  his  exer- 
eions  did  not  end  here.  In  the  fall  session  of  the  assembly, 
he  endeavored  to  prevail  on  that  body  to  vacate  the  patent 
on  the  ground  of  fraud ;  and  a  bill  was  accordingly  intro- 
duced for  that  purpose.  The  influence  however,  of  those 
members  who  were  interested  in  other  patents  of  perhaps 
equally  equivocal  origin,  and  who  therefore  dreaded  its 
passage  as  a  precedent,  defeated  the  bill  on  several  frivolous 

1  Manuscript  minutes  of  conference  at  Johnson  Hall,  20th  Sept.,  1764. 

Manuscript  letter  ;  Sir  William  Johnson  to  General  Gage,  27th  Feb.,  1765. 

In  the  course  of  Abraham's  remarks  at  this  conference,  the  sachem  said. 
"We  assisted  the  English  to  conquer  the  French,  thinking  that  when  that 
people  had  been  brought  to  reason,  we  and  our  young  men  should  sit  down 
and  enjoy  peace  agreeably  to  what  was  told  us.  But,  brother,  to  our  very 
great  concern,  we  understand  from  many  people,  that  in  a  short  time, 
some  of  our  brethren  are  determined  to  deprive  us  of  the  chief  tract  of 
hunting  land  we  have  left,  called  Kayaderosseras,  which  we  never  could 
learn,  from  the  most  strict  inquiry  made  several  years  ago,  had  been  sold 
by  our  nation.  Wherefore  we  must  say,  if  that  is  to  be  the  case,  ive  are 
much  deceived  in  the  opinion  ice  ever  entertained  of  our  brethren's  honesty." 


LIFE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  301 

grounds,  among  which  was,  that  to  vacate  it  would  be  to  chap. 
impugn  the  character  of  the  governor  who  had  granted  s-^— / 
the  patent.1  Disappointed  in  his  hopes  of  obtaining  just-  1768- 
ice  from  the  assembly,  Sir  William  next  appealed  directly 
to  the  council,  who  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year 
(1765)  directed  the  attorney  general,  Kempe,  to  proceed 
against  the  Proprietaries  by  the  writ  of  scire  facias.  This, 
however,  was  not  satisfactory  to  the  Baronet.  "  I  must 
observe  to  you,"  he  wrote  to  General  Gage,  "  that  there  is 
little  or  no  prospect  of  procuring  justice  by  a  trial  on  a 
scire  facias,  which  I  consider  as  only  proposed  at  New  York, 
that  in  case  of  any  bad  consequences  hereafter  arising  from 
that  patent,  the  people  below  might  affirm  that  they  offered 
to  inquire  into  the  fraud,  though  in  fact  it  is  doing  nothing 
at  all ;  for  they  well  know  the  little  subterfuges  and  quirks 
of  the  lawyers  in  any  trial  at  common  law,  they  being 
interested  in  the  decision,  and  a  patent  being  deemed  a 
sufficient  title  at  common  law,  however  it  might  have  been 
obtained."2  Meanwhile,  the  cause  of  the  Mohawks  was 
taken  up  by  the  entire  Confederacy,  and  the  dissatisfaction 
of  the  Indians  became  so  alarming,  that  Sir  William,  in  his 
correspondence  with  the  board  of  trade,  used  his  utmost 
endeavors  to  have  the  patent  vacated  by  an  act  of  parlia- 
ment. At  length,  alarmed  at  his  persistent  efforts  to  obtain 
redress,  and  dreading  lest  he  should  succeed,  the  Proprie- 
taries offered  to  compromise  the  matter  by  relinquishing  a 
part  of  the  patent,  and  paying  to  the  Mohawks  a  certain 
sum  of  money.  This  proposition,  however,  on  being  sub- 
mitted to  that  nation  in  full  council,  was  declined  on  the 


1  Amongst  the  little,  fallacious  arguments  made  by  the  house  against 
making  it  is,  that  the  reason  they  [the  Proprietaries]  assign,  why  it  has 
not  been  settled  is,  that  it  was  exposed  to  the  excursions  of  the  enemy. 
They  do  not  choose  to  recollect  that  I  settled  one  hundred  families  during 
the  heat  of  that  war  on  my  estate,  which  lies  many  miles  distant  from 
that  traci  to  the  north  west,  and  consequently  infinitely  more  exposed." — 
Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Gage,  4  May,  176-5. 

f  Manuscript  letter ;  Johnson  to  Gage,  4  May,  17C5. 


302 

chap,  ground  that  the  consideration  offered  was  too  small,  and 

^—v— /  the  attempt  at  compromise  failed. 

1768.  Thus  the  matter  rested  until  May  of  this  year,  when 
the  Proprietaries  waited  upon  the  governor,  and  gave  him 
full  power  to  settle  the  affair  with  the  Mohawks  as  he 
should  judge  best.  Accordingly,  in  June,  Sir  Henry  Moore 
visited  the  Mohawk  country,  and  called  the  Indians  to  a 
council.  But  when  the  meeting  was  opened,  it  was  found 
that  not  only  had  the  agent  of  the  patentees  forgotten  to 
bring  the  original  Indian  deed,  but  that  the  creek  to  which 
the  Proprietaries  desired  to  extend  their  claim,  had  never 
been  surveyed.  All  negotiation  was  therefore  at  an  end, 
and  after  considerable  altercation,  the  meeting  was  dis- 
solved. In  the  meantime,  by  order  of  the  governor,  the 
patent  was  carefully  surveyed ;  and  toward  the  close  of 
July,  Sir  William  having  returned  by  way  of  Saratoga 
Springs  from  the  sea  side,  a  conference  was  again  held 
with  the  Mohawks,  when  the  results  of  the  survey  were 
laid  before  the  sachems.  Both  parties  being  now  able  to 
judge  with  certainty  what  was  claimed  by  each,  an  amica- 
ble adjustment  was  soon  reached.  By  the  conditions  of 
the  agreement,  the  patentees  relinquished  all  the  land 
westward  of  the  kill  opposite  Twektonondo  hill  to  the 
northwestern  head  of  Kayadorosseras  creek,  and  took  for 
their  north  western  boundary  a  line  drawn  from  the  head 
of  that  creek  to  the  third  falls  on  the  Hudson  river, — the 
Mohawks,  on  their  part,  giving  up  all  claim  to  the  remain- 
der of  the  patent,  on  their  receiving  from  the  Proprietaries 
the  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars. ! 

It  has  already  been  seen,  that  the  delay  in  settling  the 
boundary,  which  had  been  talked  of  at  the  treaty  of  the 
German  Flats  in  1765,  was  a  continual  source  of  irrita- 


— 


1  Governor  Moore  to  the  minister,  4  July,  1768. 
Governor  Moore  to  the  minister,  17  Aug.  1768. 
Sir  Wm.  Johnson  to  the  minister,  17  Aug.  1768. 

Manuscript    correspondence  between  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  and  Atty.  Gen, 
Kempe  for  the  years — 1766,  1767, 1768. 


LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BA11T.  303 

> 

tion  to  the  Six  Nations.     In  view  of  this,  Sir  William,  inc|^- 
the  autumn  of  that  year,  and  also  during  the  summer  of  — v— t 
1766,  had  written  to  the  hoard  of  trade,  urging  the  neces-    '    ' 
sity  of  at  once  adjusting  the  line;  but  his  letters  had  been 
mislaid,  and  up  to  the  beginning  of  the  present  year  he 
had  received  no  instructions  regarding  it. 

But  aside  from  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians,  there 
were  other  cogent  reasons,  existing  in  the  minds  of  many, 
why  the  boundary  question  should  be  settled.  Since  the 
occupation  of  the  Illinois  by  the  English,  the  Indian  trade 
had  not  been  found  as  remunerative  as  was  anticipated. 
Trench  traders  still  retained  their  hold  upon  the  tribes  of 
the  west,  and  all  efforts,  hitherto,  to  divert  the  trade  into 
a  different  channel  had  been  only  partially  successful. 
The  Spaniards  were  more  busy  than  ever  in  securing  an 
interest  with  the  Indians,  of  which  they  availed  themselves 
in  drawing  away  the  trade  ;  and  it  was  soon  evident  that 
Fort  Chartres  offered  but  feeble  opposition  to  New  Orleans 
and  St.  Louis. l  The  wealthy  trading  companies  of  the 
eastern  cities  witnessed  this  state  of  affairs  with  alarm ; 
and  after  many  consultations  among  themselves,  it  was 
decided  that  the  only  method,  by  which  the  Indian  trade 
could  be  made  profitable,  would  be  the  purchase  of  a 
large  tract  of  land  south  of  the  Ohio,  upon  which  perma- 
ment  settlements  could  be  established.  This  project  was 
first  set  on  foot  in  the  spring  of  1766,  at  which  time, 
Governor  Franklin  of  New  Jersey  wrote  to  the  Baronet, 
proposing,  in  case  the  land  could  be  purchased  from  the 
Six  Nations,  that  he,  together  with  Governor  Moore  and 
General  Gage,  should  enter  into  the  proposed  company 
as  an  equal  partner.  Although  the  Baronet  had  no 
intention  of  connecting  himself  with  the  company  at  this 
time,2  yet  the  project,  itself,  struck  him  favorably. 
— — ' — ' 

1  Manuscript  letter;  Croghan  to  Johnson,  Oct.  1767. 
Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  Lt.  Col.  Massey,  20  Nov.  1768. 

2  Manuscript  letters  ;  Sir   William   Johnson   to  different  individuals  in 
the  company. 


304  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  "There  is  little  doubt,"  he  wrote  in  reply,  "but  that  the 
J^L  intended  settlement  may  be  productive  of  a  regular  civil 
1768.  government  in  that  valuable  country,  and  this,  too,  with- 
out doing  violence  to,  or  overreaching  the  Indians,  which 
from  sentiments  of  policy  as  well  as  justice  should  be 
always  cautiously  avoided."1  On  receiving  this  answer, 
Governor  Franklin  wrote  to  his  father,  who  was  then  in 
London,  requesting  him  to  make  application  for  a  grant 
from  the  crown ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  Sir  William  wrote 
to  the  ministry,  warmly  recommending  the  plan  of  the 
proposed  colony.  Other  interests,  however,  were  at  work 
in  high  quarters.  The  original  grant  to  the  old  Ohio  com- 
pany was  still  in  dispute ;  and  its  agent,  Colonel  George 
Mercer,  aided  by  powerful  influence,  was  urging  its  settle- 
ment. The  bounty  lands  which  had  been  promised  by 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  in  1754,  were  still  unapportioned, 
and  those  troops  who  had  enlisted  under  his  proclamation, 
bad  also  agents  pressing  vigorously  their  claims.  The 
British  cabinet,  moreover,  were  divided  on  the  policy  of 
establishing  a  colony  so  far  from  the  sea-board— Shel- 
"burne  approving  of  the  new  colony,  and  Hillsborough 
being  opposed  to  it.2  Under  these  untoward  circumstances, 
therefore,  the  project  did  not  receive  as  much  encourage- 
ment as  it  otherwise  would  ;  and  although  the  company 
was  actually  formed  under  the  name  of  the  Walpole 
Company  —  after  an  eminent  capitalist  of  that  name  —  no 
farther  steps  were  at  that  time  taken. 3 

Meanwhile,  late  in  the  winter  of  1767,  the  letters  of  the 
superintendent  were  found,  and,  in  January  of  this  year, 
Shelburne  authorized  the  Baronet  to  adjust  the  boundary 
with  the  Six  Nations  at  once.  "It  will  also  be  proper," 
wrote  the  minister,  "  to  consult  with  the  different  governors 


}  Manuscript  letter ;  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  to  Gov.  Franklin,  3  May,  1768. 

2  North  American  Review  for  July,  1839,  p.  108. 

3  In  1770  the  Ohio  company  was  merged  in  Walpole' s,  and  in  1772  received 
the  royal  sanction.  In  consequence  of  the  Revolution,  however,  both  grants 
were  forfeited. 


BART.  305 

concerning  such  particular  points  as  may  affect  the  several  cJap- 
provinces  separately,  in  order  that  the  work  may  be  carried  ^^^ 
through  with  cordiality  and  dispatch."     Accordingly,  Sir1768- 
"William   appointed   the  twentieth  of  September  for  the 
meeting  of  the  congress  at  Fort  Stanwix,  as  being  the 
most  central ;  notice  of  which  was  immediately  given  to 
the  Six  Nations,  their  dependents,  and  the  governors  of 
those  provinces  that  were  more  particularly  interested  in 
its  result. 

On  the  ninteenth  of  September,  Sir  William,  with  his 
three  deputies,  Guy  Johnson,  Daniel  Claus,  and  George 
Croghan,  accompanied  by  Governor  Franklin  of  New- 
Jersey,  arrived  at  Fort  Stanwix,  bringing  with  him  twenty 
large  bateaux,  loaded  with  such  presents  as  were  best  suited 
to  propitiate  the  Indians.  On  their  arrival,  the  party  found 
the  Virginia  commissioners  awaiting  them ;  and  on  the 
following  day,  Lieutenant  Governor  Penn  with  the  com- 
missioners from  Pennsylvania  also  arrived.  In  behalf  of 
those  traders  who  had  suffered  in  Pontiac's  war,  Messrs. 
Wharton  and  Trent  were  also  present,  clothed  with  a 
power  of  attorney  from  their  principals,  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  redress  in  lands  according  to  the  article  in  the 
treaty  of  1765.  The  Indians  were  not  as  punctual  in  their 
attendance.  The  Senecas  were  detained  by  the  sudden 
death  of  a  sachem,  and  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  were 
held  back  by  belts  sent  among  them  by  the  French  and 
Spaniards ;  so  that  by  the  first  day  of  October,  only 
eight-hundred  had  assembled.  This  number,  however, 
was  sufficiently  large  to  rapidly  diminish  the  provisions, 
that  had  been  sent  up  from  Albany  for  their  subsistence; 
and  fears  were  entertained  that  the  larder  would  be 
emptied  before  the  congress  was  concluded.1  Belts  were 
accordingly  sent  out  to  hasten  the  arrival  of  the  laggards , 

. i I ,       |        ,       4    I 

1  Among  the  items  of  provisions  ordered,  by  the  Baronet,  for  this  congress 
of  his  agent  at  Albany,  are,  sixty  barrels  of  flour,  fifty  barrels  of  pork, 
six  barrels  of  rice,  and  seventy  barrels  of  provisions  of  various  kinds. — 
Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Glen,  27  July,  1768. 

39 


306 

chap-  and  on  the  twenty-fourth,  thirty-two  hundred  having  arriv- 
s-^-l/  ed,  the  congress  was  opened  with  the  usual  ceremonies.1 
1768.       Two  days  having  been  occupied  in  condoling  with  the 
Indians  on  the  loss  of  those  of  their  number  who  had  died 
during  the  past  year,  rekindling  the  council  fire  and  strength- 
ening  the  covenant  chain,   Sir  William,  on  the  twenty- 
sixth,  laid  before  the  Indian  deputies  the  business  that  had 
summoned  them  at  this  time.     Those  grievances,  he  said, 
which  for  so  many  years  they  had  suffered  through  the 
want  of  a  boundary,  the  king  had  resolved  to  have  forever 
terminated.      In  accordance  with  this  decision,   he  had 
received  the  royal  command  to  call  them  together ;  and 
after  confering  with  those  provinces  interested  in  this  mat- 
ter, they  now  saw  before  them  the  Governors  of  Pennsylva- 
nia and  New-Jersey,  and  the  commissioners  from  Virginia, 
ready  to  assure  them,  in  behalf  of  their  respective  govern- 
ments, that  a  due  deference  should  be  paid  to  whatever 
was  now  entered'into.     His  majesty  had  also  directed  him 
to  give  them  a  handsome  proof  of  his  generosity,  propor- 
tioned to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  lands  that  should 
fall  to  him ;  and  he  hoped  therefore  that  their  deliberations 
would  be  harmonious.      "  The  importance  of  this  affair 
now  before  us,"  he   added,  " requires  the  most  serious 
attention.     I  will  therefore  not  burden  you  with  any  other 
subject  until  this  is  settled,   and  we  will  adjourn  that  you 
may  have  time  to  think  of  it,  and  come  fully  prepared  to 
give  an  agreeable  answer." 

The  Baronet  was  answered  by  Sachem  Abraham.  The 
subject  under  discussion,  he  said,  was  weighty  and  required 
much  deliberation.  The  Six  Nations  would  retire  and 
consult  among  themselves,  and  as  soon  as  they  had  decid- 
ed on  their  answer  he  should  be  duly  notified.  The 
meeting  was  then  adjourned. 

Six  days  were  consumed  by  the  deputies  in  private  con- 
ferences ;  which  interval  the  Baronet  employed  in  clothing 
several  of  the  older  chiefs,  and  in  frequent  informal  coun- 


i  Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  Col.  Massey,  20th  Nov.,  1768. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  307 

cils  with  the  influential  Sachems  upon  the  matter  in  hand^cHAP. 
At  length  their  deliberations  were  ended ;  and  on  the  first  s-^-^ 
of  November,   Sir  William,  the  royal  governors,  and  the 1768- 
commissioners   having    assembled    in    full    council,    the 
Indians,  through  their  speaker,  reported  on  the  line  which 
they  had  fixed  upon  as  the  boundary.     It  was  essentially 
the  same  as  the  one  they  had  proposed  at  the  German 
Flats.     Beginning  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee  river,  it 
followed  the  Ohio  and  Alleghany  rivers  to  Kittaning;  thence 
in  a  direct  line  to  the  nearest  fork  of  the  west  branch  of 
the   Susquehannah ;    and  thence   following  that  stream 
through  the  Alleghanies,  it  passed,  by  way  of  Burnett's 
Hills  and  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Susquehannah  and 
the  Delaware,   into  New  York,  having  its  northern  ter- 
minus at  the  confluence  of  Canada  and  Wood  creeks. 

The  line,  thus  proposed,  was  not  in  accordance  with  the 
instructions  of  the  board  of  trade.  Hillsborough,  who 
had  succeeded  the  liberal  Shelburne  as  colonial  secretary, 
and  was  bitterly  opposed  to  any  settlements  in  the  interior, 
wished  to  have  the  line  extended  no  farther  than  the  mouth 
of  the  great  Kenawha,  where  it  would  then  meet  the  line 
which  Stuart,  at  a  council  in  South  Carolina,  had  recently 
established  with  the  Cherokees  as  the  western  boundary 
of  Virginia.  The  temper,  however,  of  the  Confederate 
deputies  at  this  time  rendered  it  impossible  for  the  Baro- 
net to  follow  strictly  his  instructions,  without  defeating 
the  very  object  of  the  congress.  The  Six  Nations  claimed 
the  country  south  of  the  Ohio  as  theirs  by  right  of  con- 
quest, and  positively  refused  to  agree  upon  any  boundary, 
whatever,  unless  their  claim  was  recognized.  Had  their 
minds  not  been  so  embittered  by  a  long  course  of  injus- 
tice, it  would  have  been  much  easier  to  have  brought 
them  to  terms  ; — as  it  was,  they  knew  that  they  had  the 
advantage,  and  they  kept  it.1     There  were  other  reasons, 

1  "The  distance  of  time  since  tbe  first  proposal  of  the  boundary,  and 
the  artifices  practised  upon  them  since,  with  a  variety  of  other  concurring 
circumstances,  had  made  the  boundary   appear  in  a  very  different  light  to 


308  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  also,  which  caused  the  superintendent  to  deviate  from  his 
w^  uistructions.  The  richness  of  the  soil  south  of  the  Ohio 
!768.  Was  already  well  known  to  the  enterprising  inhabitants  of 
Virginia ;  and  knowing  their  adventurous  spirit,  the  Baro- 
net was  convinced  that  if  that  region  was  not  ceded  by 
the  Indians,  settlements  would  soon  be  begun  there- 
proclamations  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding— a  proceed- 
ing which  would  again  plunge  the  colonies  into  all  the 
horrors  of  another  Indian  war.  Presuming,  therefore, 
upon  that  latitude  which  had  always  been  allowed  him  in 
his  dealings  with  the  Indians;  and  believing  that  the 
claims  of  the  Six  Nations  were  just, *  he  took  a  deed,  on 
the  fifth  of  November,  from  the  latter  to  the  king,  of  all 
the  land  embraced  in  the  boundary  as  agreed  on  by  their 
chiefs.  • 

That  Sir  William,  in  this  negotiation,  may  have  had 
in  view  the  interests  of  the  Walpole  company,  is  very 
possible ;  but  that  he  would  have  consented  to  the  pur- 
chase, had  he  not  been  convinced  of  the  right  of  the  Con- 
federacy to  the  ceded  territory,  and  that  it  was,  moreover, 
the  true  policy  of  the  mother  country  to  extend  the  line 
to  the  Tennessee,  is  not  to  be  credited.     Indeed  the  strict 

the  Indians  than  before,  and  consequently  rendered  it  a  work  of  much 
difficulty."     Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  Gage,  13  Nov.  1768. 

"  Indeed,  the  time  elasped  since  they  were  first  spoken  to  concerning  a 
boundary,  had  made  them  all  view  it  in  a  very  indifferent  and  disadvantageous 
light."     Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Wm.  Allen,  20th  Nov.,  1768. 

i  "I  flatter  myself  that  the  proceedings  which  regard  the  continuation  of 
the  boundary  to  the  Cherokee  [Tennessee]  river  can  have  no  ill  effect. 
■What  I  have  done  is  only  resting  the  claim  of  the  northern  Indians  (which 
would  always  hang  over  that  country)  in  the  crown.     The  Cherokees  in 

MY  PRESENCE  ANT)  AT  MY  HOUSE  MANY  YEARS  AGO,  CLAIMED  NO  FARTHER,  and 

all  the  other  nations  have  ever  considered  that,  as  the  Six  Nation's  bounds ; 
but  should  it  now  be  viewed  otherwise,  the  principal  claim  is  removed,  and 
the  crown  has  only  to  settle  with  the  southern  Indians  concerning  it;  and 
should  they  refuse  to  give  it  up,  it  is  in  his  majesty's  power  to  prevent  the 
colonies  from  availing  themselves  of  the  late  session  in  that  quarter,  till  it  can 
be  done  with  safety  and  the  common  consent  of  all  who  have  just  pretensions 
to  it,  which  I  believe  will  be  easily  obtained:'  Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to 
Gage,  16  Dec,  1768. 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  309 

integrity  that  ever  characterized  his  dealings,    sufficiently  chap. 
proves  the  contrary.1  *-v— ' 

Three  other  deeds  were  given  during  this  congress.  One1768- 
to  William  Trent,  of  a  tract  between  the  Kenawha  and 
Monongahela,  as  an  indemnity  to  the  traders ;  another  to 
the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania,  of  the  "Wyoming  lands ; 
and  a  third  to  George  Croghan,  confirming  two  grants, 
which  the  Six  Nations  had  given  to  the  latter  in  1766,  of 
thirteen  hundred  acres  of  land  on  the  Alleghany  river. 
The  sum  of  ten  thousand  dollars  in  goods  and  money  was 
then  paid  to  the  Six  Nations,  as  the  consideration  for  the 
land  ceded  to  the  crown ;  and  the  congress  having  been 
dissolved  on  the  evening  of  the  fifth  of  November,  the 
Baronet  on  the  following  day  returned  home.  Fort  Stanwix 
shortly  after  was  dismantled  by  order  of  the  commander- 
in-chief;  and  amid  its  desolation,  stood  a  fitting  emblem 
of  that  people,  who  within  its  walls  had  so  recently  bar- 
tered away  their  birthright.2 

Such  was  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  remarks  a  writer 
in  the  North  American  Review,  "  whereon  rests  the  title  by 
purchase  to  Kentucky,  western  Virginia,  and  Pennsylva- 
nia." Yet  it  was  a  vain  hope,  for  either  cabinet  minister, 
or  rude  savage,  to  think,  by  a  paper  boundary,  to  alter  the 
Divine  decrees.  The  star  of  empire  that  guided  the  frail 
bark  of  Columbus  to  the  new  world,  still  held  its  western 
course.  The  beautiful  valleys  and  rolling  praries  of  Ken- 
tucky and  the  Illinois  were  too  tempting  to  be  resisted. 
New  companies,  directed  by  the  energy  of  Washington  and 
Lee,  sprung  up  to  fertilize  the  vast  expanse  now  opened 
Daniel  Boone,  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1769,  crossed 
the  mountains,  and  explored  the  valleys  of  the  west; 
other  hardy  pioneers  followed ;  and  soon  the  axe  of  the 
frontiersman  echoed  through  forests  beyond  the  Wabash. 

1Vide  Bancroft,  vol.  vi,  line  4,  p.  228. 

2  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Hillsborough,  23d  Oct.,  1768.  Ibid,  18th  Nov., 
1*767.  "  Proceedings  of  Sir  William  Johnson  with  the  Indians  at  Fort  Stan- 
wix to  settle  a  boundary  line." 


1768. 


310  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

Uxvif'     The  assembly  having  expired  by  its  septennial  limita- 
tion on  the  sixth  of  February,  writs  were  issued  for  a  new 
election,  returnable  on  the  twenty-second  of  the  following 
month.     Owing,   however,   to  the    governor  having  no 
special  business  to  lay  before  the  house,  the  new  assembly 
was  not  convened  until  the  twenty-seventh  of  October.  The 
opening  speech  of   the  governor  related    chiefly  to  the 
Indian  trade,  which  his  majesty  had  been  pleased  hence- 
forward  to  confide  to  the  colonies.     "The  advantages," 
said  the  governor,  "arising  not  only  from  the  intercourse 
of  trade  with  the  Indians,  but  from  the  maintenance  of 
that  tranquility  among  them  which  subsists  at  present,  are 
so  obvious  as  to  require  no  arguments  to  enforce  them.     I 
shall,  therefore,  only  recommend  to  you,  that,  to  avoid  any 
future  cause  of  dissatisfaction   or  jealousy  being  given, 
you  will,  by  the  most  effectual  laws,  prevent  any  settlements 
being  made  beyond  the  line,  which  shall  be  agreed  on  by 
the  Indians."     In  their  reply,  on  the  third  of  November, 
the  house  expressed  its  willingness  to  cooperate  with  the 
governor  in  any  measures  for  the  better  regulation  of  the 
Indian  trade  ;  and,  indeed,  for  the  first  two  weeks  of  the 
session,  nothing  occured  to  ruffle  the  general  harmony  of 
its  proceedings.     The  critical  posture  of  the  province  to 
the  mother  country,  however,  forbade  that  this  state  of 
quiescence  should  be  lasting ;  and  it  was  not  long  before 
a  direct  issue  arose  between  the  governor  and  his  assembly. 
The  right  of  parliament  to  tax  America  was  still  dis- 
cussed with  great  freedom  in  all  the  colonies,  but  in  none 
with  more  vigor  than  in  Massachusetts.     In  February,  the 
assembly  of  that  province  had  addressed  a  circular  letter, 
drafted  by  Samuel  Adams,  to  her  sister  colonies,  in  which 
the  "  great  evils  to  which  the  inhabitants  of  America  were 
subjected  from  the  operation  of  several  acts  of  parliament 
imposing  taxes  upon  them,"    were  set  forth,  and   their 
cooperation  solicited  in  obtaining  redress.     This  proceed- 
ing, as  may  readily  be  imagined,  gave  great  offense  to  the 
ministry ;  and  Lord  Hillsborough  forthwith  addressed  a 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  311 

letter  upon  the  subject  to  the  several  colonial  governors,  chap. 
requesting  that  their  assemblies  should  treat  the  circular  w^ 
letter  with  silent  contempt.  But  the  resentment  of  the  1768- 
mother  country  toward  Massachusetts  was  not  satisfied. 
It  was  determined  to  still  farther  disgrace  her,  by  detach- 
ing a  strong  military  force  to  occupy  her  capital.  The 
rumor  that  such  a  step  was  meditated  by  the  crown  caused 
considerable  comment,  and  when,  on  the  twenty-eighth 
of  September,  two  British  regiments,  accompanied  by 
seven  men-of-war,  arrived  at  Boston  from  Halifax,  the 
indignation,  not  only  in  Massachusetts,  but  in  those  colo- 
nies that  sympathized  with  her,  became  intense.  In 
Connecticut  numerous  town  meetings  were  held,  in  which 
it  was  resolved,  first,  "  to  seek  the  Lord,  by  general  fasting, 
prayer  and  humiliation,  and  then  to  call  a  convention  of 
ninety-two  persons  to  determine  what  was  to  be  done  in 
the  present  difficulties  and  distress."  *  In  New  York  city, 
especially,  the  Sons  of  Liberty  felt  deeply  the  indignity 
offered  to  their  sister  colony  ;  and  in  their  first  ebullition 
of  anger,  indignation  meetings  were  held,  and  Governor 
Bernard,  and  his  sheriff,  burned  in  effigy. 

Such  was  the  state  of  public  sentiment,  when,  on  the 
fourteenth  of  November,  Sir  Henry  Moore  laid  before  the 
house  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough's  letter,  forbidding  cor- 
respondence with  Massachusetts,  and  called  upon  it  to 
render  a  cheerful  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  the  secretary. 
This  action  of  the  governor  was  met  by  a  warm  remon- 
strance from  the  assembly ;  and  when,  a  few  days  after, 
the  former  threatened  to  dissolve  it  in  case  of  its  not  com- 
plying, it  unhesitatingly  refused  obedience.  The  bold 
stand,  thus  assumed,  was  warmly  seconded  by  public 
opinion,  as  appears  conspicuously  in  the  newspapers  and 
private  correspondence  of  the  day.  A  series  of  articles, 
which  had  recently  appeared  under  the  title  of  "  Letters 
from  a  farmer  in  Pennsylvania  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
British  colonies,"  had  paved  the  way  for  a  fearless  utter- 

__ a 

•  Manuscript  letter;  J.  Moffatt  to  Johnson,  Sept.  1768. 


312  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


CHAP.ance  against  ministerial  oppression.  "Let  these  truths," 
s^  said  the  leaders  of  the  people  in  New  York,  "be  indelibly 
1768.  impressed  upon  our  minds,  that  we  cannot  be  free  with- 
out being  secure  in  our  property ;  that  we  cannot  be  secure 
in  our  property,  if  without  our  consent,  others  may,  as  by 
right,  take  it  away ;  that  taxes  imposed  by  parliament  do 
thus  take  it  away  ;  that  duties,  laid  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  raising  money,  are  taxes  ;  and  that  attempts  to  lay  such 
should  be  instantly  and  firmly  opposed." 

While,  however,  the  assembly  were  thus  firm  in  main- 
taining its  constitutional  rights  and  privileges,  it  evinced 
no  disposition  to  countenance  acts  of  lawless  violence ; 
and  in  reply  to  a  message  from  the  governor  on  the  twenty- 
third,  asking  its  aid  in  bringing  to  punishment  the  ring- 
leaders in  a  recent  riot,  it  reported  a  series  of  resolutions, 
which  distinctly  set  forth,  that  although  it  felt  deeply  the 
course  of  parliament  toward  them,  yet  so  far  from  approv- 
ing of  any  violent  proceedings,  it  would  on  all  accasions 
endeavor  to  support  the  dignity  and  authority  of  govern- 
ment. The  riot,  to  which  allusion  is  here  made,  had 
occurred  on  the  fourteenth  of  November,  and  had  been  the 
result  of  new  exactions,  by  way  of  imposts,  of  the  parlia- 
ment upon  the  colonies  ;  and  while  the  reply  of  the  house, 
as  intimated,  strongly  censured  the  rioters,  yet  it  also  con- 
demned the  new  duties  in  terms  equally  severe.  This 
address  gave  little  satisfaction  to  the  representative  of  the 
crown ;  and  on  the  last  day  of  the  year,  it  was  followed 
by  a  series  of  strong  constitutional  resolutions,  among 
which  was  one,  declaring  that  it  was  the  opinion  of  the 
committee, "  that  the  house  had  an  undoubted  right  to  cor- 
respond and  consult  with  any  of  the  neighboring  colonies 
on  any  matter,  subject  or  thing  whatever,  whereby  they 
should  conceive  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  house,  to 
be  in  any  way  affected."1 
1769.  These  resolutions  gave  high  displeasure ;  and  Sir  Henry 
Moore,  having  convened  the  assembly  in  the  City  Hall  on 

i  Journals  of  the  assembly. 


LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  313 

the  afternoon  of  the  third  of  January,  dissolved  it  by  a  chap. 
speech  of  evident  irritation,   yet  of  affected  regret  and  v-^-1/ 
sorrow  at  the  occasion  demanding  the  summary  measure. 1769- 
Writs  for  a  new  election  were  immediately  issued,  return- 
able  on  the  fourteenth  of  February.     The  people,  how- 
ever,   sustained  the  action  of  their  representatives ;  and 
all  the  former  members,  with  the  exception  of  six,  were 
returned  by  overwhelming  majorities. 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  first  direct  appeal  of  the 
crown  to  the  people,  on  the  subject  of  the  great  constitu- 
tional principles  of  liberty,  which  were  now  beginning 
to  agitate  the  political  waters  to  their  deepest  fountains. 

* 


- 


I 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

1769-1770. 

chap-  At  no  time  in  its  history,  had  the  Confederacy  of  the 
v^^J,  Six  Nations  been  in  so  calm  a  state  as  at  the  opening  of 
1769.  the  present  year.  It  is  true  that  an  occasional  brush  with 
the  Paxton  men  caused,  at  times,  some  uneasiness ;  but 
those  land  disputes,  which  had  been  a  source  of  so  much 
irritation,  were  now  mostly  settled ;  while  the  recent 
adjustment  of  the  boundary  appeared  as  if  the  whites 
were  in  future  disposed  to  act  fairly.  Within  the  past 
year,  moreover,  efforts  had  been  made  by  the  principal 
sachems  to  lead  back  those  of  their  number,  who  had 
strayed  into  lands  far  removed  from  their  ancient  fire- 
place ;  and  generally  with  success.  Those  of  the  Tusca- 
roras,  who  had  remained  in  the  Carolinas,  had  followed 
their  kindred;  the  Onondagas  of  Swegatchie  and  the 
Sault  St.  Louis  again  slept  in  the  lodges  of  their  fathers ; 
and  the  Senecas  of  the  Ohio  were  gradually  finding  their 
way  back  to  Chenussio.  Indian  teachers,  educated  by 
Doctor  Wheelock,  and  supported  at  the  private  expense 
of  Sir  William  Johnson,  were  quietly  diffusing  among 
the  tribes  a  taste  for  reading  and  peaceful  avocations. 
The  brazen  age  of  the  Confederacy  seemed  rapidly  giving 
way  to  the  golden. l 

1  One  of  these  teachers  was  a  Mohegan  Indian,  Joseph  Johnson,  who  was 
born  at,  Mohegan  in  1750.  He  was  the  son  of  Capt.  Joseph  Johnson,  who 
served  near  Lake  George  in  the  French  war  of  1757,  and  who  was  a  man 
of  piety.  After  he  had  been  employed  some  two  years,  among  the  Six 
Nations,  he  became  for  a  time  a  wanderer.  Returning  from  a  whaling 
voyage,  in  1771,  he  repaired  to  his  farm  in  Mohegan,  and  there  in  a  time 
of  sickness  brought  on  by  his  vices,  became  a  Christian  convert  by  reading 
the  New  Testament  and  Baxter's  Saint's  Rest.  It  would  seem,  from  his 
journal,  which  is  still  preserved,  that  he  experienced   the  deepest  convic- 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  315 

The  tranquility  that  now  prevailed,  afforded  Sir  "Wil-  chap. 
liam  an  opportunity  of  carrying  out  a  plan  which  he  had^^ 
long  meditated  for  the  improvement  of  his  special  prote- 1769. 
ges,  the  Mohawks.  The  mission  established  by  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Barclay  between  the  Lower  Mohawk  Castle  and 
Albany,  since  he  had  become  the  rector  of  Trinity  Church, 
had  been  without  a  settled  pastor — a  circumstance  which 
had  been  a  source  of  much  vexation  both  to  the  Indians 
and  the  Baronet.  Accordingly,  in  the  early  spring,  the 
latter,  at  his  own  expense,  began  the  erection  of  a  hand- 
some little  church  at  Canajoharie,  designed  expressly  for 
the  use  of  the  Mohawks  of  the  Upper  and  Lower  Castles. 
Owing,  however,  to  the  necessity  of  bringing  most  of  the 
building  materials  from  New  York  city,  the  church  was 
not  completed  and  thoroughly  furnished  until  June  of 
the  following  year;  when,  a  new  supply  of  Indian  prayer 
books  having  been  received  from  Hugh  Graine,  it  was 
opened  for  divine  worship  on  the  seventeenth  of  that 
month,  Rev.  Harry  Munro  from  Albany,  at  the  invitation 
of  Sir  William,  preaching  the  dedication  sermon.1 

While  the  Baronet  was  thus  engaged,  he  entertained,  in 
Ma.rch,  at  the  Hall,  Professors  Danford  and  Willard  of 
Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  who  were  on  their  way  to 
Lake  Superior  to  observe  the  transit  of  Venus.  Fears 
were  entertained  that  the  jealousy  of  the  western  nations 

might  be  excited  at  the  mathematical  instruments, —  sus- 

, — « — , — ___ — ___ , .         • 

tion  of  sin.     Afterward  he  was  licensed  to   preach,  and   was  for  years  a 
missionary  in  the  state  of  New  York. 

1  In  writing  to  his  agent  in  New  York,  for  the  different  materials  for  this 
church,  the  Baronet  mentions  the  following  items  :  "To  get  a  ball  made 
and  gilt  ;  also  a  weathercock,  and  all  the  iron  work  necessary  to  fix  them. 
They  are  to  be  proportioned  to  the  building,  which  is  a  wooden  church  now 
a  building  at  Canajoharie,  of  50  ft.  long  by  32  wide.  Also  a  bell,  £13  or 
£20  in  price."  MS.  letter,  Johnson  to  John  Wetherhead,  17th  Feb.,  17G9. 
This  little  church  is  still  standing  in  the  town  of  Danube,  Herkimer  Co., 
N.  Y.  The  same  old  bell  still  hangs  in  the  belfry.  Tradition  states  that 
during  the  revolution  this  bell  was  carried  off  by  the  Indians,  who  on  being 
pursued  cast  it  into  the  Mohawk,  whence  it  was  afterwards  fished  out  and 
restored  to  its  place. 


316  LIFE  OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

en  \p  pecting  that  they  were  to  be  used  in  surveying  their  coun- 
^_^_Jtry, —  and  although  they  were  armed  with  a  pass  from 
1769.  General  Gage,  requesting  the  commanding  officer  at 
Michilimackinac  to  explain  to  the  Indians  the  object  of 
their  visit,  yet  they  desired  to  have  the  benefit  of  such 
suggestions  from  the  superintendent  as  would  best  facili- 
tate the  object  of  their  journey. 

In  the  election  which  took  place,  as  stated  in  the  last 
chapter,  almost  immediately  after  the  dissolution  of  the 
assembly,  the  Baronet  did  not  take  his  usual  active  part. 
This  was  owing  to  the  fact,  that  one  of  the  candidates  for 
reelection  to  the  assemby  from  Albany  county  was  Colo- 
nel Philip  Schuyler,  between  whom  and  himself  a  coolness 
had  recently  arisen.  The  cause  of  the  estrangement  was 
as  follows :  During  the  last  session  of  the  assembly, 
Colonel  Schuyler,  chafed  at  some  opposition  in  his  last 
election,  in  the  Spiring  of  1768,  from  Sir  John  Johnson, 
and  believing  it  to  have  emanated  from  the  father,  (although 
this  was  not  the  case,)  made  a  motion  for  an  act  to  prevent 
any  member  of  the  council  interfering  in  future  elections. 
Although  the  motion  was  negatived  by  a  large  majority, 
yet  the  Baronet,  believing,  in  common  with  many  of  his 
friends,  that  this  was  intended  for  himself,  felt  aggrieved 
that  one  for  whom  he  had  always  manifested  a  warm 
friendship,  and  one,  moreover,  whom  he  had  but  recently 
created  a  colonel  as  a  special  mark  of  favor,  should  have 
taken  such  a  course.  He  was  not  a  man,  however,  to 
brood  in  secret  over  a  supposed  injury,  and  he,  therefore, 
in  the  middle  of  January,  just  previous  to  the  election, 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  colonel,  stating  that  if  the  reports 
which  he  had  heard  were  true,  he  could  not  give  him  his 
support.  Colonel  Schuyler,  who,  if  he  really  designed  the 
motion  as  a  thrust  at  the  Baronet,  was  not  disinclined  to 
have  his  influence  in  the  coming  canvas,  immediately 
replied  to  Sir  "William's  letter.  His  explanation,  however, 
was  evidently  not  satisfactory.     "The  several  reports," 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART.  317 

wrote   Sir  William  to  an  intimate  friend,  ''that  I  have  chap. 

xvu 
lately  received  of  Phil.   Schuyler's  conduct  towards  me,  v_ Y__, 

are  so  correspondent  that  I  have  written  him  upon  it ;  and 1709- 
although  in  his  answer  he  appears  very  desirous  of  clear- 
ing up  matters  to  my  satisfaction,  I  find  it  Will  be  neces- 
sary for  me  to  have  some  little  communication  with  him 
whenever  I  meet  with  an  opportunity,  as  his  answer  suf- 
ficiently shows  that  he  has  been  led  into  some  capital 
errors  relating  to  part  of  my  late  conduct,  which  he  spoke 
of  in  the  late  assembly.  However,  I  shall  suspend  my 
thoughts  for  a  little  time,  as  I  am  willing  to  suppose  that 
a  man  whom  I  have  never  injured,  and  who  has  twice 
solicited  for  my  interest,  which  I  freely  promised  him,  would 
hardly  have  insinuated  anything  with  regard  to  me  unless 
he  had  been  excited — perhaps  without  any  ill  intention 
on  his  part.  *  Feeling,  therefore,  that  he  could  not  give 
him  his  cordial  support,  and  being  unwilling  to  oppose 
one  who  was  known  as  the  champion  of  the  people  against 
ministerial  oppression,  he  took  no  active  part  in  the  elec- 
tion. Colonel  Schuyler  was  accordingly  reelected  by  a 
large  majority, — very  much  to  the  chagrin  of  Henry  Van- 
Schaack,  who  was  his  strong  political  enemy.  "  The  peo- 
ple down  here,"  wrote  the  latter  from  Kinderhook  to  the 
Baronet,  "almost  to  a  man,  were  greatly  disappointed 
that  there  was  no  opposition  to  the  last  elections,  as  they 
had  flattering  hopes  of  your  interfering.2 

In  New  York  city  the  election  was  warmly  contested. 
"  I  hear,"  wrote  Sir  "William,  jocularly,  to  a  friend  in 
New  York,  "  that  you  are  likely  to  have  a  hot  election, 
and  probably  there  will  be  work  for  shillalahs."  Nor  was 
the  writer  far  out  in  his  conjecture.  At  no  time,  for 
many  years,  had  the  excitement  been  more  intense;  and 
every  means  and  device  was  made  use  of  to  secure  votes.  3 

1  Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Major  Moncrieffe,  26th  Jan.,  1769. 

2  Manuscript  letter  ;  Henry  Van  Schaack  to  Johnson,  20th  March,  1769. 

3  "  II  is  surprising  what  trifles  can  be  turned  to  the  greatest  advantage  in 
elections,  and  be  made  to  captivate  the  passions  of  the  vulgar.     A  straw, 


318  LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  In  the  city,  especially,  the  contest  was  between  the  church 
%r**f*  party  and  the  dissenters  —  the  former  being  led  by  the 
1769.  DeLanceys,  and  the  latter  by  the  Livingstons.    The  church, 
having  the  support  of  the  mercantile  and  masonic  inter- 
ests, was  triumphant ;  and  John  Cruger,  James  DeLancey, 
Jacob  Walton,  and  James  Jauncey,  were  elected  by  the 
city.1 
•  On  the  fourth  of  April  the  new  assembly  met.     John 

Cruger  was  immediately  chosen  speaker,  and  it  was  not 
long  before  another  proof  was  afforded  of  the  strength  of 
the  church  party  in  the  house.  "  The  De  Lancey  interest," 
wrote  Hugh  Wallace,  a  member  of  the  council,  to  Sir 
William,  H  prevails  in  the  house  greatly,  and  they  have 
given  the  Livingston  interest  proof  of  it  by  dismissing  P. 

a  fire-brand,  have  severally  answered  this  purpose  in  a  recent  instance.  It 
was  said,  during  the  last  election,  that  T.  Smith  had  said  that  the  Irish 
were  poor  beggars,  and  had  come  over  here  upon  a  bunch  of  straw.  The 
whole  body  of  Irishmen  immediately  joined  and  appeared  with  straws  in 
their  hats.  Mr.  Kissam,  who  summed  up  the  evidence  for  Mr.  Scott  in  the 
late  charge  against  Mr.  Jauncey,  happened  to  say  that  the  passions  of  the 
Germans  were  fire-brands  ; — a  whole  congregation  were,  in  consequence  of 
that,  resolved  to  vote  with  them  in  their  hands  ;  but  being  dissuaded,  they 
however  distinguished  themselves  by  the  name  of  the  Firebrands.  These 
gentlemen  have  also  made  themselves  remarkable  by  a  song  in  the  German 
language,  the  chorus  of  which  is, 

"Maester  Cruger,  Delancey, 
Maester  Walton  and  Jauncey." 

'Twas  droll  to  see  some  of  the  first  gentlemen  in  town  joining  in  singing 
this  song,  while  they  conducted  the  members  to  the  coffee  house."  Letter 
P.  Van  Schaack  to  his  brother  Henry,  27th  Jan„  1769. 

1  m  I  arrived  here  St.  John's  day,  when  there  was  a  grand  procession  of 
the  whole  fraternity,  and  a  very  excellent  sermon  preached  by  Dr.  Auch- 
muthy,  at  Trinity  Church,  on  the  occasion.  At  the  same  time  a  collection 
was  made  for  the  city,  which  I  think  amounted  to  £200.  Would  you  think 
it — but  it  is  true — that  the  Presbyterians  immediately  labored  to  convert 
this  charitable  affair  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  church  of  England,  and 
the  part  which  they  take  in  the  election  ensuing  ?  Will  Smith  and  W.  Liv- 
ingston, got  an  old  rascally  sermon,  called  "  Masonry  the  sure  Guide  to 
Hell,"  reprinted  and  distributed  it  with  great  assiduity,  *  *  and  there 
is,  this  day,  an  extraordinary  lodge  held  on  the  occasion  in  order  to  consult, 
means  to  resent  the  affront."  Manuscript  letter  ;  J.  Weatherhead  to  Johnson, 
0th  January,  1769. 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  319 

Livingston  the  house  as  a  non-resident."     The  Living- chap. 
stons,  however,  were  not  entirely  crushed,  for  the  same  w^_/ 
writer  adds :,    "  Its  said  he  will  be  returned  again  and  again 1769- 
and  so  become  another  Wilkes.1" 

The  opening  speech  of  Governor  Moore  contained  not 
the  remotest  reference  to  the  difficulties  which  had  caused 
the  recent  dissolution  ;  but  referred  only  to  the  manner 
in  which  the  colony's  agent  in  London  was  appointed — a 
mode  which  his  excellency  thought  objectionable — and 
asking  for  farther  military  appropriations.  He  was  of 
opinion  that  the  appointment  of  an  agent  should  be  made 
by  an  act  of  the  governor,  council,  and  assembly,  specially 
passed  for  that  purpose,  as  was  done  in  the  colonies  of 
Virginia,  Carolina,  Georgia  and  the  West  India  Islands, 
and  had  formerly  been  done  in  this. 

The  change  in  the  manner  of  appointing  the  colonial 
agent  had  been  first  introduced  during  the  administration 
of  Governor  Clinton,  in  1747,  in  the  appointment  of  Rob- 
ert Charles  without  the  former's  privity  or  consent. 
Governor  Clinton,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  complained 
bitterly  at  the  time  of  the  innovation,  but  without  effect ; 
and  it  was,  therefore,  not  likely  that  an  assembly,  having 
had  their  own  way  in  this  matter  for  upwards  of  twenty 
years,  would  now  yield.  Accordingly,  in  their  reply  upon 
the  eighth,  they  utterly  declined  adopting  the  mode  which 
his  excellency  had  recommended ;  declaring  that  it  would 
be  sacrificing  the  rights  and  diminishing  the  liabilities  of 
their  constituents  to  adopt  any  other  mode  of  appointment 
than  that  which  had  been  practiced  in  the  colony  for  many 
years  past.  In  reference,  however,  to  that  part  of  the 
governor's  speech  requesting  certain  military  appropria- 
tions, they  were  not  as  decided.  The  sums,  they  said, 
that  had  been  granted  for  the  support  of  his  majesty's 
troops  in  barracks  were  very  considerable ;  the  repeated 
application  of  monies  to  that  purpose  would  effectually 
ruin  a  colony,  whose  trade,  by  unnatural  restrictions  and 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Hugh  Wallace  to  Johnson,  13th  May,  1769. 


320  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  the  want  of  a  paper  currency  to  supply  the  almost  total 
wy— *  deficiency    of   specie,  had    so   much   declined ;    in   this 
1769.  unhappy  situation,  therefore,  his  excellency's  requisition 
for  fresh  aid  demanded  their  most  serious  consideration. 

It  was  during  the  spring  of  this  year,  that  the  division 
of  Albany  county  into  two  counties  was  first  contem- 
plated ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  present  session,  Colonel 
Schuyler  moved  for  permission  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  that 
purpose,  which  was  granted.  The  author  of  this  bill 
undoubtedly  meant  well,  but  his  impulses  occasionally 
led  him  into  the  commission  of  acts  which  infringed  upon 
the  rights  of  others.  His  action  on  the  present  occasion 
was  by  no  means  authorized  by  his  constituents.  The  pro- 
ject had  been  merely  talked  of  informally  among  a  few ; 
and  the  first  intimation  that  those  of  the  inhabitants,  who 
were  to  form  the  population  of  the  western  division — and 
who  were  therefore  entitled  to  an  opinion  — had  of  the  pro- 
posed division,  was  upon  hearing  of  Schuyler's  motion  in 
the  house.  The  manner,  moreover,  in  which  it  was  pro- 
posed by  the  bill  to  divide  the  county  was  not  agreeable  to 
many,  who  w^ere  otherwise  strongly  in  favor  of  a  division. 
Among  the  latter  was  the  Baronet.  "  Albany  county," 
he  wrote  at  this  time,  "  is  much  too  large,  but  the  manner 
in  which  it  is  proposed  to  be  divided  is  in  many  respects 
extremely  inconvenient,  and  would  prove  disagreeable  to 
almost  all  the  inhabitants.  The  only  rational  boundary, 
it  has  appeared  to  me,  and  all  I  have  conversed  with, 
would  be  at  the  west  bounds  of  the  township  of  Schenec- 
tady, which  is  a  well  known  place,  where  there  is  a  good 
natural  boundary,  which  could  not  interfere  with  any  prop- 
erty or  create  the  least  confusion,  as  this  proposed  must 
do."1  A  petition  was  likewise  drawn  up  by  him,  on  behalf 
of  those  who  were  opposed  to  the  bill  as  it  then  stood,  and 
placed  in  the  hands  of  Captain  James  De  Lancey  2   to  be 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Johnson  to  Hugh  Wallace,  May,  1769. 
'James  De  Lancey  of  the  city  of  New  York,  eldest  son  of  James  De  Lan- 
cpy,  lieutenant  governor   of  New  York,  was  in  early  life  a  captain   in  the 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  321 

laid  before  the  assembly.     The  decided  opposition  thus  crap. 
shown   was   successful.     "The   attempt  to   get    Albany ^^^ 
county  divided,"  wrote  Wallace  to  Johnson,    "will  not1769- 
pass."     The  writer's  prediction  was  correct.     The  bill  was 
ordered  to  a  second  reading,  and  for  the  present  dropped ; 
and  a  few  days  after,  on  the  twentieth  of  May,  the  assem- 
bly were  prorogued  by  the  governor  to  the  month  of 
July ;  not,  however,  until  that  body  had  voted,  with  a  very 
ill  grace,  eighteen  hundred  pounds  for  the  support  of  his 

majesty's  troops  quartered  in  the  colony.1 

. 

Meanwhile,  late  in  May,  an  express  arrived:  at  Niagara 
from  Detroit,  bearing  the  startling  intelligence  that  the 
western  nations  were  again  on  the  verge  of  a  general 
insurrection,  and  that  the  garrison  of  that  post  had  thrown 
themselves  into  the  fort  for  its  protection.2  This  news, 
moreover,  seemed  to  receive  confirmation,  when  a  few 
days  after,  a  friendly  chief  of  the  Mississageys  came  into 
Niagara  and  begged  the  traders  to  defer  making  their 
yearly  visit  to  Detroit.3  The  alarm  became  general. 
Hundreds  of  bateaux  were  at  once  stopped  at  the  portage 
on  their  way  to  the  frontier  posts ;  and,  in  their  terror,  the 
settlers  abandoned  their  farms  from  Bedford  to  Fort  Pitt. 

Happily,  the  fears  of  the  Detroit  garrison  were  not  con- 
firmed, the  threatened  outbreak  resulting  in  the  murder 
of  two  or  three  traders  on  the  Ohio;  but  the  horrors  of 
Pontiac's  war  were  too  recent  to  be  easily  forgotten,  while 
the  known  efforts  of  the  French  and  Spanish  traders,  for 
the  past  two  years,  to  incite  the  western  savages  to  revolt, 

British  regular  service,  and  was  always  called  "  Captain  DeLancey,"  to 
distinguish  him  from  his  first  cousin,  James  DeLancey  of  Westchester,  after- 
wards the  famous  partizan  colonel  of  the  Westchester  loyalists,  otherwise 
known  as  the  Cowboys. 

1  Mr.  Lossing,  in  his  life  of  Schuyler,  and  Mr.  Leake,  in  his  life  of  John 
Lamb,  state  the  sum  voted  to  have  been  1500£.  The  Journal  of  the  assem- 
bly, however,  printed  by  Hugh  Gaine,  reads  1800£. 

2  Manuscript  letter  ;  Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland  to  Johnson,  25th  May,    1769. 

3  Manuscript  letter  ;  Capt.  Norman  McLood  —  oommissary  at  Niagara  — 
to  Johnson,  May,    1769. 

41 


/I 


322  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  rendered  it  very  probable  that  they  bad  finally  succeeded. 
wy-1  Under  tbese  circumstances  Sir  William,  always  vigilant, 
1769.  an(j  wevj  aware  tbat  if  tbe  reports  from  tbe  west  were  true, 
no  exertions  would  be  spared  to  drawr  tbe  Six  Nations  into 
tbe  war,  resolved  upon  a  tour  throughout  tbe  Confederacy 
wTitb  a  view  of  ascertaining  its  present  temper  and  dispo- 
sition. Accordingly  be  set  out  from  tbe  Hall  on  tbe  twenty- 
sixth  of  June,  proceeding  first  to  Onondaga  castle  and 
returning  by  way  of  Seneca.  His  tour  of  inspection  con- 
firmed bis  suspicions.  Many  of  the  younger  warriors,  of 
the  upper  castles,  were  already  much  excited  by  numerous 
belts  which  had  recently  been  received  from  the  west ; 
while  nearly  all  the  old  sachems  were  alarmed  at  the  late 
order  of  the  board  of  trade,  which,  with  a  short-sighted 
policy,  required  the  superintendent  to  dismiss  the  commis- 
sioners of  trade  at  the  several  posts,  with  a  view  to 
diminish  the  expenses  of  the  Indian  department. 

At  Onondaga,  which  he  reached  on  the  tenth  of  July, 
he  met  with  an  accident,  that,  at  bis  time  of  life,  was  not 
slight.  Returning  one  evening  across  the  lake  from  a  pre- 
liminary conference  with  a  few  of  the  principal  chiefs,  the 
canoe  which  he  was  paddling  upset.  With  great  difliculty 
he  reached  the  shore,  and  wThile  clambering  up  a  steep  bank, 
he  received  a  severe  cut  in  his  wounded  leg.  His  suffer- 
ings were  at  first  intense,  but  finding  himself  easier,  a 
general  council  was  held  two  days  after,  at  which  he  dis- 
tributed large  quantities  of  Indian  corn  to  the  Onondagas, 
their  crops  having  failed.  Thence  he  journeyed  to  Cayuga, 
and  having  held  another  meeting  at  that  castle,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Seneca,  where  two  thousand  Indians  were 
awaiting  him.  While  at  this  place  belts  arrived,  announc- 
ing the  approach  of  several  Cherokee  chieftains,  who  were 
on  their  way  to  a  general  congress,  soon  to  be  held  at 
Onondaga,  for  the  purpose  of  cementing  alliances  with 
tbe  Canada  Indians  and  other  friendly  tribes.  The  Baro- 
net, thereupon,  arranged  for  a  full  report  of  its  proceed- 
ings ;  and  having  completely  neutralized  the  poison  of  the 


-t  , 


LIFE    OF   §IR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  323 

western  belts,  he  returned  home  by  easy  stages,  reaching  chap. 
the  Hall  the   seventh  of  August.     His  injury,   however,  w^-L* 
proved  more  serious  than  was  at  first  supposed.     He  was1769- 
obliged  to  consult  a  physician  from  New  York  city ;  and  it 
was  not  until  the  fourth  of  October,  that  he  was  sufficiently 
recovered  to  leave  his  room.1 

A  few  days  after  his  return,  Sir  "William  received  intelli- 
gence that  the  king  had  conferred  upon  him,  as  a  peculiar 
mark  of  his  appreciation  of  his  services,  a  large  tract  of 
land,  situated  on  the  north  side  of  the  Mohawk,  and 
known  in  later  times  as  the  Royal  Grant.  The  origin  of 
it  was  as  follows : 

In  the  fall  of  1760,  the  Mohawks  of  Canajoharie, 
through  one  of  their  chiefs,  desired  the  attendance  of 
Sir  William  at  their  castle  upon  business  of  importance. 
The  latter  immediately  complied  with  their  request,  and 
upon  his  arrival  at  the  Lower  Castle,  the  Mohawks  in  full 
council  informed  him,  that  they  had  a  few  days  previously 
unanimously  resolved,  as  a  mark  of  esteem  and  affection,  to 
make  him  a  present  of  a  large  tract  of  land ;  at  the  same  time 
desiring  him  to  have  a  deed  of  gift  drawn  for  that  purpose. 
The  Baronet,  to  whom  this  genorosity  was  an  entire  sur- 
prise, thanked  them  for  the  friendly  feeling  thus  shown,  and 
requested  time  to  consider  it.  Determined,  however,  that 
he  should  accept  the  gift,  five  sachems,  deputized  by  the 
castle,  waited  upon  him  a  few  days  afterward  and  insisted 
upon  having  the  deed  drawn.  This  having  been  done,  they 
returned  with  the  deed  to  Canajoharie,  where  it  was  signed 
by  all  of  that  castle,  old  and  young; — the  Baronet  insist- 
ing upon  giving  them,  as  a  substantial  mark  of  his  appre- 
ciation of  their  kindness,  the  sum  of  twelve  thousand  dol- 
lars, besides  numerous  presents.  The  tract,  thus  conveyed, 
embraced  all  the  land  lying  on  the  north  side  of  the  Mo- 

1  Johnson  to  the  minister,   26th  August,  1769;  Manuscript  correspond- 
ence of  Johnson  during  August  and  October,  1769. 


324  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSpN,   BART. 

chap,  hawk,  between  Cayahara  and  Canada  creeks,  and  contained 

— v — '  sixty-six  thousand  acres  of  land.1 

1769-  Soon  after  receiving  this  present,  Sir  William  wrote  to 
Lieutenant  Governor  Colden  requesting  a  patent  for  the 
land  in  the  usual  form.  Upon  his  letter  being  referred  to 
the  council,  they  were  of  opinion  that  so  large  a  tract 
could  not  be  granted  to  one  person  without  infringing  on 
his  Majesty's  proclamation  of  1763. 2  The  revolt  of  the 
western  nations  occurring  shortly  after,  the  matter  rested 
until  the  summer  of  1766,  when  Sir  William  laid  before 
the  king,  in  council,  a  memorial  setting  forth  the  facts  of 
the  case,  and  praying  that  royal  letters  patent  might  issue 
to  him  for  the  land.  The  memorial  was,  thereupon,  re- 
ferred to  the  board  of  trade,  who  in  February,  1767,  re- 
ported favorably  upon  it.  "  The  established  character  and 
reputation  of  Sir  William  Johnson,"  the  report  went  on 
to  say,  "leaves  us  no  room  to  doubt  of  the  veracity  of  his 
relation  of  this  matter ;  and  in  this  light  it  does  not  appear 
to  us,  that  the  grant  in  question  can  properly  come  under 
the  description  of  a  purchase ;  since  the  money  which  the 
petitioner  alledges  that  he  paid  to  the  Indians,  who  be- 
stowed these  lands  upon  him,  seems  not  so  much  to  have 
been  considered  as  an  equivalent  by  way  of  bargain,  as 
a  customary  present,  regularly  expected  by  them  in  ac- 
knowledgment, even  of  their  most  disinterested  benefac- 
tions.    *     *     *     We  think,  therefore,  that  this  considera- 

1 "  The  rear  line  of  this  tract  is  to  begin  at  the  northeasterly  corner  of 
the  rear  line  of  a  parcel  of  land,  surveyed  last  fall  by  McGinn,  and  runs 
thence  a  westerly  course  to  the  Canada  kill  or  creek  at  Burnett's  field, 
which  will  make  it  about  thirteen  miles  distant  to  the  Mohawk  river." 
Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Banyar,  6th  January,  1761.  These  two 
creeks  are  now  known  as  the  East  and  West  Canada  creeks. 

2 This  proclamation  strictly  forbids  "any  private  persons  to  presume  to 
make  any  purchase  from  the  Indians  of  any  lands  reserved  to  the  said 
Indians,  within  those  parts  of  the  colonies  where  his  majesty  has  thought 
proper  to  allow  settlements  ;"  alleging  as  the  ground  for  this  prohibition, 
"  that  great  frauds  and  abuses  had  been  committed  in  the  purchasing  lands 
of  the  Indians,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  interests  of  the  crown,  and  to 
the  great  dissatisfaction  of  the  said  Indians." 


I/1FE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  325 

tion  not  only  exempts  his  particular  case  from  those  general  chap. 
objections,  that  are  founded  in  the  apprehension  of  preju-w^-1, 
dicial  consequences  resulting  from  the  dissatisfaction  of  1769- . 
the  Indians,  but  leaves  a  doubt  with  us  whether,  on  the 
contrary,  they  would  not  probably  consider  themselves  as 
suffering  an  indignity  and  affront,  by  a  disallowance  and 
refusal  of  their  grant."     This  report  was  satisfactory;  and 
the  king  granted  the  land  to  Sir  William  Johnson  by  royal 
letters  patent,  which  passed  the  Eoyal  Seal  in  June  of  the 
present  year.1 

The  death  of  Sir  Henry  Moore,  on  the  eleventh  of  Sep- 
tember, threw  a  gloom  over  the  entire  city.     His  polished 

1  Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Banyar,  6th  January,  1761 ;  do  Johnson 

tc  John  Pownal,  18th  April,  1763  ;  do,  Johnson  to  ,  13th  Sept.,  1769 ; 

do,  Johnson  to  Hon.  Thos.  Penn,  15th  September,  1769  ;  Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor Colden  to  the  lords  of  trade,  13th  May,  1765.  "  Report  of  the  lords  of 
trade  on  the  memorial  of  Sir  William  Johnson." 

Within  the  Royal  Grant  were  several  patents  taken  up  several  years  before 
the  action  of  the  Canajoharie  Mohawks,  but  against  the  legality  of  which, 
the  latter  always  protested. — Manuscript  letter  $  Johnson  to  Banyar,  6th  Jan., 
1769.  The  owners  of  these  patents  (thirty-nine  in  all)  were  consequently 
joined  in  the  royal  letters  patent ;  but  afterward  released  their  interest 
to  Sir  William  for  due  consideration.  The  author  had  among  his  manuscripts 
several  original  affidavits,  sworn  to  by  parties  who  were  present  at  the 
release,  testifying  to  this  transaction.  Unfortunately,  however,  before 
this  work  went  to  press,  he  found  that  these  affidavits  had  been  lost,  so 
that  he  is  unable  to  refer  the  reader  to  them  more  particularly  than  by  this 
statement.  The  date  of  these  affidavits,  if  his  recollection  serves  him,  was 
several  years  after  Sir  William's  decease. 

It  may  be  well  to  state  in  this  connection,  that,  with  the  exception  of  the 
royal  grant,  the  only  lands  that  Sir  William  ever  had  of  the  Indians  were 
a  small  tract  on  the  Susquehannah,  and  the  Onondaga  lands,  for  both  of 
which  he  paid  a  large  sum  of  money, — the  rest  of  his  estate  having  been 
purchased  of  the  whites.  This  statement  is  proved  by  numerous  letters  of 
his  in  which  it  is  asserted.  The  romantic  story  of  hits  dreaming  away  from 
King  Hendrik  the  Royal  Grant — which  even  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  in  his  Notes 
on  the  Iroquois,  gravely  narrates  as  a  fact — is  false.  Hendrik  had  been  in 
his  grave  five  years  before  this  tract  was  given.  Indeed,  the  uprightness  of 
Sir  William's  dealings  with  the  Indians,  which  was  the  chief  cause  of  his 
ascendancy  over  them,  sufficiently  proves  its  falsity,  even  if  we  had  not  the 
above  positive  testimony.  It  is  quite  time  that  the  numerous  silly  stories, 
afloat  in  regard  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  resting  solely  on  tradition, 
should  be  done  away  with. 


326  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  manners,  courteous  address,  and  genial  disposition,  had 
v-v-/  endeared  him  to  many  in  the  colony.  Although  forced, 
1769.  oftentimes,  as  the  representative  of  the  crown,  to  come  in 
collision  with  the  popular  sentiment,  yet  such  occasions 
were  evidently  so  distasteful  to  him,  that  many,  who  were 
his  bitter  political  enemies,  regarded  him  with  cordial  good 
will.  By  his  death  the  reins  of  government  fell  for  the 
third  time  into  the  hands  of  Doctor  Colden,  who,  as  lieu- 
tenant governor,  opened  the  fall  session  of  the  assembly 
on  the  twenty-second  of  November. 

Appearances  seemed  to  indicate  a  stormy  session.  Mas- 
sachusetts had  just  passed  a  series  of  spirited  resolutions 
against  the  military  and  naval  force  stationed  at  her  capital. 
The  assembly  of  Virginia,  late  in  the  spring,  had  been  dis- 
solved by  the  new  governor,  Lord  Botetourt,  for  its  pre- 
sumption in  sending  Massachusetts  words  of  encourage- 
ment and  support.  The  refusal,  moreover,  of  the  house  of 
commons,  in  March,  to  receive  the  representative  of  the 
New  York  assembly,  had  excited  the  apprehensions  of 
those  of  the  colonists  who  had  hitherto  been  warmly 
attached  to  the  crown.  "  I must  confess"  wrote  Sir  "Wil- 
liam Johnson,  in  September,  "  that  the  aspect  of  affairs  at 
home  is  very  unpleasing,  and  ought  to  give  concern  to  every  well 
wisher  of  his  country,  because  whatever  reason  or  justice  there 
may  be  in  the  late  steps,  there  is  a  probability  of  their  being  car- 
ried farther  than  a  good  man  can  wish  for.,n 

Yet  there  were  those  also  in  the  house  of  commons,  who 
had  more  than  glimmerings  of  the  result.  "Be  assured, 
sir,"  said  Alderman  Thecotherick,  in  April,  in  seconding 
the  motion  of  Thomas  Pownall  for  a  repeal  of  the  revenue 
act,  "that  every  measure  of  security  resorted  to  by  Great 
Britain  against  her  colonies  will  recoil  upon  ourselves. 
The  hearts  of  its  subjects  are  the  surest  hold  that  any 
government  can  have  on  their  fidelity  and  obedience." 
"Nobody,"  petulantly  exclaimed  Lord  North,   "is  more 


1  Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Riviugton,  14th  Sept.,  1769. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  327 

concerned  than  I  am  at  the  existing  differences  between  chap. 
America  and  the  mother  country ;  but  this  is  neither  a  w^-1/ 
measure  of  credit  nor  of  reconciliation ;  if  you  lose  your  1769- 
credit  with  the  colonies,  you  never  can  be  reconciled  with 
them;  and  he  argued  that  he  saw  nothing  uncommercial, 
in  making  the  Americans  pay  a  tax  upon  tea.  "  If  the 
noble  lord,"  replied  Alderman  Beckford,  "  imagines  that 
Americans  will  come  to  us  upon  their  knees,  he  will  be 
disappointed.  I  believe  they  never  will  submit  to  internal 
taxes.  Whether  combinations  against  the  mother  country 
are  legal  or  illegal,  is  a  matter  I  will  not  go  into-;  but  the 
head  of  a  family  may  surely  say:  "You  shall  not  wear 
British  manufactures."  Said  Mr.  Jackson,  "I  consider 
the  preservation  of  America  to  depend  upon  the  repeal  of 
this  act."  "  We  are  lighting  up,"  urged  Lord  Beauchamp, 
"  a  general  flame  in  America.  We  shall  lose  the  affec- 
tions of  two  millions  of  people  for  the  sake  of  a  paltry 
extorted  revenue.  Trade  is  the  offspring  of  good  will." 
"  We  ought  to  govern  America,"  added  in  the  same  strain 
Cord  John  Cavendish,  "through  the  affections  of  the 
people."1  But  these  prophetic  warnings  were  unheeded. 
The  motion  was  at  that  time  lost,  Lord  North  postponing 
farther  discussion  upon  it  by  a  stroke  of  parliamentary 
tactics.  Something,  however,  all  agreed  must  be  done  to 
conciliate  the  colonies ;  and  accordingly,  in  May,  the 
minister,  in  a  circular  letter,  assured  the  colonists  that  a 
proposition  would  be  made  at  the  next  session  of  parlia- 
ment to  Tepeal  the  duties  on  all  articles  except  tea.  This 
announcement  was  not  satisfactory.  It  was  evident  that 
the  right  of  taxation  was  not  relinquished. 

Contrary,  however,  to  general  expectation,  during  the 
fall  and  winter  session,  there  were  no  collisions  between  the 
executive  and  the  legislature,  although  the  spirited  resolu- 
tions of  Virginia,  of  the  preceding  May,  were  unanimously 
concured  in.     On  the  first  day  of  the  session  a  bill  was 

xSir  Henry  Cavendish's  debates  in  the  house  of  commons,  from  1768- 

1774 


328  LIFB  OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  introduced  for  emitting  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
w^— /  pounds  in  bills  of  credit,  to  he  put  out  on  loan,  as  a  means 
176&.  0f  revenue.  The  hill  was  at  first  hailed  with  delight  by 
the  leaders  of  the  popular  party,  who  thought  they  dis- 
cerned in  it  a  desire,  on  the  part  of  the  executive,  to  gratify 
the  wish  of  the  people.  When,  however,  it  was  followed, 
on  the  fifteenth  of  December,  by  a  motion  to  grant  two 
thousand  pounds  for  the  support  of  his  majesty's  troops  in 
the  colony,  which  sum  was  to  be  taken  out  of  the  interest 
arising  from  the  loan  bill  when  it  should  become  a  law,  a 
complete  revulsion  of  feeling  took  place ;  and  they  now 
saw  only  an  attempt,  on  the  part  of  the  lieutenant  gover- 
nor, to  compel  the  assembly  into  an  unconditional  submis- 
sion of  the  mutiny  act.  Accordingly,  the  first  sight  that 
greeted  the  citizens,  on  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth, 
was  a  flaming  placard,  posted  up  in  the  most  conspicuous 
portions  of  the  city,  addressed,  "  To  the  betrayed  inhabit- 
ants oe  the  City  and  Colony  of  New  York,"  and  signed 
"A  Son  of  Liberty."  This  placard  declared,  that  the 
granting  of  money  to  the  troops  was  implicitly  acknow- 
ledging the  authority  that  had  enacted  the  revenue  acts, 
which  had  been  passed  for  the  express  purpose  of  taking 
money  out  of  the  pockets  of  the.  colonists,  without  their 
consent;  that  what  made  the  granting  of  money  the 
more  grievous  was,  that  it  went  to  the  support  of  troops 
kept,  not  to  protect,  but  to  enslave  them ;  that  this  was 
the  view  taken  of  the  mutiny  act  by  the  assemblies 
of  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina,  —  therefore  let  not 
the  assembly  of  New  York  tell  their  disgrace  in  Boston, 
nor  publish  it  in  the  streets  of  Charleston  !  The  assembly, 
moreover,  had  not  been  attentive  to  the  liberties  of  this 
continent,  nor  to  the  prosperity  of  the  good  people  of 
this  colony.  This  sacrifice  of  the  public  interest,  it  attri- 
buted to  a  corrupt  source,  which,  it  scrupled  not  to  affirm 
in  plain  words,  was  an  infamous  coalition,  recently  entered 
into  between  the  executive  and  the  De  Lancey  family,  for 
this  very  object.     In  conclusion,  the  placard  advised  all 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

the  people  to  assemble  the  following  day  in  the  fields,  there  chap. 
to  express  their  sentiments  upon  a  point  so  vital  to  colonial  v-^-1/ 
liberty.  1769- 

The  large  concourse  of  people,  gathered  in  the  fields  at 
the  time  appointed,  clearly  showed  how  in  unison  with 
the  public  feeling  were  the  sentiments  uttered  in  the  pla- 
card of  the  previous  day.  The  object  of  the  gathering 
was  set  forth  by  John  Lamb,  one  of  the  most  prominent 
of  the  ^Sons  of  Liberty,  and  the  question  asked,  whether 
the  citizens  would  uphold  the  recent  action  of  the  assem- 
bly. The  emphatic  no  that  at  once  arose  from  the  vast 
throng  was  a  sufficient  answer  to  this  question ;  and  a 
committee  of  seven  was  immediatelv  appointed  to  carry 
this  public  expression  of  feeling  to  the  legislature.  But 
however  much  that  body  may  have  regretted  their  partial 
committal  to  the  loan  bill,  they  did  not  choose  to  be  dictated 
to  by  a  meeting  which  they  considered  little  better  than  a 
mob.  Accordingly,  the  consideration  of  the  placard  hav- 
ing been  made  the  first  order  of  the  following  day,  James 
DeLancey  moved  that  "  the  sense  of  the  house  should  be 
taken  whether  the  said  paper  was  not  an  infamous  and 
scandalous  libel."  The  question  being  put,  all  the  members 
voted  in  the  affirmative  except  Colonel  Schuyler,  who 
when  his  name  was  called,  with  admirable  moral  courage, 
fearlessly  answered  in  the  negative.  A  series  of  resolu- 
tions was  then  passed  condemning  the  paper  as  false,  sedi- 
tious, and  infamous,  and  requesting  the  lieutenant  governor 
to  offer  a  reward  of  one  hundred  pounds  for  its  author  or 
authors.  Immediately  after  the  passage  of  these  resolu- 
tions, Mr.  DeLancey  laid  before  the  house  another  hand- 
bill, in  which  the  late  proceedings  of  that  body  were 
strongly  condemned,  signed  Legion.  Resolves  were  at 
once  passed,  similar  in  tone  to  those  just  noticed,  and  an 
additional  reward  of  fifty  pounds  offered  for  the  writer  of 
this  also. 

Nothing  worthy  of  special  mention  occurred  during 
the  remainder  of  this   session.     John  Lamb,  it  is  true, 

42 


330  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 


OH  A  P 
XVII 


three  days  after  the  passage  of  the  resolutions,  was  ar- 
raigned before  the  house  on  suspicion  of  being  the  author 
!< 7°-  of  the  libellous  handbill ;  but  nothing  being  proved  against 
him  he  was  immediately  discharged.  The  general  assem- 
bly having  nowr  been  convened  more  than  two  months, 
and  its  members  being  now  anxious  to  return  to  their 
homes,  Lieutenant  Governor  Colden  signed  several  acts, 
among  them  one  for  appointing  commissioners  to  meet 
commissioners  from  the  neighboring  Colonies  to  agree 
upon  a  plan  for  regulating  the  Indian  trade,  and  on  the 
twenty-seventh  of  January,  prorogued  it  to  the  second 
Tuesday  in  March,  and  from  time  to  time  afterward  to 
the  eleventh  of  December. 

Meanwhile,  the  hatred  between  the  soldiers  and  the 
Sons  of  Liberty  daily  gained  strength.  The  former  had 
long  writhed  under  the  undisguised  disgust  with  which 
they  were  treated  by  the  latter,  and  only  waited  for  an 
opportunity  to  repay  this  scorn  with  interest.  Hitherto, 
they  had  been  restrained  through  motives  of  policy,  and 
now  that  the  supplies  were  granted,  they  threw  off  all 
restraint,  and  resolved  to  insult  their  enemies  in  their 
most  tender  spot.  Accordingly,  on  the  thirteenth  of  Jan- 
uary, a  portion  of  the  Sixteenth  Regiment  attempted  to 
destroy  the  liberty-pole  by  sawing  off  its  spars  and  blow- 
ing it  up  with  gunpowder.  A  knot  of  citizens  having 
gathered  round  while  they  were  thus  engaged,  they  desist- 
ed for  the  present  from  the  attempt,  and  charging  upon 
the  group  with  fixed  bayonets,  drove  them  into  a  tavern, 
kept  by  Montagnie,  and  a  favorite  resort  of  the  Sons  of 
Liberty,  broke  the  windows,  and  demolished  a  portion 
of  the  furniture.  Three  days  afterward,  however,  they 
succeeded  in  their  design,  and  having,  on  the  night  of 
the  sixteenth,  cut  the  obnoxious  symbol  in  pieces,  piled 
its  fragments  in  front  of  Montagnie' s  door.  Incensed  at 
this  daring  insult,  three  thousand  citizens  assembled  early 
the  following  morning  at  the  scene  of  the  outrage,  and 
adopted,  among  others,  a  resolution  that  all  soldiers  found 


LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  331 

in  the  street  after  roll  call,  "  should  be  treated  as  enemies  to  chap. 
peace  of  the  city;"  mutually  pledging  themselves  to  see^^ 
that  this  resolve  was  vigorously  enforced.  Early  the  next  177°* 
morning  insulting  placards  were  found  posted  up  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  the  city,  ridiculing  the  resolutions  of  the 
previous  day,  and  daring  the  citizens  to  carry  them  into 
execution.  In  the  course  of  the  day  three  soldiers  were 
discovered  by  Sears  and  others  in  the  act  of  posting  up 
more  of  these  handbills ;  and  a  skirmish  ensuing,  the 
citizens,  having  obtained  the  upper  hand,  were  conducting 
the  offenders  to  the  office  of  the  mayor,  when  they  were 
met  by  a  band  of  twenty  additional  troops.  A  general 
fight  with  cutlasses  and  clubs  now  followed,  the  military 
slowly  retreating  to  Golden  hill. J  At  this  point  they  were 
met  by  a  party  of  officers,  who  immediately  ordered  their 
men  to  the  barracks,  and  the  riot  was  quelled.  In  this 
brush,  several  citizens  were  wounded  and  one  killed,  al- 
though the  soldiers  were  generally  worsted.  The  follow- 
ing day  witnessed  a  number  of  frays,  none  of  which, 
however,  were  attended  with  loss  of  life ;  and  on  the 
twentieth,  the  mayor  having  issued  a  proclamation  forbid- 
ding the  soldiers  to  come  out  of  the  barracks  unless 
accompanied  by  a  non-commissioned  officer,  the  excite- 
ment was  quieted  and  order  once  more  restored.2  On  the 
fifth  of  February  another  pole  was  erected,  inscribed  "  Lib- 
erty and  Property,"  on  ground  purchased  for  the  purpose, 
— — 

i  John  street  between  Cliff  street  and  Burling  slip. 

2<<  We  are  all  in  confusion  in  this  city  ;  the  soldiers  have  cut  and  blowed 
up  the  liberty  pole,  and  have  caused  much  trouble  between  the  inhabitants. 
On  Friday  last  between  Burling  Slip  and  Fly  Market,  was  an  engagement 
between  the  inhabitants  and  the  soldiers,  when  much  blood  was  spilt ;  one 
sailor  got  run  through  the  body,  who  since  died  ;  one  man  got  his  skull  cut 
in  the  most  cruel  manner.  On  Saturday  the  Hall  bell  rang  for  an  alarm, 
when  was  another  battle  between  the  inhabitants  and  soldiers :  but  the 
soldiers  met  with  rubbers,  the  chiefest  part  being  sailors  with  clubs  to 
revenge  the  death  of  their  brother,  which  they  did  wit!)  courage,  and  made 
them  all  run  to  their  barracks.  What  will  be  the  end  of  this,  God  knows." 
— Letter  from  "  Ne.io  York,  Jan.  22,  1770,"  in  the  St.  James  Chronicle,  or 
British  Evening  Post,  March  15th,  1770. 


832  LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  where  it  remained  until  cut  down  in  1776,  by  the  British 

w^w  soldiery,  at  that  time  occupying  the  city. 

1770.  nphe  Sons  of  Liberty  were  undaunted.  In  February, 
one  hundred  of  them  purchased  of  Colonel  Morris  a  house 
for  six  hundred  pounds — each  of  them  contributing  six 
pounds — in  which  to  celebrate  the  repeal  of  the  stamp 
act ; l  and  having,  on  the  nineteenth  of  March,  drank  forty- 
five  popular  toasts,  they  proceeded  to  the  jail  where  Cap- 
tain McDougal  was  confined  for  being  the  author  of  the 
libellous  handbill  of  the  previous  December;  saluted  him 
with  forty-five  cheers,  and  quietly  dispersed. 

In  Boston  the  feeling  between  the  citizens  and  soldiery 
was  even  more  embittered.  The  news  of  the  recent  occur- 
rences in  New  York  was  not  calculated  to  sooth  this  mutual 
animosity ;  and  when,  on  the  second  of  March,  an  affray 
took  place  at  Gray's  rope  walk,  between  a  citizen  and  a 
soldier,  in  which  the  latter  was  worsted,  it  required  but  a 
small  degree  of  forecast  to  anticipate  an  approaching  ex- 
plosion. Three  days  afterward,  on  the  evening  of  the 
fifth,  a  sentinel  who  had  wantonly  abused  a  lad  was  sur- 
rounded in  King  street  by  a  mob  of  boys,  and  pelted  with 
snow-balls  made  of  the  light  snow  that  had  just  fallen. 
"  They  are  killing  the  sentinel,"  shouted  a  bystander  to  the 
main  guard.  Instantly  a  file  of  six  soldiers,  headed  by  a 
corporal  and  followed  by  Preston,  the  officer  of  the  day, 
rushed  to  the  rescue  at  a  double  quick  step  with  fixed  bayo- 
nets. A  crowd  gathered  round,  and  the  musket  of  a  sol- 
dier being  hit  by  a  stick  thrown  from  the  throng,  Preston 
gave  the  order  to  fire."  Montgomery,  the  man  whose 
musket  had  been  hit,  immediately  fired,  and  Attucks,  a 
mulatto,  who  had  been  quietly  looking  on,  fell  dead  on 
the  spot.  Six  others,  thereupon,  taking  deliberate  aim, 
fired  in  succession  at  the  crowd,  who  were  already  begin- 
ning to  disperse.  Three  of  the  citizens,  including  the 
mulatto,  were  instantly  killed,  and  of  eight  others  who 

1  Manuscript  letter  ;  Norman  McLeod  to  John3on,  19th  February,  1770. 

2  Compare  Bancroft,  vol.  vi,  p.  347,  Note. 


LIFE   OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  333 

were   wounded,   two  died   shortly  afterward  from  their  chap. 

injuries.  *— v— ' 

1770. 
It  has  been  usually  asserted  by  historians,  that  the  first 

blood  in  the  war  of  the  American  revolution  was  shed 
at  Lexington ;  but  such  is  not  the  fact.  The  battle  op 
Golden  hill,  on  the  eighteenth  of  January,  1770,  was 
the  beginning  of  that  contest,  so  fearful  in  its  commence- 
ment, so  doubtful  in  its  progress,  and  so  splendid  in  its 
results.  The  storm  had  now  been  gathering  for  several 
years,  and  the  public  mind  had  become  exceedingly  fever- 
ish, not  only  in  respect  to  the  conduct  of  the  parent 
government,  but  in  respect  to  the  language  and  bearing  of 
the  officers  of  the  crown  stationed  in  the  colonies.  The 
destruction  of  the  liberty  pole  increased  the  mutual  exas- 
peration ;  and  the  fight  that  followed  was  but  the  natural 
consequence.  To  the  city  of  New  York,  therefore,  must 
ever  be  given  the  honor  of  striking  the  first  blow.  The 
town  was  thrown  into  commotion,  the  bells  rang,  and  the 
news,  with  the  exaggerations  and  embellishments  incident 
to  all  occasions  of  alarm,  spread  through  the  country  with 
the  rapidity  of  lightning.  Everywhere,  throughout  the  wide 
extent  of  the  old  thirteen  colonies,  it  created  a  strong  sen- 
sation, and  was  received  with  a  degree  of  indignant  emo- 
tion, which  very  clearly  foretold  that  blood  had  only  com- 
menced flowing.  The  massacre  in  King  street,  two  months 
later,  added  intensity  to  the  flame  ;  and  although  five  years 
intervened  before  the  demonstration  at  Lexington,  there 
were  too  many  nervous  pens  and  eloquent  tongues  in 
exercise  to  allow  these  feelings  to  subside,  or  the  noble 
spirit  of  liberty  that  had  been  awakened  to  be  quenched. 
"  Such  stirring  orations  as  those  of  Joseph  Warren  were  not 
uttered  in  vain  ;  and  often  were  the  people  reminded  by 
him,  or  by  his  compatriots  of  kindred  spirit —  '  The  voice 
of  your  brethren's  blood  cries  to  you  from  the  ground.' 
The  admonition  had  its  effect,  and  the  resolutions  of  ven- 
geance sank  deeper  and  deeper,  until  the  fulness  of  time 
should  come." 


334  LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.  Late  in  January,  the  Cherokees  spoke,  with  calumets 
w^J/  and  belts  of  wampum,  to  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations. 
1770.  rphe  peace  pipes  strengthened  the  recent  alliance,  and  the 
wampum  invited  the  latter  to  join  in  a  crusade  against  the 
south-western  tribes.  On  the  reception  of  the  invitation, 
fresh  fuel  was  thrown  upon  the  council  fire,  at  Onondaga, 
that  it  might  burn  clearer  and  brighter ;  and  after  a  lengthy 
deliberation,  the  Confederacy  declined  giving  a  definite 
reply  until  they  had  taken  the  advice  of  their  brother 
"Warraghiyagey.  Accordingly,  a  message  was  sent  to  the 
latter,  requesting  that  he  would  hold  a  general  congress  with 
the  Confederacy  and  give  them  the  benefit  of  his  counsel. 
In  support  of  their  request,  the  Cherokee  deputies,  who 
had  accompanied  the  embassay  from  Onondaga,  urged 
that  the  English  were  as  much  interested  as  themselves  in 
taking  up  the  hatchet,  instancing  the  case  of  Colonel 
Croghan,  who  had  been  attacked  at  the  mouth  of  the 
"Wabash  in  1T64,  and  also  the  numerous  traders  murdered 
on  the  Ohio. 

The  position  in  which  Sir  William  was  placed  in  reply- 
ing to  this  request,  was  exceedingly  embarrassing.  Should 
he  give  a  decided  refusal,  he  feared  that  the  Cherokees  — 
who  were  bent  on  war  and  to  whom  it  mattered  not  whom 
they  fought  —  divested  from  their  original  design,  might 
turn  their  arms  against  the  English.  On  the  other  hand, 
should  he  sanction  it,  he  dreaded,  for  the  sake  of  humanity, 
the  bloody  wars  which  would  follow.  "  It  is  a  disagreea- 
ble circumstance,"  he  wrote  to  the  minister,  "that  we  must 
either  agree  to  permit  these  people  to  cut  each  others' 
throats,  or  risk  their  discharging  their  fury  on  our  traders 
and  defenceless  frontiers."  Of  these  two  alternatives, 
however,  policy  dictated  the  security  of  the  frontiers  as  an 
object  of  the  first  consideration.  Accordingly,  he  appointed 
a  congress  to  be  held  in  July  at  the  German  Flats,  hoping 
that  he  might  prevail  upon  the  Cherokees  to  relinquish  the 
idea  of  war  altogether. 

But  now  a  serious  difiiculty  arose.     In  preparing  for  the 


.BART.  335 

approaching  congress,  no  Indian  goods,  suitable  for  presents,  chap. 
were  to  be  found.      The  vigor  with  which  the  Sons  of  v— ^ 
Liberty  had  carried  out  the   non-importation  agreement,  177°- 
had  produced  a  scarcity  of  goods  of  every  kind  in  the 
market ;  and  a  large  package  of  goods,  designed  expressly 
for  Indian  presents,  and  consigned  to  a  merchant  in  Albany, 
had  been  seized  in  New  York  on  its  way  to  the  consignee. 
Under  these  circumstances,  Sir  William  addressed  the  fol- 
lowing letter  to  the  chairman  of  the  non-importation  com- 
mittee : 

"  Johnson  Hall,  March  22d,  1770. 
"  Sir, 

"  As  I  am  very  soon  to  hold  a  general  congress  with  the 
Indians,  on  matters  of  much  consequence  to  the  public,  I 
have  made  inquiry  in  order  to  procure  a  proper  assortment 
of  goods  for  that  occasion.  In  consequence  of  which,  I 
can  meet  with  none  that  will  answer  the  purpose  except- 
ing a  cargo  consigned  to  Dr.  Sam.  Stringer,  of  Albany, 
and  marked  S.  S.  From  the  invoice  of  which,  and  the 
invoice  he  has  given  me,  they  will  answer,  but  I  am  inform- 
ed that  they  were  stored  by  a  resolution  of  the  Sons  of 
Liberty,  of  whom  you  were  chairman.  The  occasion  of  my 
writing,  therefore,  is  to  know  whether  the  goods  will  be 
delivered  up  to  my  order  for  the  purpose  before  mentioned, 
in  case  I  purchase  them.  If  they  are,  I  shall  agree  for 
them  without  delay ;  and  as  the  service  requires  my  holding 
the  congress  forthwith,  which  I  cannot  do  without  a  suita- 
ble present,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  I  make  no  doubt 
that  you  will  favor  me  with  an  answer  as  soon  as  possible. 

*  I  am,  Sir,  &c, 

¥M.  JOHNSON. 
"  To  Mr.  Isaac  Low."1 

This  application  was  successful,  and  the  goods  were  for- 
warded in  ample  time  for  the  congress.  Had  the  congress, 
however,  been  held  a  month  later,  no  difficulty  would  have 

1  Manuscript  letter. 


586  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  been  experienced ;  for  the  duties  on  all  goods  except  tea 
s_^_l  having  been  removed  by  parliament,  in  April,  the  Com- 
177°-  mittee  of  One  Hundred,  on  the  ninth  of  July,  resolved  upon 

the  resumption  of  importation  of  every  thing  but  tea,  and 

sent  forth  a  circular  letter  to  that  effect. 

A  portion  of  the  early  summer  was  spent  by  the  Baro- 
net at  his  favorite  resort  on  the  banks  of  the  Sacandaga ; 
and  on  the  fifteenth  of  July,  he  set  out  from  the  Hall  for 
the  German  Flats,  taking  him  with  large  quantities  of  pro- 
visions for  the  Indians,  whose  crops  had  been  recently 
destroyed  by  an  army  of  caterpillars  that  had  swept 
through  the  land  with  devastating  fury.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Doctor  Shuckburgh,1  his  private  secretary  for 
Indian  affairs,  and  also  by  a  deputation  from  the  Canada 
tribes,  who  had  stopped  at  the  Hall  on  their  way  to  the 
congress. 

Arrived  at  the  German  Flats,  he  found  twenty-four  hun- 
dred Indians,  including  the  Cherokee  deputies,  already 
assembled.  The  task  of  preventing  the  Six  Nations  from 
being  drawn  into  a  war,  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  divesting 
the  Cherokees  of  their  belligerent  feelings  on  the  other, 
was  not  so  difficult  as  he  had  anticipated.  Many  of  the 
former,  owing  to  the  destruction  of  their  crops,  were  half 
famished,  and  the  sight  of  the  provisions  brought  by  the 
Baronet,  wrought  a  wonderful  change  in  their  temper.  At 
several  private  conferences,  moreover,  he  had  talked  long 

»  "  Hichard  Shuckburgh,  who,  if  he  did  not  compose,  at  least  introduced 
the  popular  and  well  known  air  of  Yankee  Doodle  into  this  country,  was 
of  German  origin,  and  received  a  commission  as  surgeon  of  Capt.  Horatio 
Gates'  Independent  Company  of  New  York,  on  the  twenty-fifth  June,  1737. 
Whilst  encamped  atGreenbush,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Albany,  during  the 
French  war,  to  please,  it  is  said,  some  eastern  levies,  he  composed  a  tune 
and  recommended  it  to  the  officers  as  one  of  the  most  celebrated  airs  of  mar- 
tial music.  The  air  took,  and  in  a  few  days  nothing  was  heard  in  the  Pro- 
vincial camp  but  Yankee  Doodle.  Little  did  the  doctor  imagine  the  renown 
which  awaited  the  air  which  he  had  recommended  in  a  joke."  Farmer  and 
Morris,  New  Hampshire  Collections,  iii,  217.— Note  to  N.  Y.  Col.  His.  by  the 
Editor.  Doctor  0' Callaghan. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  337 

and  earnestly  with  the  chief  men  of  both  the  Cherokees  chap. 
and  the  Confederates,  so  that  in  the  public  council,  both  v_^_L 
nations  agreed  to  give  up  all  thoughts  of  war  against  the  177a- 
Choctaws,  at  least,  until  they  had  had  time  to  propose  to 
the  latter  terms  of  accommodation ;  and  this  matter,  which 
had  at  first  appeared  fraught  with  consequences  inimical 
to  the  peace  of  the  colonies,  was  amicably  arranged.     The 
treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  was  next  taken  up,  and  its  several 
articles,  in  all  their  length  and  breadth,  duly  ratified  in  the 
name  of  his  majesty. 

The  effect  of  the  non-importation  acts  had  been  produc- 
tive of  much  anxiety  among  the  Six  Nations^  who,  not 
comprehending  the  policy  in  which  these  acts  were  dic- 
tated, only  saw  in  the  great  scarcity  of  goods  at  the  trading 
posts  during  the  past  year,  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  king 
and  colonists  to  restrict  in  future  their  trade.  "At  the 
treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,"  said  the  Mohawk,  Abraham,  at 
this  congress,  to  Sir  William,  "  you  told  us  that  we  should 
pass  our  time  in  peace,  and  travel  in  security,  that  trade 
should  flourish  and  goods  abound,  and  that  they  should 
be  sold  us  cheap.  This  would  have  endeared  all  the  Eng- 
lish to  us  —  but  we  do  not  see  it. *  It  is  now  worse  than 
it  was  before,  for  we  cannot  get  goods  at  all  at  present,  and 
we  hear,  from  all  traders,  that  none  will  bring  in  any  and 
that  you  have  none  for  yourselves."2 

Interfering  with  their  trade  —  as  those  of  my  readers 
who  have  carefully  followed  this  history  must  have  ob- 
served—  was  touching  the  Indians  in  a  sensitive  spot. 
Fortunately,  however,  for  the  continuance  of  amicable 
relations,  the  importation  of  all  goods  except  tea,  was  now 
resumed;  and  in  answer  to  the  Sachem's  speech,  the 
Baronet  was  able  to  assure  him  that  goods  would  in 
future  be  very  plenty,  as  many  merchants  had  recently 
. — _ _ — , 1 — 

*It  seems  that  this  popular  phrase  originated  with  Abraham. 

2  Some  of  the  traders  had  stated  to  the  Indians  —  with  what  object  is  not 
clear —  that  thereason  they  had  no  goods  to  sell  was  because  the  Colonists 
wished  to  hinder  the  Indian  trade. 

43 


338  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  sent  for  large  cargoes,  which  might  very  soon  be  expected 

v_^_,  in  New  York.     This  reply  was  entirely  satisfactory.     The 

1770.  Cherokee  ambassadors  returned  to  their  own  country ;  and 

the  Confederates,  loaded  with  provisions  for  their  families, 

departed  to  their  castles.1 

On  the  eighteenth  of  October, *  John  Earl  of  Dunmore, 
arrived  in  New  York  to  occupy  the  gubernatorial  chair, 
left  vacant  by  the  lamented  Sir  Henry  Moore.  The  new 
governor  is  described,  in  a  letter  to  Sir  William,  as  "  a 
very  active  man,  fond  of  walking  and  riding,  and  a  sports- 
man." This  description  affords  a  clue  to  the  character  of 
the  man  —  easy  in  his  disposition,  and  one  who  preferred 
the  delights  of  the  chase  to  controversies  with  his  legisla- 
ture. There  was  little  likelihood,  however,  of  his  being 
troubled  with  a  body  that  had,  of  late,  grown  very  sub- 
servient. The  news,  moreover,  which  he  brought  with 
him,  of  his  majesty's  consent  to  the  bill  authorizing  the 
emission  of  a  colonial  paper  currency,  increased  the  spirit 
of  loyalty ;  and  when,  in  his  opening  speech,  on  the  eleventh 
of  December,  he  expressed  his  pleasure  that  the  example 
of  the  loyal  subjects  of  the  province  had  been  the  means  of 
restoring  friendly  feelings  and  confidence  between  the 
parent  country  and  the  colonists,  the  address  of  the  assem- 
bly, in  reply,  was  a  simple  echo.  During  the  entire  session, 
therefore,  the  wheels  of  government  rolled  smoothly ;  and 
at  its  close,  on  the  sixteenth  of  February,  1771,  the  loan 
bill  was  passed,  as  was  also  the  one  for  appropriating  two 
thousand  pounds  for  the  support  of  the  troops.  The  crown 
had  seemingly  triumphed,  but  the  end  was  not  yet. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year,  speculation  in  all  kinds 

1  Johnson  to  the  minister,  12th  July,  1770  ;  Johnson  to  the  minister,  14th 
Aug.,  1770  ;  Proceedings  of  Sir  William  with  the  Indians  near  the  German 
Flats  in  July,  1770. 

xLord  Dunmore  to  Hillsborough,  24th  Oct.,  1770.  Several  writers  have 
stated  that  he  arrived  on  the  24th  Oct.  The  date,  to  be  sure,  is  not  of 
much  consequence,  but  if  it  is  stated  at  all,  it  might  as  well  be  stated 
correctly. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 


339 


of  adventures  became  rife,  and  among  others,  a  company  chap. 
was  formed,  and  a  grant  obtained  from  the  king,  for  ex-  vj^, 
ploring  the  copper  mines  of  Lake  Superior.  During  the  1770. 
fall,  Sir  William  was  overwhelmed  with  letters  from  dif- 
ferent individuals  in  the  company,  asking  advice  as  to  the 
best  method  of  conciliating  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  mines.  He  was  also  urgently  solicited  to  take  a  share 
in  the  company,  the  first  dividend  of  which  was  to  make 
the  fortune  of  each  member.  Sir  "William,  however,  had 
no  inclination  to  be  caught  by  these  golden  offers.  "Be- 
ing now  advanced  pretty  far  in  life,"  he  wrote  in  reply  to 
the  president  of  the  company,  "and  my  constitution 
greatly  impaired  through  the  fatigues  and  hardships  I  have 
experienced  in  the  service  of  the  crown  and  the  public ; 
and  having  a  very  troublesome  office  to  discharge,  it  is 
not  in  my  power  to  find  sufficient  leisure  from  the  duties 
thereof  to  attend  to  my  present  domestic  concerns,  as  I 
ought  to  do,  much  less  to  embark  in  any  additional 
engagements,  however  inviting."1 


Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Samuel  Fouchet,  15th  Sept.,  1770. 


■ 


b 


* 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1771-1772 

i 
chap.      Sir  William   Johnson's  "new  settlement"  had  now  be- 

y__^  come  a  flourishing  village.  During  the  past  year,  it  had 
1771.  been  increased  by  eighty  families,  and  had  received  the 
name  of  Johnstown,  in  honor  of  its  founder.  In  the  spring, 
several  new  streets  were  laid  out;  and  numerous  gaily 
painted  signs,  swinging  from  over  the  doors  of  tradesmen 
who  had  recently  moved  in,  gave  it  quite  a  business  like 
air.  Its  wants  were  constantly  provided  for  by  the  Baronet. 
The  inhabitants  were  supplied  with  lumber  from  his  saw- 
mills, and  with  pearl-ashes  from  a  manufactory  built  on 
his  estate,  for  their  special  benefit.  ISTor,  while  attending  to 
their  temporal  wants,-  did  he  neglect  their  spiritual  and 
educational  interests.  In  March,  he  began  the  erection 
of  the  stone  church  which  stood  in  the  village  until  1836, 
when  it  was  destroyed  by  fire  j1  and  in  the  same  month,  he 


1  Rev.  Richard  Moseley  was  the  first  pastor  settled  over  this  church.  He 
commenced  his  labors  in  the  summer  of  this  year,  but  was  compelled  by  ill 
health  to  resign  in  the  spring  of  1774.  The  character  of  the  relations 
which  existed  between  the  Baronet  and  his  pastor  will  appear  from  the  fol- 
lowing manuscript  letter  written  to  the  former,  shortly  after  the  latter's 

departure. 

"New  York,  April  11th,  1774. 
"  Sir  William : 

I  am  at  a  loss  to  express  my  gratitude  to  you  for  your  unbounded  good- 
ness to  me  during  my  residence  at  Johnstown,  and  particularly  at  my  de- 
parture. I  shall  always  retain  a  most  grateful  sense  of  your  generosity ; 
and  that  it  may  please  God  long  to  prolong  your  life,  and  possess  you  with 
a  good  state  of  health,  will  be  the  constant  prayer  and  wishes  of  one,  who 
has  the  honer  of  subscribing  himself, 

Sir  William, 

"  Your  much  Obliged 

"  and  very  Humble  Serv't 

"R.  MOSELEY." 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  341 

advertized  in  the  New  York  and  Philadelphia  newspapers  chap. 
for  a  teacher,  who  was  "  proficient  in  reading,  writing,  and  >— ^ 
arithmetic,"  to  take  charge  of  a  free  school  which  he  pro- mi- 
posed  establishing  for  the  benefit  of  the  village  children. 
While  the  Baronet  was  thus  advancing  the  interests  of  his 
little  colony,  in  which  he  justly  took  great  pride,  he  was 
no  less  active  in  the  adornment  and  cultivation  of  his  own 
immediate  estate.  Among  my  collection  of  manuscripts, 
I  find  a  letter,  written  to  a  friend  in  Connecticut,  in  which 
he  requests  him  to  purchase  and  send  him  a  large  quantity 
of  a  superior  quality  of  oats,  which,  it  seems,  were  only 
raised  in  Saybrook.  "  I  have  sent  you  in  a  small  box," 
writes  another  of  his  correspondents  from  Philadelphia, 
"  a  collection  of  scions  for  grafting  which  are  cut  in  good 
season,  and  if  you  have  proper  stocks,  I  doubt  not  they  will 
succeed;"  and  at  the  same  time  that  the  box  arrived,  he 
also  received  several  bundles  of  choice  fruit  trees  from 
another  friend  in  New  London. 

Indeed  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  —  the  fertility  of 
which  had  been  discovered  by  Sir  William  at  so  early  a 
day  —  had  assumed,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  his  resi- 
dence, the  appearance  of  a  rich  farming  country.  The 
indefatigable  zeal  with  which  he  had  labored  for  so  many 
years  to  develop  the  resources  of  the  valley,  and  to  instill 
into  the  minds  of  his  Indian  and  white  neighbors  a  love 
of  agricultural  pursuits,  was  beginning  to  bear  fruit.  Many 
of  the  Mohawks  had  become  good  farmers ;  the  whites 
took  special  pride  in  raising  good  crops  and  choice  stock ; 
and  rich  farms,  and  beautiful  meadows  had  succeeded  the 
wilderness  of  forest  that  had  first  greeted  the  eyes  of  the 
young  Irishman  upon  taking  charge  of  his  uncle's  estate. 
Nor  was  his  interest  in  the  inhabitants  of  the  Mohawk 
valley  confined  merely  to  his  immediate  neighborhood. 
The  settlements  of  Fort  Hunter,  Canajoharie,  Burnet's 
Fields,  and  even  the  older  one  of  Schenectady,  came  within 
the  immediate  circle  of  his  personal  influence.  Especially 
was  he  indefatigable  in  procuring  spiritual  food  for  their 


342  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  inhabitants.  He  was  in  constant  correspondence  with  the 
w^ friends  and  patrons  of  the  "Venerable  Society  for  propa- 
177L  gating  the  gospel  in  foreign  parts;"  and  in  August,  he 
received  the  formal  thanks  of  that  body  for  his  successful 
efforts  in  furthering  its  plans.  The  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral condition  of  the  Mohawk  valley  at  this  time,  as  well 
as  the  direct  supervision  exercised  by  him  over  it,  will, 
perhaps,  be  best  illustrated  by  the  following  extract  from  a 
letter  written  by  Sir  William,  under  date  of  February 
twenty-eighth,  to  the  Eev.  Mr.  Burton  of  London : 

"I  am  unable  to  make  a  suitable  return  for  the  warm 
wishes  you  express  for  me,  but  I  feel  them  very  sensibly, 
and  you  have  every  thing  in  answer  that  the  strongest 
friendship  can  dictate,  aud  I  cannot  but  greatly  regret  your 
distance  and  the  peculiarity  of  your  situation,  which 
deprives  me  of  the  opportunity  of  a  more  friendly  inter- 
course,—  often  wishing  that  you  could  partake  in  the 
pleasing  prospects  which  this  country  now  affords  from 
the  advancement  of  religion  and  the  improvements  in  agri- 
culture. Mr.  Stuart  has  been  for  sometime  at  his  mis- 
sion (Fort  Hunter)  where  he  is  much  esteemed,  not  only 
by  the  Indians,  but  by  the  Dutch  inhabitants,  who  con- 
stantly resort  to  his  church;  his  situation  enables  me 
to  see  him  often,  and  I  have  great  hopes  from  his  appoint- 
ment. Mr.  Hall  has  an  allowance  from  the  society,  and  is 
to  reside  at  Canajoharie  until  he  is  of  age  to  take  orders. 
Mr.  Andrews,  who  has  brought  over  a  wife,  is  long  since 
at  Schenectady.  He  is  sensible,  and  will,  I  believe,  be  of 
great  use  there,  being  connected  with  a  principal  inhabit- 
ant of  that  place.  His  congregation  is  as  yet  small,  but 
zealous,  and  likely  to  increase.  The  only  mission  in  this 
quarter,  as  yet  unsupplied,  is  mine  at  Johnstown  ;  the 
church  at  which  being  small  and  very  ill  built.  I  am  pre- 
paring stone  and  materials  for  erecting  one  much  stronger 
aud  larger,  that  will  accomodate  near  one  thousand  souls."1 
Nor  while  thus  engaged  in  aiding   episcopal   missions, 

1  Manuscript  letter. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART.  343 

was  he,  as  before  observed,  in  the  least  sectarian.    Rev.  chap- 
Samuel  Kirkland —  a   dissenter,   now  settled  near  Fort»-v-^ 
Stanwix, — received  his  cordial  sympathy  and   support;1'71- 
and  in  many  letters  from  the  Baronet,  was  bidden  God- 
speed in  his  noble  work.1 

1  In  connection  with  Sir  William  Johnson's  efforts  to  christianize  the 
Indians,  the  attention  of  the  reader  is  specially  directed  to  the  following 
letter  from  the  Tuscaroras  of  Cherry  Valley,  to  Sir  William,  and  the  latter 's 
reply  —  both  of  which  I  find  among  my  manuscripts. 

"  Cheery  Valley  27th  June,  1774. 
"Brother: 

"  We  beg  leave  to  address  you,  though,  by  our  conduct,  we  have  made 
ourselves  unworthy  of  your  notice,  living  in  the  neglect  of  religion,  and 
in  those  practices  that  are  entirely  contrary  thereto.  But  God  in  his  mercy 
has  opened  our  eyes  to  see,  in  some  measure,  the  necessity  as  well  as  the 
pleasures  of  a  religious  life ;  but  we  are  destitute  of  those  things  which  are 
necessary  in  order  to  make  progress  in  religion.  Therefore  we  lay  our  case 
before  you,  begging  that  you  would  consider  us.  Our  brethren,  the  Onei- 
das,  just  by  us  have  the  word  of  God  printed.  We  think  it  would  be  serv- 
iceable to  us  and  greatly  assist  us  in  acquiring  that  knowledge  which  is  so 
necessary  for  all.  If  you  can  help  us  in  this  case,  we  shall  look  upon  it 
[as]  a  great  favor.  Some  also  have  a  desire  to  learn  to  write,  but  have  not 
paper  or  ink.  Perhaps  our  brother  out  of  pity  to  us  will  help  us  with 
paper,  ink,  holders  and  powder,  [sand  ?]  We  only  acquaint  him  with  our 
circumstances  and  leave  it  before  him;  whatever  he  shall  do,  we  will 
acquiesce  in. 

"Please  to  accept  our  compliments  and  wishes  for  your  health  and  pros- 
perity : 

"  From  your  Brethren  Tuscaroras. 

"Seth 

"in  the  name  of  the  rest." 

Sir  William  Johnson's  reply. 
"  Brethren  of  Onoghquaqy : 

"  I  have  received  your  letter,  and  am  well  pleased  to  hear  your  pious 
resolutions,  and  the  sense  you  have  of  the  importance  of  a  religious  life. 
Indeed,  I  have  long  regarded  you  as  a  people  who  knew  the  value  of 
Christianity.  The  chiefs  at  Onoghquaqy,  having  formerly  been  instructed 
by  some  worthy  divines  of  the  church  of  England,  afterwards  to  my 
knowledge,  took  great  pains  with  their  people,  teaching  them  to  pray  and 
to  praise  their  Creator  —  to  promote  which  I  have  given  them  many  books, 
sufficient  (I  apprehend)  for  your  purpose  at  present;  and  I  wish  you  may 
continue  to  pay  due  regard  to  them.  But  I  am  very  sorry  to  find  that  for 
some  time  past,  there  is  not  that  cordial  affection  between  you  and  the  rest 


344  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.     Durinsc  the  early  summer,  the  Baronet  was  confined  to 

XV  III.  ■ 

s-^the  Hall  by  his  general  ill  health.  But  although  thus 
1771.  debarred  from  active  employment,  he  was  not  idle.  He 
took  this  opportunity  to  replenish  his  library  with  the  new 
and  standard  works  of  the  day ;  and  also  to  write  a  series 
of  letters  to  Arthur  Lee  of  Virginia  upon  the  manners, 
customs,  and  government  of  the  Six  Nations.1  His  super- 
vision, moreover,  of  all  the  nations  coming  within  his 
department,  required  his  constant  attention,  and  his  cor- 
respondence with  his  deputies,  was  consequently  unremit- 
ting. A  dilligent  watch  over  the  movements  of  the  several 
tribes  seemed  at  this  time  to  be  particularly  necessary. 
The  threatened  rupture  between  England  and  Spain  was 
well  knowTn  to  the  western  tribes,  who,  influenced  by  the 
Spanish  traders  along  the  Mississippi,  waited  in  anxious 
suspense  for  the  declaration  of  hostilities,  to  desolate  the 
settlements  with  fire  and  tomahawk.  Preparatory,  however, 
to  going  upon  the  war-path,  a  large  council  of  Indian 
tribes,  had  been  held,  late  in  the  winter,  on  the  plains  of 
Scioto,  the  object  of  which,  had  been  to  promote  a  general 
alliance  between  the  northern  and  southern  nations,  with 
a  view  of  offensive  operations  against  the  English.2  This 
council,  it  is  true,  had  broken  up,  through  want  of  unani- 
mity, with  no  definite  result ;  but  enough  of  the  leaven  at 


.of  your  village  that  ought  to  subsist  between  brothers  and  fellow  Christians, 
but  that  you  appear  to  be  separating  yourselves  from  the  Oneida  chiefs  who 
are  the  proper  heads  of  your  settlement,  and  whom  I  know  to  be  good  men. 

"Let  me  advise  you  to  consider  this  in  its  true  light ;  to  remember  that 
the  Oneidas,  the  proprietors  of  that  country,  gave  you  a  settlement  then  out 
of  kindness  ;  that  you  lived  happily  with  them  whilst  you  regarded  their 
civil  and  religious  instructions  ;  and  that  you  ought  still  to  continue  to  do 
so,  in  which  case  you  may  be  assured  of  my  countenance. 

"  I  have  sent  you  a  little  paper  by  this  opportunity,  which  I  hope  you 
will  make  a  good  use  of;  and  above  all  things  that  you  will  accord  with 
your  older  brethren  in  the  practise  of  piety  and  charity  one  to  another  ; 
and  I  trust  that  you  will  profit  by  this  wholsome  advice  from  your  friend 
and  well  wisher.  "  W.  *?. 

1  For  one  of  these  valuable  and  interesting  letters,  see  appendix.  No.  VII. 

2  Johnson  to  the  minister,  18th  Feb.,  1771. 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART.  345 

work  among  the  Indians,  was  then  apparent,  to  excite  chap. 
lively  apprehension.  Jealous,  moreover,  of  the  influence  s_^_!, 
exerted  over  the  Six  Nations  by  the  superintendent,  the  177L 
Shawanese  and  Delawares  strove  continually  to  excite  the 
distrust  and  suspicion  of  the  latter  against  the  Confederacy. 
The  fidelity  which  these  nations  had  shown  to  the  Eng- 
lish had  been,  as  they  well  knew,  the  chief  cause  of  the 
failure  of  Pontiac's  rebellion ;  and  aware  that  this  attach- 
ment would  form  a  great  obstacle  in  the  way  of  a  success- 
ful future  resistance,  no  efforts  that  malice  and  cunning 
could  devise  were  spared  to  produce  a  rupture.  Accord- 
ingly, it  excited  no  surprise  when,  in  May,  a  Shawanese 
Indian  informed  Croghan  at  Fort  Pitt,  of  an  attempt  on 
the  part  of  the  Six  Nations  to  incite  his  nation  and  the 
Delawares  to  a  general  revolt.  This  report  was  not  credit- 
ed, nevertheless  the  Baronet  thought  it  expedient  to  sum- 
mon the  suspected  chiefs  at  once  to  the  Hal],  "not  &a 
much,"  as  he  writes,  "  by  reason  of  any  suspicion  of  the 
Confederacy,  as  to  show  them  that  such  designs,  by  what- 
ever nation  carried  on,  could  not  be  totally  concealed." 

The  congress,  which  was  attended  by  the  chiefs  and 
their  families  to  the  number  of  three  hundred  and  fifty, 
was  opened  in  due  form  by  the  Baronet  on  the  thirteenth 
of  July.  The  Indians,  upon  being  acquainted  with  the 
obj  ect  of  the  meeting,  warmly  protested  their  innocence,  and 
appeared  exceedingly  grieved  that  they  should  have  been 
even  suspected,  as  a  Confederacy,  of  so  foul  a  design.  The 
story  told  at  Fort  Pitt  by  the  Shawanese,  said  their  speaker, 
had  arisen  from  the  conduct  of  Gaustarax,  a  former  chief 
of  Chenussio,  who,  when  alive,  "had  privately  and  wick- 
edly concerned  himself  in  the  name,  but  without  the  priv- 
ity, of  the  Six  Nations."  This  man,  he  continued,  had 
sent,  during  the  late  Indian  war,  a  belt-hatchet  with  many 
bad  speeches  to  the  Shawanese  and  to  all  the  people  living 
that  way,  but  had  kept  it  very  secret.  By  this  belt  he  had 
acquainted  all  those  nations,  that  he  would  remove  the  door 
of  the  Six  Nations,  which  had  formerly  been  at  Chenussio, 

44 


346  LIFE   OP   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  to  the  Scioto  plains,  and  that  he  expected  their  assistance 
v_^_]  to  enable  him  to  fight  his  way  there.  This  had  not  been 
1771-  discussed  for  a  considerable  time  afterward,  when  his  acts 
were  at  once  disavowed  by  the  entire  Confederacy.  "  Hav- 
ing now,"  added  the  speaker  in  conclusion,  "truly  and 
fairly  related  to  you  all  that  we  are  acquainted  with  touching 
this  disagreeable  news,  we  declare  that  in  case  any  such 
secret  hatchet  should  be  still  among  the  Indians  about  the 
Ohio,  we  are  ready  and  willing  to  use  our  utmost  authority 
to  take  it  away  and  bury  it  forever."  This  frank  state- 
ment, related  with  all  the  bearing  of  conscious  innocence, 
fully  established  in  the  mind  of  the  Baronet,  the  falsity  of 
the  report.  "Although,"  he  wrote  to  General  Gage, 
"  there  is  some  reason  to  doubt  of  the  friendship  of  the 
Senecas  on  the  Ohio,  and  at  Chenussio,  yet  I  had  not, 
neither  have  I,  any  reason  to  suspect  the  rest  of  the  Senecas, 
or  any  other  of  the  Confederate  nations.  Indeed,  I  am  now 
convinced  that  the  name  of  the  Six  Nations  is  often  made 
use  of  by  the  rest  as  a  cloak  for  their  own  intrigues,  and 
with  a  view  to  exasperate  us  against  them  so  far  as  to  force 
the  Six  Nations  to  join  in  their  undertakings,  and  totally 
withdraw  themselves  from  our  interests."1 

On  the  nineteenth,  the  Indians  were  dismissed  with  the 
customary  presents.  The  chiefs  returned  to  their  castles, 
well  pleased  at  their  having  removed  the  suspicions  under 
which  they  had  rested ;  and  Sir  William  set  off  on  a  visit 
to  the  High  Kock  spring,  with  the  design  of  trying  once 
more  the  efficacy  of  the  water. 

On  the  eighth  of  July,  Sir  William  Tryon,  Bart.,  having 
rendered  himself  odious  to  the  people  of  North  Caro- 
lina by  his  petty  tyranny,  arrived  in  New  York  bearing 
his  majesty's  commission  as  governor  and  commander-in- 
chief,  in  the  place  of  Lord  Dunmore,  who  was  transferred 
to  the  government  of  Virginia. 
it».       The    general    assembly,    which    had   been    prorogued 

» Manuscript  letter;  Johnson  to  Gage,  9th  Aug.,  1771. 


BART.  347 

to  the  seventh  day  of  August,  1771,  was  now  farther  pro-  chap. 
rogued  from  time  to  time  to  the  seventh  of  January,  when  it  v-^J, 
again  met ;  and  on  the  eighth,  the  session  was  opened  for 1772- 
business  by  a  speech  from  the  new  governor,  of  a  mild  and 
conciliatory  character.  His  arrival  had  been  greeted  by 
affectionate  addresses  of  congratulation  to  which  he  refer- 
red with  apparent  warmth.  His  recent  cruel  conduct  in 
North  Carolina  was  then  justified,  as  a  meritorious  effort 
to  preserve  the  constitution  and  the  laws ;  and  in  seeming 
mockery,  his  late  wonderful  achievement  in  that  province  — 
of  dispersing  with  over  one  thousand  armed  troops,  an 
unarmed  and  inoffensive  crowd  —  was  attributed  to  the 
special  favor  of  a  kind  Providence.  The  necessity  of 
passing  a  good  militia  bill  was  then  pointed  out ;  and  the 
thorough  repairing  of  the  fortifications  of  the  city,  which 
had  become  greatly  injured  by  the  weather,  was  also  recom- 
mended as  worthy  of  immediate  attention.  "Influenced 
only,"  he  added  with  consummate  flattery,  "by  principles 
that  flow  from  an  honest  heart,  I  feel  an  ardent  desire 
to  cooperate  with  you  in  every  measure  that  will  best 
promote  the  honor  and  dignity  of  his  majesty's  govern- 
ment, and  advance  the  real  felicity  of  a  people  eminently 
distinguished  by  their  loyalty  to  the  best  of  sovereigns, 
and  affectionate  disposition  to  their  mother  country."  The 
address  sent  in  to  the  governor  by  the  house,  on  the 
seventeenth,  was  conceived  in  the  same  spirit  that  dictated 
the  opening  speech.  It  accorded  high  praise  to  the  brief 
administration  of  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  for  its  equity, 
impartiality,  and  disinterestedness ;  and  expressed  strong 
confidence  in  the  wisdom  which  was  to  mark  that  of  his 
lordship's  immediate  successor,  as  shown  more  particularly 
in  his  beneficent  administration  of  his  former  government ! 
Indeed  it  seemed  as  if  in  this  address,  the  last  lingering 
embers  of  resistance  to  ministerial  tyranny  in  the  colony 
of  New  York,  had  expired.  A  few  staunch  patriots,  such 
as  Philip  Schuyler,  it  is  true,  still  remained  in  the  assembly, 
but  their  voices  were  powerless  to  turn  back  the  tide  which 


v.  • 
348  LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  now  rolled  in  from  the  ocean  of  ministerial  patronage. 
^L  William  Tryon,  a  man  fully  as  subservient  as  Hutchinson 
1772.  without  his  ability,  backed  by  the  upper  house,  and  rend- 
ered, moreover,  independent  of  the  colony  by  a  recent 
order  of  the  crown  that  his  salary  should  hereafter  be 
paid  from  the  revenue  chest,  was  well  fitted  for  the  purpose 
for  which  he  had  been  transferred  to  the  chair  lately  occu- 
pied by  the  mild,  but  passive  and  inefficient  Dunmore. 
Indeed,  if  anything  was  wanting  to  show  the  subserviency 
of  the  present  assembly,  it  was  supplied  by  the  utter  indif- 
ference with  which  this  attempt  to  render  the  executive  in- 
dependent of  the  people,  was  received.  In  former  assem- 
blies, such  an  announcement  would  have  been  met  with  an 
outburst  of  indignation  before  which  no  governor  could 
have  stood ;  but  now,  a  message  from  Tryon  in  February, 
refusing  to  receive  a  salary  from  the  people,  produced 
•  not  a  word  of  comment,  and  the  removal  of  this  strong 
bulwark  of  their  liberties  was  quietly  acquiesced  in.  Far 
different,  however,  was  the  action  of  the  assemblies  of 
Massachusetts  and  the  other  colonies,  to  whom  the  min- 
isterial instruction  in  relation  to  salaries  also  extended. 
In  the  former  body,  especially,  the  recent  act  of  parlia- 
ment was  boldly  denounced ;  other  colonial  legislatures 
did  the  same ;  New  York  was  silent.  True  men  looked 
on  in  amazement;  and  in  anxious  expectation  strained 
their  eyes  for  the  first  rays  of  the  day-star  of  hope. 

But  while  the  representatives  of  the  people  were  thus 
unmindful  of  their  liberties,  they  were  more  attentive  to  the 
local  interests  of  the  colony.  At  the  close  of  the  present 
session  many  praiseworthy  acts  were  passed ;  and  among 
them  one  for  founding  the  present  New  York  Hospital, 
and  another  for  dividing  Albany  county  into  three  counties, 
Albany,  Tryon,  and  Charlotte. 

The  project  of  dividing  the  county  of  Albany  was  first 
broached  in  the  house  by  Philip  Schuyler  in  the  spring  of 
1769.  Owing,  however,  to  the  manner  in  which  it  was 
then  proposed  to  make  the  division,  the  bill  had  met,  as  it 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  349 

will  be  recollected,  with  a  strong  opposition  from  the  chap. 
western  portion  of  the  county,  and  the  effort  had  at  that  ^y— ' 
time  failed.  In  the  spring  of  the  present  year  the  project1772- 
was  again  reviewed ;  and  on  the  second  of  January,  Sir 
William  Johnson  forwarded  to  the  assembly,  through  James 
De  Lancey,  a  second  petition  from  the  inhabitants  of  the 
whole  county,  praying  for  a  division,  and  naming  such 
boundaries  as  would  be  agreeable  to  the  petitioners.  "  The 
advantages  of  the  division,  to  the  landed  people  here,"  he 
wrote  when  forwarding  the  petition,  "  and  the  necessity 
there  is  for  it  from  the  vast  extent  of  the  old  county  and 
the  increasing  state  of  the  inhabitants,  are  so  well  known, 
that  the  people  are  unanimous  in  their  appeal."  Accord- 
ingly on  the  fourteenth  of  January,  Jacob  H.  Ten  Eyck, 
the  colleague  of  Schuyler  as  representative  from  Albany, 
brought  in  a  bill  entitled  an  act  "  to  divide  the  county  of 
Albany  into  two  counties,"  which  was  then  read  the  first 
time  and  ordered  to  a  second  reading.  During  its  passage 
through  the  house,  Philip  Schuyler,  who  was  now  on  good 
terms  with  Sir  "William,  addressed  him  the  following  letter ; 

Colonel  Philip  Schuyler  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson. 

■ 

"New York,  January  18th,  1772. 
"Sir: 

"  The  bill  for  the  partition  of  Albany  is  so  far  advanced 
that  it  is  already  under  commitment,  and  I  believe  will 
soon  pass.  In  which  case,  it  will  be  absolutely  necessary 
to  have  the  new  county  divided  into  districts.  I  am  so 
totally  ignorant  of  what  a  proper  division  would  be  that  I 
must  entreat  you  to  furnish  me  with  the  bounds  of  each. 
A  clause  in  the  bill  empowers  the  justices  of  the  new 
county  together  with  the  supervisors  to  raise  a  sum  not 
exceeding  one  thousand  pounds  for  the  purpose  of  erect- 
ing a  goal  and  court-house.  Hence  the  necessity  of  send- 
ing down  a  list  of  the  persons  proper  to  be  commissioned, 
which  should  be  done  as  early  as  possible.     Should  you 


350  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  have  any  commands  whilst  here  I  shall  most  readily  exe- 

XVIII.  * 

s_v_ *  cute  them. 

1772.  « I  am, 

"Sir, 

"  Your  most  Ohed't  and 
"Humble  Servant, 

"PH:  SCHTJYLEK. 
"  The  Honorable  Sir  William  Johnson,  Baronet."1 

To  this  letter  an  answer  was  immediately  returned,  m 
which  the  Baronet  divided  the  proposed  county  into  five 
districts  —  the  Mohawk,  Stone  Arabia,  Canajoharie,  Kings- 
land,  and  German  Flats  —  a  division  which  was  at  once 
adopted.2 

The  bill  at  first  seemed  likely  to  pass  without  difficulty. 


1  Manuscript  letter. 

2  The  minutes  which  the  Baronet  sent  to  Schuyler  to  guide  him  in  the  form- 
ation of  the  districts  are  now  before  me  in  his  own  hand  writing  and  are 
as  follows :    • 

"  The  first,  or  Mohawk  district,  to  be  bounded  easterly  by  the  west  bounds 
of  the  township  of  Schenectady,  north,  as  far  as  the  settlements  shall  ex- 
tend, south,  to  the  south  bounds  of  the  county,  and  west  by  a  north  and 
south  line  crossing  the  Mohawk  river  at  Anthony's  nose. 

"The  second,  or  Stone  Arabia  district,  to  be  entirely  on  the  north  side  of 
the  river,bounded  easterly  by  the  west  bounds  of  the  late  mentioned  district, 
northerly  as  the  former,  and  westerly  by  a  north  and  south  line  to  cross 
the  Mohawk  river  at  the  Little  Falls. 

"  The  third,  or  Canajoharie  district,  to  be  bounded  north  by  the  Mohawk 
river,  south  by  the  bounds  of  the  county,  east  by  the  west  bounds  of  the 
first  mentioned  district,  and  west  by  the  aforesaid  line  to  be  continued 
south  from  the  Little  Falls. 

"The  fourth,  or  Kingsland  district,  to  be  bounded  southerly  by  the  Mo- 
hawk river,  easterly  by  a  north  line  from  the  Little  Falls,  northerly  and 
westerly  as  far  as  the  settlements  extend. 

"  The  fifth,  or  German  Flats  district,  to  be  bounded  northerly  by  the 
Mohawk  river,  easterly  by  the  line  to  be  continued  south  from  the  Little 
Falls,  southerly  as  far  as  the  county  extends,  and  westerly  by  the  bound- 
ary line  settled  with  the  Indians  at  the  general  treaty  [Fort  Stanwix]  in 
1768,  —  and  for  the  collecting  taxes  &c,  that  the  inhabitants  of  each  district 
do  yearly  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  April,  elect,  and  appoint  one  freeholder 
to  be  a  supervisor,  two  assessors  and  one  collector,  in  every  precinct  or  dis- 
trict in  said  county." 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  351 

"  The  county  bill,"  wrote  Hugh  Wallace  to  Johnson  under  chap- 
date  of  February  eighth,  "  is  still  in  the  Common's  House.  wv_/ 
I  find  there  is  no  danger  of  its  missing,  for  all  the  mem-  1772- 
bers  that  I  have  spoken  to  about  it,  seem  pleased  to  have 
an  opportunity  to  serve  or  oblige  you."  "You  will  do 
well,"  he  also  adds,  "  to  write  the  governor  for  a  roll  of 
officers.  There  must  be  four  judges,  six  assistant  justices, 
or  justices  of  quorum,  ten  or  twelve  justices  of  the  peace, 
a  clerk  and  a  coroner." l  Yet  it  would  appear  that  there 
was  more  opposition  than  was  at  first  anticipated,  as  the 
same  writer  in  a  subsequent  letter  to  Sir  William,  on  the 
fourth  of  March,  says.  "  I  have  the  pleasure  to  advise  you 
that  your  county  bill  is  passed  after  great  altercation  and 
struggle."  In  the  same  letter  Wallace  writes,  "  a  new 
county  is  also  made  north  of  Saratoga.  Your  county  is 
named  Tryon  and  the  other  Charlotte — the  governor  and 
crown  to  appoint  the  places  for  the  court  houses.  Yours 
will  certainly  be  fixed  at  Johnstown.  I  hope  you  will  send 
down  to  the  governor  the  names  of  your  county  officers, 
and  I  am  sure  he  will  appoint  whom  you  please.1"  Both 
of  these  conjectures  proved  to  be  correct.  With  but  one 
exception  —  the  clerk  of  the  county  —  all  the  civil  officers, 
recommended  by  Sir  William,  were  appointed ;  and  on  the 
tenth  of  May,  Governor  Tryon  fixed  the  county  seat  at 
Johnstown.3 

All  now  was  activity  in  the  shire  town.  The  erection 
of  a  jail  and  court-house  was  begun  toward  the  end  of 
May :  new  roads,  leading  in   various   directions  from  the 

1  Manuscript  letter. 

2  Manuscript  letter. 

3  Manuscript  letter  ;  Hugh  Wallace  to  Johnson,  10th  May,  1772. 

The  first  court  of  general  quarter  sessions  for  Tryon  county  was  held  in 
Johnstown  on  Tuesday  the  eighth  of  September,  1772.  The  bench  was  made 
up  as  follows : 

"Guy  Johnson,  Judge;  John  Butler,  Peter  Conyne,  Judges;  Sir  John 
Johnson,  knight,  Daniel  Claus,  John  Wells,  Jelles  Fonda,  Assistant  Judges  ; 
John  Collins,  Joseph  Chew,  Adam  Loucks,  John  Fry,  Young,  Peter  Te$ 
Broeck,  Justices. 


- 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  village,  were  laid  out ;  and  scores  of  settlers  flocked  in,  and 
22  hastened  to  purchase  lots  and  build  dwellings.  Sir  Wil- 
1772-  liam  Johnson's  time  was  consequently  much  occupied. 
An  urgent  invitation  to  visit  New  Brunswick,  as  one  of 
the  trustees  of  Queen's  College,1  was  necessarily  declined ; 
and  when,  on  the  fourteenth  of  July,  Governor  Tryon  and 
his  wife  arrived  at  the  Hall  as  his  guests,  they  found  him 
busily  engaged  in  establishing  the  county  courts  and  other 
civil  offices. 

The  ostensible  object  of  the  governor's  visit  was  to  hold  a 

council  with  the  Mohawks  of  the  Lower  Castle  in  relation 

to  their  land  grievances.     His  real  one,  however,  was  to 

acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  upper  portion  of  the  province 

by  making  a  tour  through  the  Indian  country,  and  effect 

some    land  purchases  for   private   speculation.     At  the 

council  with  the  Canajoharies,  on  the  twenty  eight  of  July, 

it  appeared  that  the  chief  cause  of  complaint  arose  from 

the  evil  practices  of  their  old  enemy,  George  Block,  who, 

it  seems,  had  refused  to  join  William  Livingston  and  the 

other  patentees  in  executing  a  release  of  the  Canajoharie 

land.      The  case  was  simply  and  touchingly  stated  to 

Governor  Tryon  by  Joseph  Brant,  who  assumed   upon 

this  occasion  the  office  of  speaker.     Eunning  over  in  his 

address  the  whole  history  of  that  fradulent  transaction, 

including  the  moonlight  survey  and  the  council  held  in 

1763,    he,  informed  Tryon  that  Klock  still  persistently 

refused  to  execute  the  release,  and  that,  too,  in  defiance  of 

the  express  commands  of  the  late  Governor  Moore  in 

1768.     "Now  brother,"  added  Thayendanegea,  "we  rely 

on  your  justice  for  relief,  and  hope  we  may  obtain  it,  so 

as  to  continue  to  live  peacefully  as  we  have  hitherto  done. 

We  are  sensible  that  we  are  at  present  but  a  small  number, 

but  nevertheless  our  connections  are  powerful,  and  our 

alliances  many ;  and  should  any  of  these  perceive  that  we, 

i  Now  Rutgers  College.  The  charter  was  given  by  Governor  Franklin 
on  the  20th  March,  1770.  The  name  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  stands  first  on 
the  list  of  trustees  in  the  charter. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  353 

who  have  been  so  remarkable  for  our  fidelity  and  attach-  chap. 
ment  to  you,  are  ill  used  and  defrauded,  it  may  alarm  them,  ^ — i 
and  be  productive  of  dangerous  consequences."  1"2* 

The  reasons  thus  urged  by  the  young  Mohawk  brave 
were  cogent.  The  Indian  trade,  since  the  crown  had 
placed  its  regulation  in  the  hands  of  the  colonies,  had 
been  badly  managed.  The  convention  of  commissioners 
from  the  different  colonies,  for  the  purpose  of  regulating 
the  trade — proposed  in  an  act  of  the  New  York  assembly 
in  November  1769  —  had  been  vetoed  by  the  ministry, 
who  perceived  in  it  a  step  toward  union  ;  and  the  conse- 
quent lack  of  system  in  this  department  was  already 
beginning  to  produce  serious  dissatisfaction  among  the  Six 
Nations.  It  was  policy,  therefore,  to  avoid  any  additional 
cause  of  irritation.  All  these  considerations  gave  weight 
to  the  Mohawk's  reasoning ;  and  the  importance  of  at 
ieast  calming  their  minds  was  apparent.  Accordingly, 
the  governor,  in  his  reply  the  following  day,  stated  to 
the  Mohawks,  that  his  majesty's  express  commands  to 
him  were,  that  he  should  do  them  all  possible  justice,  and 
support  them  against  the  frauds  and  oppression  of  those 
who  were  inclined  to  injure  them.  Upon  investigating, 
moreover,  the  fraudulent  transaction  to  which  they  had 
referred  the  previous  day,  he  had  found  that  the  original 
patentees  had  no  authority  from  government  to  run  the 
survey  and  that  it  was  consequently  void.  He  should,  there- 
fore, at  once  order  the  surveyor  general  or  one  of  his  dep- 
uties to  make  a  survey  of  the  land  on  which  they  resided, 
preparatory  to  soliciting  the  king  in  their  behalf.1 

Noth withstanding,  however,  these  fair  promises,  Tryon, 
who  appears  to  have  been  more  interested  in  obtaining 
lands  on  speculation,  than  desirous  of  having  justice  done, 
proceeded  no  farther  in  the  matter.  George  Klock, 
although  not  daring  to  avail  himself  of  his  fraud,  continued 
his  villainies,  until  he  finally  became  so  odious  to  the 

i  Original  manuscript  minutes  of  the  council. 
45 


354  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  Indians,  that  fearing  for  his  personal  safety,  he  removed 

XVIII. 

v-^w  from  Canajoharie. 

1772-  Before  Governor  Try  on  returned  home,  he  reviewed 
three  regiments  of  militia ;  the  first  at  Johnstown ,  the 
second  at  Burnet's  Field,  the  third  at  the  German  Flats  -- 
amounting  in  all  to  fourteen  hundred  effective  men.  This 
he  did  at  the  special  request  of  his  entertainer,  who  was 
justly  proud  of  the  soldierly  appearance  of  the  men. 
Indeed,  the  Baronet,  since  his  appointment  as  brigadier 
over  the  northern  department,  had  been,  as  before  observed, 
indefatigable  in  reorganizing  and  rendering  efficient  this 
arm  of  the  military  service.  His  command,  which  em- 
braced all  of  the  province  north  of  the  Highlands,  had 
been  divided  by  him  into  districts  ;  and  in  commissioning 
the  colonels  of  the  different  regiments,  he  had  taken  great 
pains  to  select  those  with  whose  fitness  for  the  office  he 
had  acquainted  himself,  either  by  personal  examination,  or 
by  diligent  enquiry  of  persons  who  were  competent  to 
judge.1  His  services  were  fully  appreciated  by  the  go- 
vernor, who  shortly  afterward  forwarded  to  him  a  commis- 
sion of  major  general  of  the  northern  department  —  an 
appointment  which  he  held  during  the  remainder  of  his 

life. 

The  governor  tarried  in  the  Indian  country  a  few  days 
longer,  to  complete  the  purchase  of  a  large  tract  of  land 
north  of  the  Mohawk;  and  then  returned  to  New  York, 
having  been  absent  on  his  tour  of  inspection  ^e  weeks. 
"  It  was  with  real  satisfaction,"  he  wrote  to  the  minister 
the  day  after  his  return,  "  that  I  saw  the  credit  and  confi- 
dence in  which  Sir  William  was  held  by  the  Indian  tribes. 
It  is  impossible  for  any  man  to  have  more  uniform  zeal 
and  attention  than  he  has  in  his  department,  so  much  so, 
that  it  would  be  no  great  impropriety  to  style  him  the 
slave  of  the  savages."  fe 

i  «It  is  my  usual  practice  to  inquire  among  the  inhabitants  concerning 
those  officers,  with  whom  it  is  impossible  I  should  be  acquainted."  Manu- 
script letter  ;  Johnson  to  Henry  Van  Schaick,  24th  April,  1772. 


LIFE    OF   SIR    WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BAKT.  355 

Meanwhile,  Benjamin  Franklin  had  been  vigorously  chap. 
pressing  upon  the  ministry,  both  wTith  pen  and  personal  wv-^ 
influence,  his  favorite  plan  of  the  Ohio  settlement.  The  1772- 
board  of  trade  was  again  solicited  to  report  in  its  favor ; 
and  Lord  Hillsbrough,  who  still  continued  his  opposition, 
reported  against  it  in  1771.  Franklin,  however,  having 
gained  over  several  influential  men,  among  whom  were 
Gover,  the  president  of  the  council,  and  Camden,  bore 
down  all  barriers  ;  and  when,  on  the  fourteenth  of  August, 
the  royal  assent  to  a  grant  of  twenty-three  millions  of 
acres,  north  of  the  Ohio,  was  obtained,  the  minister,  con- 
sidering himself  publicly  insulted,  resigned.  Before, 
however,  the  grant  could  be  made  available,  it  was  neces- 
sary that  the  tribes  living  on  the  Ohio  should  be  prepared 
for  its  settlement.  Accordingly,  Lord  Dartmouth,  on  his 
succeeding  to  the  post  of  colonial  secretary,  informed  Sir 
William  Johnson,  that  it  was  his  majesty's  pleasure  that 
the  Six  Nations  and  their  allies  should  be  at  once  apprised 
of  the  royal  intentions  respecting  the  land  ceded  by  them 
at  Fort  Stanwix.1 

It  so  happened,  that  when  the  dispatches  from  the  minis- 
ter to  the  superintendent  arrived,  the  latter  was  engaged 
in  holding  a  council  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Confederacy. 
It  was  an  auspicious  moment  in  which  to  broach  the  subject. 
The  Indians  had  come  down  to  the  Hall,  to  represent  the 
growing  laxity  in  the  Indian  trade,  and  complain  of 
the  continued  frauds  practised  upon  them  by  the  traders. 
The  Baronet,  therefore,  lost  no  time  in  acquainting  them 
with  the  king's  wrish,  and  the  advantages  which  they  would 
derive  from  a  fixed  government,  that  could  administer 
justice  without  delay  between  their  people  and  the  un- 
principled frontiersmen.  This  way  of  presenting  the  case 
was  a  happy  one.  The  chiefs,  who  saw  in  the  arrange-  . 
ment  a  remedy  for  the  very  evil  which  had  brought  them 
to   the  Hall,   readily  acquiesced  ;x  and  at  Sir  "William's 

1  Lord  Dartmouth  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  2d  Sept.,  1772. 

2  Manuscript  letter  j  Johnson  to  Dartmouth,  30th  April,  1778. 


356  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  suggestion,  immediately  dispatched  deputies  to  the  Senecas 
^  of  the  Ohio  to  inform  them  of  the  measure.  At  the  same 
1772-  time  to  still  farther  conciliate  the  southwestern  tribes,  the 
Baronet  sent  Alexander  McKee,  a  subdeputy  of  Croghan, 
to  the  Indian  country,  with  orders  to  acquaint  the  differ- 
ent Indian  villages  as  far  as  Scioto,  that  it  was  the  king's 
intention  to  have  Fort  Pitt  abandoned,  as  a  mark  of  his 
friendship  toward  them.1 

At  every  castle  where  the  messenger  tarried,  his  tidings 
were  hailed  with  joy;  and  when,  late   in  the  fall,  Fort 
Pitt,  by  order  of  General  Gage,  was  dismantled,  the  bar- 
racks destroyed,  and  the  garrison  removed,  the  good  effect 
of  this    conciliating  policy  became  apparent.     "I  have 
spoken  to  many  Indians,"  wrote  Croghan  from  the  dis- 
mantled fort  to  Johnson,  "  and  am  now  fully  convinced 
that  their  sulkiness  and  jealousy  for  some  years  past,  pro- 
ceeded from  a  suspicion  that  the  troops  kept  here  and  at 
Fort  Chartres,  were  intended  one  day  or  other  to  be  used 
against  them.     Since,  however,  the  troops  are  gone  they 
seem  of  a  quiet  temper,  and  there  is  no  doubt  but  they 
will  receive  a  civil  government  with  open  arms." 

In  January  of  this  year,  Eev.  Dr.  Cooper,  the  second 
president  of  King's  College,  visited  England  for  the 
express  purpose  of  laying  before  Hillsborough  a  memorial 
drawn  up  by  Sir  William,  in  which  the  spiritual  wants  of 
the  savages  were  set  forth,  and  an  appropriation  from  the 
home  government  solicited,  for  the  support  of  missionaries 
and  schools  in  the  Indian  country.3  The  influence  of 
Doctor  Lowth,  the  worthy  and  learned  bishop  of  Oxford, 
who  was  warmly  interested  in  the  conversion  of  the  Indians, 
was  also  brought  to  bear  upon  the  colonial  secretary.  The 
latter,  however,  did  little  more  than  speak  words  of  en- 
couragement ;  and  the  memorial  lingered  along  until  his 

i Manuscript  letter;  Alexander  McKee  to  Johnson,  26th  Nov.,  1772. 
*  Manuscript  letter ;  George  Croghan  to  Johnson,  24th  Dec,  1772. 
*M*nuBcript  letter;  Johnson  to  Rev.    Charles   Inglis,  27th  June,  1772. 
Inglistook  charge  of  the  college  during  the  absence  of  Dr.  Cooper. 


BART.  357 

resignation ;  soon  after  which,   Doctor  Cooper  returned  chap- 
home,  and  the  matter  rested.     In  the  fall,  the  project  was^J, 
again  revived,  and  the  Baronet  endeavored  to  interest  the  1772- 
Society  for  Propagating   the  Gospel,   in   its   favor.     "I 
always  was,  and  am,  of  the  opinion,"  wrote  Rev.  Charles 
Inglis  to  Sir  William,  "  that  if  this  is  ever  to  be  done,  it 
must  be  by  your  interposition.     Providence  points  you 
out,  in  many  respects,  for  this  purpose.    I  have  not  a  doubt 
but  the  society  will  concur  and  exert  themselves  on  the 
occasion."     From  the  well  known   piety  of   Lord  Dart- 
mouth, moreover,  its  success  was  considered. certain  ;  and 
in  a  letter  to  the  Baronet  from  the  same  writer  occurs  the 
following  passage : 

"  Although  I  am  sorry  for  Lord  Hillsborough's  resigna- 
tion, yet  it  may  turn  out  for  the  benefit  of  this  scheme. 
Lord  Dartmouth  is  one  of  the  most  religious  men  in  Eng- 
land. His  piety  and  charity  are  universally  known  and 
acknowledged.  You  may  judge  of  them  in  some  measure 
from  this  circumstance,  which  may  be  depended  on  as  true ; 
—  that  he  frequently  visits  his  poor  tenants  and  neighbors 
in  the  country,  when  sick,  prays  with  them  himself  as  a 
clergyman,  and  gives  them  money.  A  man  of  this  turn 
must  necessarily  be  influenced  by  religious  motives,  which 
are  infinitely  the  strongest  to  promote  such  a  scheme  as 
this.  I  therefore  submit  it  to  you,  whether  it  would  not 
be  advisable  to  transmit  a  copy  of  the  memorial  to  him. 
If  you  approve  of  this,  and  will  mention  the  subject  to  his 
lordship,  I  will  have  a  fair  copy  transcribed  for  the  pur- 
pose." l 

Whether  a  second  memorial  was  ever  sent  does  not 
appear.  The  question,  however,  is  not  material,  as  the 
troublous  times,  which  soon  afterward  ensued,  prevented 
the  farther  carrying  out  of  the  project.2 

*  Manuscript  letter  ;  Rev.  Charles  Inglis  to  Sir  Wm,  Johnson,  27th  Oct., 
1772. 

2  Although  it  is  dbubtful,  as  stated  in  the  text,  whether  another  memorial 
■was  sent  to  the  minister,  yet  it  is  very   probable  that  Lord  Dartmouth's 


358 


chap.  By  the  end  of  the  year,  Tryou  county  had  become  tho- 
£*Z  roughly  organized.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  November, 
1772.  writs  were  issued  for  the  first  election,  which  resulted  in 
the  choice  of  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  and  Colonel  Hendrik 
Frey  as  representatives  from  the  new  county  ;  and  they 
accordingly  took  their  seats  in  the  general  assembly  on 
the  eleventh  of  January  1773.  The  new  members  met 
with  a  cordial  reception  from  the  house ;  and  Colonel 
Schuyler,  especially,  on  account  of  his  friendship  for  the 
uncle,  vied  in  kind  attentions  to  the  nephew. 

Indeed,  Sir  William  Johnson  was  now  unquestionably 
the  most  influential  man  in  the  province.  A  Baronet  of 
the  British  realm,— superintendent  of  the  Indian  depart- 
ment—a member  of  his  majesty's  council,— a  major  gen- 
eral of  militia,  and  an  extensive  land-holder, —  he  was 
courted,  admired,  and  respected.  "  Sir  William  Johnson's 
influence,"  said  a  lawyer,  "can  carry  anything  he  pleases 
now ;  he  returns  two  members  by  his  nod,  and  can  direct 
the  election  of  the  Albany  and  Schenectady  members  as 
he  pleases."  "  I  wish  his  influence,"  remarked  a  friend, 
"  was  twice  as  great,  for  we  are  sure  its  his  inclination, 
and  greatly  his  interest,  to  use  it  all  for  the  good  of  the 
province." 


donation  to  the  college  now  bearing  his  name,  was  first  suggested  by  this 
memorial  of  Sir  William. 


■ 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

1773—1 774 

During  the  winter  and  spring  session  of  the  assembly,  chap. 
Colonel  Guy  Johnson  distinguished  himself  as  an  active  w^ 
and  prominent  member.     Instructed  by  his  father-in-law,  1773. 
with  whom  he  was  in  daily  correspondence,   he  was  espe- 
cially energetic  in  framing  and  introducing  measures  for 
the  improvement  of  the  new  county.     "  I  this  day  moved," 
he  wrote  to  Sir  William,  under  date  of  February  second, 
"  for   bringing  in  a  bill  for  establishing  ferries,  and  have 
already  drawn  the  bill  up,  as  I  generally  do,  even  before  the 
motion.     I  have  joined  in  a  road  bill  with  other  counties, 
which   is  a  better  one  than  any  before  it.     I  have  also 
carried  through  a  pickling  tavern-bill,  a  hungry  wolf-bill, 
.  and  a  filthy  swine-bill,  to  give  them  their  due  epithets — also 
a  general  excise-bill."     He  also  was  instrumental  in  pass- 
ing a  bill  appropriating  sixteen  hundred   pounds  for  the 
completion   of   the  jail  and   court  house  at  Johnstown. 
Indeed,  it  appeared  as  if  Tryon  county  would  monopolize 
the  whole  business  of  the  session.     "  The  members,"  he 
wrote  in  the  same  letter,  "  look  queerly  at  the  time  which 
the  house  has  already  given  to  my  bills,  which  is  without 
precedent."     The  house,  however,  were  willing  to  extend 
to  the  new  representative  all  due  courtesy,  and  during  the 
entire  session,    the   greatest  good  will  prevailed.     Once 
only,   it  seemed  as  if  the  general  harmony  would  be  dis- 
turbed.    The  occasion  was  as  follows.     On  the  seventh  of 
January,  Colonel  Seaman  presented  to  the  house  a  bill  "  to 
remedy  the   evils  to  which  the  colony  was  exposed,   from 
the  quantities   of  counterfeit  money  introduced  into  it.'* 
Colonel  Johnson  at  once  took  issue  with  the  representative 


360 

chap,  from  Queens,  respecting  the  manner  in  which  the  bill  pro- 

v-^w  posed  to  remedy  the  evils  and  the  house  becoming  divided, 

1773-  a  warm  debate  ensued.     The  motives,  which   influenced 

the  colonel  in  opposing  a  measure  so  judicious,  will  appear 

from  the  following  passage,  written  by  him  to  the  Baronet, 

while  the  bill  was  in  progress. 

"  The  house  has  been  hitherto  quiet  and  friendly,  but 
many  circumstances  now  threaten  an  interruption  of  that 
harmony.     In  the  first  place,  the  governor  in  his  speech, 
recommended  some  expedient  to  prevent  the  circulation 
of  the  false  money  of  which  above  eight  thousand  pounds 
is  now  already  in  this  province.      The  house  prepared  a 
bill  for  emitting  a  new  set  of  bills  on  better  paper,  and 
calling  in  the  rest.     As  this  was  in  the  face  of  a  late  Brit- 
ish act  of  parliament  which  incapacitates  any  governor 
from  ever  serving  in  any  capacity,  military  or  civil,  that 
shall  pass  a  money  bill,  the  house  sent  the  bill  in  confi- 
dence to  the  governor  to  get  his  sentiments,  who  declared 
it  would  not  be  in  his  power  to  pass  it,  and  that  in  delicacy 
they  should  not  urge  it  farther,  after  receiving  his  private 
opinion.     Most  of  the  members  say  that  it  has  already 
gone  so  far,  that  their  constitutents  expect  that  it  will  be 
pushed  up  to  the  council,  that  the  public  may  see  where 
it  meets  with  opposition.     The  arguments  for  it  are,  that 
it  appears  the  best   expedient  for  demolishing  the   bad 
money,  and  that  it  has  already  been  committed  without 
opposition,  and  is  not  a  new  emission,  but  an  exchange. 
Those  against  it  are,  that  after  taking  the  governor's  pri- 
vate opinion,  it  is  indelicate  to  push  it,  and  in  case  it  is 
disapproved  at  home,  we  shall  have  no  currency  at  all,  as 
the  old  is  condemned.     I  spoke  against  it  nearly  half  an 
hour,  and  was  seconded  by  two  of  the  best  speakers  in 
the  house,  with  just  success  enough  to  stave  off  the  evil 
day.     To  day  it  came  on  again,  and  crowds  attended  on 
the  occasion,  but  we  got  it  adjourned.1 


Manuscript  letter ;  Guy  Johnson  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  2d  Feb.,  1773. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  361 

Before,  however,  the  final  vote  was  taken,  Philip  Schuy-  °£*p- 
lev  proposed  as  a  substitute  another  bill,  the  peculiar  *->^ 
feature  of  which  was,  that  a  committee  should  be  instructed 
to  have  a  plate  engraved  in  such  a  manner  as  would  ren- 
der it  difficult  to  be  counterfeited.  As  a  device,  he  proposed 
"  an  eye  in  a  cloud  —  a  cart  and  coffins  —  three  felons  on 
it  gallows  —  a  weeping  father  and  mother,  with  several 
small  children  —  a  burning  pit  —  human  figures  forced 
into  it  by  fiends,  and  a  label  with  these  words :  "  Let  the 
name  of  a  money  maker  rot"  together  with  such  other  addi- 
tions as  might  be  thought  proper.  Forty-four  thousand 
copies  of  this  design  were  then  "  to  be  struck  off  on  thin 
paper,  and  pasted,  or  affixed  to  each  of  the  bills  emitted 
by  the  act."1  He  also  suggested,  "that  the  engraver  or 
printer  should  make  oaths  that  the  plates  had  not  been 
out  of  his  hands ;  the  plates  when  the  printing  should  be 
done,  to  be  sealed  up  and  given  to  the  treasurer  of  the 
colony ;  the  treasurer  to  give  the  commissioners  a  receipt 
for  the  paper  copies  struck  off;  no  bill  to  be  considered 
genuine  without  such  paper  upon  its  back ;  commissioners 
to  take  oath  of  fidelity ;  and  a  reward  to  be  given  for  the 
detection  of  counterfeiters."2  This  substitute  gave  general 
satisfaction.  Colonel  Johnson  withdrew  his  opposition  ; 
and  the  bill  thus  amended,  passed  the  council,  on  the  sixth 
of  March,  without  farther  alteration. 

Scarcely  had  this  matter  been  amicably  adjusted  by  the 
happy  suggestion  of  Schuyler,  when  the  introduction  of 
an  act,  appointing  commissioners  to  settle  the  boundary 
line  between  New  York  and  Massachusetts,  fanned  anew 
the  embers  of  controversy.  The  member  from  Orange  — 
John  De  Noyelles,  who  had  heretofore  been  a  warm  loy- 
alist, and  whose  influence  was  very  great,  had  recently 
taken  offence  at  the  governor's  militia  appointments,  and 
now  threw  himself  fiercely  into  the  opposition.3     This  was 

1  Assembly  journals. 

2  Life  of  Philip  Schuyler,  by  Lossing. 

8  Manuscript  letter ;  Col.  Guy  Johnson  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson. 

46 


362  LIFE   OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  a  source  of  considerable  annoyance,  for  the  boundary  dis- 
^-z  pute  had  now  been  of  such  long  standing,  that  it  was  the 
1773-  earnest  wish  of  both  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  New 
York  that  it  should  be  forever  set  at  rest.  The  bill,  how- 
ever, was  carried  by  a  large  majority  in  the  house,  re- 
ceiving on  the  third  of  March,  the  sanction  of  the  council. 
Accordingly,  in  the  middle  of  May,  Governor  Tryon, 
accompanied  by  the  New  York  commissioners,  met  the 
commissioners  and  governors  of  the  other  two  states  at 
Hartford.  When  there  is  a  real  disposition  on  both  sides 
to  settle  a  disputed  point,  an  agreement  is  not  far  distant. 
A  boundary  line  was  therefore  soon  determined  upon  which 
should  run  parallel  with  the  Hudson  river,  twenty  miles 
eastward  of  that  stream  ;  and  thus  this  controversy,  which 
had  been  for  many  years  productive  of  much  irritation, 
and  some  effusion  of  blood,  was  amicably  settled. 

Meanwhile,  the  daily  routine  of  Johnson  Hall  was  varied 
by  two  incidents  of  a  pleasing  character.  The  first  was  the 
arrival,  in  February,  of  two  young  French  Indians  from 
Doctor  Wheelock's  school,  who  thus  sought  an  opportunity 
of  seeing  and  conversing  face  to  face  with  their  Great 
Brother  of  the  Six  Nations;  and  the  second,  was  the 
marriage  of  Sir  John  Johnson  to  Miss  Mary  Watts  *  of 
New  York  city.  In  reference  to  this  latter  event  Sir  Wil- 
liam wrote  to  a  friend  as  follows : 

"  I  thank  you  very  kindly  for  your  congratulations  on 
the  choice  my  son  has  lately  made,  and  am  very  happy  to 
hear  that  the  young  lady  appears  so  deserving  in  the  eyes 
of  my  friends,  having  left  it  to  his  own  discretion,  without 
tying  up  his  hands  in  a  business  on  which  his  future  hap- 
piness must  so  greatly  depend. 

"  I  feel  all  possible  satisfaction  at  the  approach  of  a  period 
so  interesting  to  his  felicity,  and,  from  the  general  character 
of  the  lady,  so  much  to  be  wished  for  by  myself,  who  have 
long  desired  to  see  him  happily  settled.  The  precarious 
state  of  my  health,  however,  for  some  years  past,  with  the 

1  Sister  to  the  late  venerable  John  Watts,  who  died  in  1836. 


LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  363 

otten  unexpected  calls  for  my  presence  in  the  country,  put  chap. 
it  out  of  my   power  to  promise  myself  the  pleasure  withw^-^ 
any  certainty  of  bearing  a  part  on  the  occasion,  notwith- 177S- 
standing  the  powerful  inducements  of  love  and  friendship 
I  am  nevertheless  very  sensible  of  the  force  of  both."1 

The*  pleasing  event,  here  referred  to,  took  place  on  the 
evening  of  the  twenty-ninth  of  June,  at  the  residence  of 
the  bride's  father;  and  on  the  following  morning,  the 
young  couple  embarked  in  a  schooner  for  Albany,  reach- 
ing the  Hall  toward  the  close  of  July.  On  their  arrival, 
Sir  William,  whose  health  wTas  nowT  very  precarious,  and 
who  had  only  waited  to  welcome  his  son  and  his  bride 
before  going  to  the  sea-side,  immediately  set  off  for  New 
London,  leaving  the  care  of  the  Indian  department  to  his 
son-in-law,  Guy  Johnson. 

While  Sir  William  was  endeavoring  to  recuperate  his 
overworked  system  by  the  salt  water,  the  complection  of 
affairs  between  the  mother  country  and  her  colonies  had 
again  assumed  a  threatening  hue.  Blind  to  their  own 
interests,  the  ministry  thought  only  of  reducing  their 
"  rebellious  subjects"  to  submission.  Mortified  and  exas- 
perated at  the  signal  failure  of  their  attempt  to  foist  the 
stamp  act  upon  the  colonists,  they  were  ready  to  embrace 
any  scheme  which  promised  to  soothe  their  wounded 
pride.  An  opportunity  for  doing  this  soon  came.  The 
East  India  Company  were  now  suffering  severely  from  the 
effect  of  the  non-importation  agreements.  Unable  to 
make  their  annual  payments  to  the  government  of  four- 
teen hundred  thousand  pounds.,  they  found  themselves  in 
the  spring  of  the  present  year,  with  seventeen  millions  of 
pounds  of  tea  on  their  hands,  on  the  very  verge  of  bank- 
ruptcy. In  this  state  of  affairs,  the  company,  in  April, 
petitioned  parliament  for  permission  to  export  their  teas  to 
America,  and  other  countries,  free  of  duty.     This  request, 

however,  the  ministry,  jealous  of  relinquishing  in  the  least 

, — . — — — — — i 

1  Manuscript  letter;  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  to  Major  Moncrieffe,  May  23,  1773. 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  their  riglit  to  tax  the  colonies,  would  not  grant,  but,  by  a 
wv-L  special  act  of  parliament,  passed  on  the  tenth  of  June* 
1773-  allowed  the  company  to  ship  their  tea  to  America  free  of 
any  export  duty  —  thus  putting  it  in  the  power  of  the 
company  to  sell  their  tea  at  a  lower  price  in  America  than 
in  England.  No  act  that  the  home  government  had  hith- 
erto passed,  showed  more  plainly  its  utter  inability  to  com- 
prehend the  great  principle  for  which  the  colonies  were 
contending,  than  this.  It  was  clear  that  the  ministry  sup- 
posed that  the  motive  of  the  colonists  in  resisting  taxation 
was  merely  of  a  sordid  nature.  This  idea  was  in  itself 
sufficiently  humiliating ;  and  now,  when  by  making  con- 
cessions to  the  East  India  Company,  a  direct  attempt  was 
made  to  buy  them  off  by  an  appeal  to  their  pockets,  the 
indignation  of  the  colonists  was  raised  to  the  highest  pitch. 
The  plan  of  union  as  proposed  by  Virginia,  and  which 
had  now  been  adopted  by  all  the  New  England  colonies, 
rendered  concert  of  action  much  easier  than  heretofore. 
Accordingly  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the  tea  ships  were 
on  their  way  to  America,  measures  were  immediately  taken 
to  prevent  the  landing  of  their  cargoes.  The  non-importa- 
tion agreements,  which  had  of  late  grown  lax,  became  again 
stringent;  and  the  correspondence  between  the  vigilant 
committees  of  the  several  colonies  was  renewed  with  great- 
er activity  than  ever.  On  the  eighteenth  of  October,  the 
inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  assembled  in  the  State  House ; 
and  having  in  several  spirited  resolutions  denied  the  right 
of  parliament  to  tax  America,  and  denounced  the  duty  on 
tea,  compelled  the  agents  of  the  East  India  Company,  by 
the  mere  force  of  public  opinion,  to  resign.  In  Boston,  the 
patriots  were  no  less  active.  Town  meetings  were  con- 
stantly held,  and  committees  appointed  to  confer  with  com- 
mittees from  the  neighboring  towns,  upon  the  best  method 
of  "  preventing  the  landing  and  sale  of  the  teas  exported 
from  the  East  India  Company."  Unlike,  however,  the 
excitement  produced  by  the  stamp  act,  everything  was 
now  done   "  decently  and  in  order."     The  burning  of  the 


BART.  365 

Gaspee  in  the  waters  of  the  Naragansett  on  the  night  of  chap. 
the  seventeenth  of  June,  1772,  was   suggestive.     On  the  w^ 
night  of  the  sixteenth  of  December,  three  tea-ships  which 1773- 
lay  moored  at  Griffin's  wharf,  were  boarded  by  a  party 
of  men  disguised  as  Mohawk  Indians,   and  their  cargoes, 
consisting  of  three  hundred  and  forty  chests  of  tea,  thrown 
into  the  waters  of  the  bay. 

Nor  was  New  York  behind  her  sister  colonies  in  resist- 
ing this  new  feature  of  ministerial  oppression.  Two  days 
after  the  meeting  in  Philadelphia,  the  Sons  of  Liberty 
held  a  public  meeting,  in  which  they  denounced  in 
unequivocal  terms  the  importation  of  the  hateful  article ; 
and  declared  with  such  effect,  that  tea  commissioners  were 
fully  as  obnoxious  as  stamp  distributers,  that  the  commis- 
sioners appointed  for  New  York  forthwith  resigned.  Public 
sentiment,  moreover,  was  not  confined  merely  to  resolves. 
A  remark  of  Governor  Try  on  that  "  the  tea  should  be 
delivered  to  the  consignees,  even  if  it  was  sprinkled  with 
blood,"  was  not  calculated  to  pour  oil  upon  the  troubled 
waters;  and  so  soon  as  it  was  known  that  consignments 
of  tea  would  shortly  reach  the  city,  another  mass  meeting 
of  the  citizens  was  held  at  their  old  rendezvous  — "  the 
fields,"  —  to  devise  measures  for  preventing  the  landing  of 
the  tea  from  the  vessel  which  was  hourly  expected.  Hardly 
had  the  people  assembled,  when  Whitehead  Hicks,  the 
mayor,  hastened  to  the  meeting  charged  with  a  message 
from  the  governor,  to  the  effect  that  when  the  vessel 
arrived,  the  tea  should  be  publicly  taken  from  the  ship 
into  the  fort  and  there  kept,  until  the  advice  of  the  council 
could  be  taken,  or  the  king's  order  could  be  known.  The 
moment  was  critical,  but  John  Lamb, —  by  whose  influence 
undoubtedly  the  meeting  had  been  called, — at  once  saw 
through  the  artifice.  He  immediately  arose  and  addressed 
the  assembly.  After  giving  a  summary  of  the  grievances 
which  had  brought  them  together,  he  read  the  act  of  par- 
liament, which  prescribed  the  payment  of  the  duty  if  the 
article  was  landed,   and  then  asked,  "  shall  the  tea  be 


? 


366  LIFE    OP    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  landed  ?"     A  unanimous  No  I  repeated  three  times,  clearly 

w^-L  showed  the  mind  of  his  audience.1 

1774-  But  this  spirit  of  resistance  to  parliamentary  usurpation 
was  not  shared  in  by  the  assembly,  whose  members  were 
more  subservient  than  ever.  Notwithstanding  the  con- 
duct of  the  governor,  they  did  not  hesitate  in  the  spring 
session,  to  vote  five  thousand  pounds  toward  rebuilding 
the  government  house  which  had  been  recently  destroyed 
by  fire ;  and  in  response  to  his  opening  speech,  in  which 
they,  were  informed  that  he  had  been  called  home  to  con- 
fer with  the  ministry  in  relation  to  the  New  Hampshire 
grants,  they  expressed  the  hope  that  his  return  to  a  grate- 
ful people  would  be  speedy.  Indeed,  as  Mr.  Dunlop 
remarks,  if  the  number  of  compliments  paid  him  upon 
his  departure  was  any  test,  it  would  seem  as  if  he  was 
very  much  beloved.  Several  of  the  loyalists  residing  in 
the  city  gave  him  a  public  dinner  ;  General  Haldimand, 
who  had  succeeded  Gage  as  commander-in-chief,  honored 
him  with  a  ball ;  corporations  and  societies  vied  in  present- 
ing addresses ;  King's  College  created  him  a  doctor  in 
civil  law;  and  the  general  assembly  tendered  him  an 
address,  in  which,  after  expressing  their  appreciation  of 
the  uprightness  and  integrity  of  his  conduct,  they  added 
in  yet  more  fulsome  eulogy,  that  they  thought  ittheir  duty, 
as  the  representatives  of  a  free  and  happy  people,  to  pay 
this  tribute  of  applause  and  acknowledgement  to  a  governor 
who  had  so  eminently  distinguished  himself  by  his  con- 
stant attention  to  their  care  and  prosperity  !  The  governor, 
in  return,  thanked  them  for  their  "truly  loyal  and  affection- 
ate address;"  and  having,  on  the  nineteenth  of  March, 
summoned  the  general  assembly  to  his  house,  gave  his 
assent  to  the  acts  that  had  been  passed,  and  closed  the 
session  by  prorogation. 

Thus  ended  the  third  session  of  the  legislature  of  the 
colony,  and  the  administration  of  Governor  Tryon,  with- 
out having  in  a  single  instance,    come  into  collision  with 


1  Leake's  Life  of  General  Lamb. 


LIFE    OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  367 

his  excellency,  or  even  with  the  legislative  council,  save  in  chap. 
the  matter  of  a  disagreement  between  the  two  bodies  in  v_^_, 
respect  to  an  amendment  to  the  militia  bill,  proposed  by  1774- 
the  council,  but  to  which  the  house  disagreed.  An  attempt 
was  made  in  the  council,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Smith,  to  obtain 
a  conference,  but  the  proposition  was  voted  down.  The 
amendment  referred  to,  according  to  the  reasons  of  dissent 
recorded  by  Mr.  Smith,  was  an  invasion  of  the  royal  pre- 
rogative ;  and  had  the  bill  been  passed  in  the  shape  insist- 
ed upon  by  the  house,  Mr.  Smith  maintained  that  it  would 
have  received  the  governor's  negative.  According  to  the 
reasons  of  dissent,  the  rejection  of  the  amendment  of  the 
council,  evinced  a  determination  by  the  house  to  control 
the  action  of  the  governor  in  commanding  the  services  of 
the  militia,  while  there  were  indications  that  their  services 
would  be  required  to  quell  insurrection  in  the  JSTew  Hamp- 
shire grants.  Mr.  Smith  set  forth  that  a  similar  amend- 
ment sent  to  the  house  in  1772,  had  been  concurred  in  by 
that  body,  and  that  no  reason  was  perceptible  justifying  a 
change  of  sentiments  upon  the  question  ;  and  he  thought 
a  friendly  conference  might  induce  the  house  to  yield. 
Other  reasons  for  his  assent  were  given  ;  and  he  referred 
to  open  surmises  abroad,  that  the  legislature  was  losing 
its  confidence  in  the  governor,  and  the  loss  of  the  bill  with 
the  provision  in  question  might  be  viewed  as  an  evidence 
that  the  legislature  had  not  been  "  sincere  in  the  testimo- 
nials they  had  given  and  justly  awarded  to  his  excellency, 
for  an  administration  wise  and  impartial,  fair  and  generous, 
and  steadily  conducted  upon  principles  unbiassed  by  party 
feuds,  and  acknowledged  to  be  equally  friendly  to  the 
rights  of  the  crowm,  and  the  weal  of  the  colony."  But 
the  conference  was  not  asked,  and  in  fact  there  was  no 
collision. 

This  profound  tranquility  which  had  succeeded  the 
election  of  the  present  general  assembly  in  1770,  was  the 
more  remarkable  from  the  raging  of  the  political  elements 
all  around  New  York,   and  from  the  circumstances  under 


;     . 


?  : 


368 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


chap,  which  the  preceding  assembly  had  been  dissolved,  and  the 
^w  feelings  attending  the  new  election.  The  preceding  assem- 
1774-  bly  had  been  dissolved  for  its  strong  declaration  of  those 
constitutional  principles  which  had  been  planted  in  the 
bosoms  of  the  colonists  from  their  settlement,  and  which 
were  striking  deeper  root  every  hour.  And  yet,  neither 
under  Sir  Henry  Moore,  who  had  dissolved  the  preceding, 
and  summoned  the  present  legislature,  nor  under  Lord 
Dunmore,  nor  under  Governor  Try  on,  had  a  breeze  moved 
upon  the  political  waters,  so  far  as  the  legislature  was 
concerned,  save  only  by  its  concurrence  in  the  Virginia 
resolutions  of  May  1769 ;  nor  did  that  act  of  concurrence 
occasion  any  visible  agitation.  But  it  was  the  deep,  so- 
lemn calm,  which  often  precedes  the  lightning  and  the 
whirlwind  ! 
. 


! 


>  - 


■ 


CHAPTER   XX. 
1774. 

Sir  William  Johnson  was  too  observing  and  sagacious  a  cg£p- 
man  not  to  note  the  signs  of  the  times.  He  saw  the^-v—' 
gathering  tempest,  and  it  is  believed  to  have  given  him  '  ' 
great  uneasiness.  His  sympathies,  according  to  the  tes- 
timony of  those  who  knew  him,  were  undoubtedly  with 
the  people.  He  was  from  the  body  of  the  people  himself, 
having  been  the  architect  of  his  own  fortunes ;  and  those 
who  were  acquainted  with  him,1  represent  the  struggle  in 
his  bosom  to  have  been  great,  between  those  sympathies 
and  his  own  strong  principles  of  liberty  on  the  one  hand, 
and  his  duty  to  his  sovereign  on  the  other  —  a  sovereign 
whom  he  had  served  long  and  faithfully,  and  who  in  turn 
had  loaded  him  with  princely  benefactions.  And  yet,  there 
can  be  no  doubt — judging  from  the  passages  which  have 
been  quoted  in  the  course  of  this  work,  and  also  from  the 
numerous  expressions  running  through  the  entire  corres- 
pondence of  his  later  life  — that  had  he  lived  until  it  was 
necessary  to  have  taken  a  decided  stand,  he  would  have 
boldly  espoused  the  cause  of  the  colonies. 

Most  unfortunate  was  it,  however,  that,  just  at  this  con- 
juncture, while  all  sagacious  men  saw  by  the  shadows 
what  events  were  coming,  and  all  good  men  were  solicitous 
for  the  preservation  of  the  character  and  augmentation  of 
the  physical  strength  of  the  country,  a  small  band  of  bad 
ones  adopted  a  course  well  fitted  to  awaken  the  jealousy 

*A  portion  of  my  father's  early  life  was  spent  in  the  valley  of  the 
Mohawk ;  during  which  period  he  conversed  with  several  persons  of  cha- 
racter who  had  known  Sir  William  intimately — all  of  whom  reiterated  the 
statement  made  in  the  text.  The  statement  therefore  does  not  rest  on  mere 
tradition. 

47 


370  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  of  the  whole  Indian  race,  and  exasperate  a  portion  of  them 
J^l,  to  the  highest  pitch  of  anger  and  revenge.  It  was  evident 
1774-  that  the  colonies  were  about  to  measure  swords  with  one 
of  the  strongest  powers  in  Christendom,  and  to  strike  for 
freedom.  True  wisdom,  therefore,  required  that  the  clouds 
of  Indians  darkening  more  than  a  thousand  miles  of  our 
border,  and  in  the  north  forming  an  intermediate  power 
between  our  own  settlements  and  the  country  of  the  anti- 
cipated foe,  should  be  at  least  conciliated  into  neutrality, 
if  not  courted  into  an  alliance.  But  a  contrary  course  was 
taken  by  some  of  the  frontier-men  of  Virginia,  awakened 
by  a  succession  of  outrages,  unprovoked  and  more  cruel 
than  savages,  as  such,  could  have  committed.  The  well 
informed  reader  will  at  once  anticipate  that  reference  is 
now  had  to  the  hostilities  upon  the  north-western  frontier 
of  Virginia,  commonly  known  as  Cresap's  War,  and  one 
striking  event  of  which  has  rendered  every  American  ear 
familiar  with  the  name  of  Logan,  the  celebrated  Mingo 
chief.  l 

Among  the  many  families  that  the  wars  and  conquests 
of  the  Six  Nations  had  been  the  cause  of  transplanting 
over  the  countries  subjected  to  their  arms,  was  the  family 
of  Logan,  the  son  of  Shikellimus,  a  distinguished  Cayuga 
sachem,  who  had  removed  from  the  particular  location  of 
his  own  tribe,  to  Shamokin  or  Canestoga,  within  the  bor- 
ders of  Pennsylvania,  where  he  executed  the  duties  of 
principal  chief  of  those  of  the  Six  Nations  residing  on  the 
Susquehanna.  He  was  a  man  of  consequence  and 
humanity,  and  one  of  the  earliest  to  encourage  the  intro- 
duction of  Christianity  by  Count  Zinzendorf.  He  was  a 
great  friend  of  the  celebrated  James  Logan,  who  accom- 
panied William  Penn  on  his  last  voyage  to  America,  and 
who  subsequently  became  distinguished  in  the  colony  for 
his  learning  and  benevolence.  Hence  the  name  of  the 
famous  son  of  Shikellimus. 
■■  ■ 

1  Mingo,  Menqne,  Maquas,  and  Iroquois,  are  all  only  different  names 
applied  to  the  Six  Nations. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  371 

Logan  had  removed  from  his  father's  lodge  at  Shamokin  chap. 
to  the  Shawanese  country   on  the    Ohio,  where  he  had  ^-^^ 
become  a  chief.     He  was  a  friend  of  the  white  men,  and  1774> 
one  of  the  noblest  of  his  race,  not  only  by  right  of  birth, 
but  in  consideration  of  his   own  character.     During  the 
Indian  wars  connected  wTith  the  contest  with  France,  he 
took  no  part.,  save  in  the  character  of  a  peace-maker. 

The  circumstances  which  transformed  this  good  and 
just  man  from  a  sincere  friend  into  a  bitter  foe,  were  as 
follows  :  In  the  spring  of  this  year  a  party  of  land  agents, 
under  the  lead  of  Captain  Michael  Cresap,  were  engaged 
in  locating  and  opening  farms  in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio, 
near  the  present  towns  of  Pittsburg  and  Wheeling. 
Hearing  that  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  were  bent  on  hos- 
tilities, Cresap  and  his  party  determined,  on  the  twenty-sixth 
of  April,  to  make  war  upon  them  without  investigation, 
and  irrespective,  as  a  matter  of  course,  of  the  guilt  or 
innocence  of  those  whom  the}'  should  attack.  On  the 
same  day,  falling  in  with  twTo  Indians  on  the  Ohio  river, 
Cresap  and  his  men  killed  them.  Espying,  moreover,  upon 
the  following  day,  some  canoes  of  Indians  passing  down 
the  river,  chase  was  given ;  and  having  driven  them  on 
shore  near  Grave  creek,  the  land  agents  came  suddenly 
upon  them  and  fired  into  the  group.  A  skirmish  ensued; 
but  the  Indians  were  soon  forced  to  retire  with  the  loss  of 
one  man,  leaving  their  canoes  in  possession  of  Cresap  and 
his  party.  Not  satisfied  with  this  achievement,  the  party 
were  for  marching  at  once  against  the  settlement  of  Logan, 
situated  thirty  miles  up  the  river  near  the  mouth  of  Yellow 
creek.  They  had  proceeded,  however,  but  five  miles, 
when  Cresap,  having  reflected  upon  the  gross  outrage 
about  to  be  perpetrated  on  an  inoffensive  clan,  refused  to 
go  farther,  and  to  his  honor  be  it  said,  finally  prevailed 
upon  his  companions  to  abandon  the  undertaking. 1 

1  See  Brantz  Mayer's  address  on  Logan  and  Captain  Cresap,  delivered 
before  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  in  1851.  This  address,  which  is 
characterized  throughout  by  elaborate  and  patient  research,  will  well  repay 
its  perusal. 


1774. 


372  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap.  Others,  however,  were  troubled  with  no  such  scruples. 
On  the  east  bank  of  the  Ohio,  opposite  Logan's  encamp- 
ment, was  a  white  settlement,  among  the  leading  men  of 
which  was  one  named  Daniel  Greathouse.  The  Indians 
of  the  opposite  camp,  having  heard  of  the  atrocities  com- 
mitted by  Cresap  and  his  party,  determined  to  avenge 
their  death, —  of  which  resolution  Greathouse  was 
admonished  by  a  friendly  squaw,  who  advised  him  to 
escape,  while  he  was  reconnoitering  for  the  purpose  of 
ascertaining  their  numbers.  He  had  crossed  the  river 
with  thirty-two  men  under  his  command,  and  secreted 
them  for  the  purpose  of  falling  upon  the  Indians ;  but 
finding  that  they  were  too  strong  for  him,  he  changed  his 
plan  of  operations,  recrossed  the  river,  and  with  a  show 
of  friendship,  invited  them  over  to  an  entertainment. 
Without  suspicion  of  treachery  the  Indians  accepted  the 
invitation,  and  while  engaged  in  drinking  —  some  of  them 
to  a  state  of  intoxication  —  they  were  set  upon  and 
butchered  in  cold  blood.  Here  fell  two  of  the  family  of 
Logan  —  a  brother  and  sister.  The  Indians  who  had 
remained  at  their  encampment  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  hearing  the  noise  of  the  treacherous  attack,  ran  to 
their  canoes  to  rescue  their  friends.  This  movement  had 
been  anticipated ;  and  sharp-shooters,  stationed  in  ambus- 
cade, shot  numbers  of  them  in  their  canoes,  and  compelled 
the  others  to  return. 

These  dastardly  transactions  were  soon  followed  by 
another  outrage,  which,  though  of  less  magnitude,  was 
not  less  atrocious  in  its  spirit,  while  it  was  even  more  har- 
rowing to  the  feelings  cof  the  Indians.  The  event  referred 
to  was  the  murder,  by , a  white  man,  of  an  aged  and  inoffen- 
sive Delaware  chief  named  the  Bald  Eagle.  He  had  for 
years  consorted  more  with  the  white  people  than  with  his 
own,  visiting  those  most  frequently  who  entertained  him 
best.  At  the  time  of  his  murder  he  had  been  on  a  visit  to 
the  fort  at  the  north  of  the  Kanawha,  and  was  killed  while 
alone  paddling  his  canoe.     The  man  who  committed  the 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  S73 

murder,  it  was  said,  had  been  a  sufferer  at  the  hands  of  chap. 
the  Indians ;  but  he  had  never  been  injured  by  the  object  w^ 
upon  whom  he  wreaked  his  vengeance.     After  tearing  the 1774- 
scalp  from  his  head,  the  white  savage  placed  the  body  in 
a  sitting  posture  in  the  canoe,  and  sent  it  adrift  down  the 
stream.     The  voyage  of  the  dead  chief  was  observed  by 
many,   who   supposed  him   living,  and  upon  one  of  his 
ordinary  excursions.     When,  however,  the  deed  became 
known,  his  nation  was  not  slow  in  avowals  of  vengeance. 
Equally  exasperated,  at  about  the   same  time,   were  the 
Shawanese  against  the  whites,  by  the  murder  of  one  of 
their  favorite  chiefs,  Silver  Heels,  who  had  in  the  kindest 
manner  undertaken  to  escort  several  white  traders  through 
the  woods  from  the  Ohio  to  Albany,  a  distance  of  nearly 
•five  hundred  miles. 

This  last  outrage  was,  moreover,  the  less  excusable, 
from  the  fact  that  while  in  defiance  of  the  treaty  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  in  1768,  the  borderers  had  been  rapidly  settling 
upon  the  lands  expressly  reserved  for  the  Indians,  the 
Shawanese,  as  a  nation,  restrained  by  the  influence  of  Sir 
William  Johnson,  had  witnessed  these  aggressions  upon 
their  territory  in  silence ;  and  until  the  murder  of  Silver 
Heels,  they  had,  with  unusual  self-discipline,  refrained 
from  avenging  the  murders  committed  by  Cresap  and  his 
associates.1  The  murder,  however,  of  their  favorite  chief 
thoroughly  aroused  the  sleeping  lion  of  their  nature ;  and 
regarding  the  scalping  of  the  Bald  Eagle  as  a  declaration 
of  war, 2  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  under  Cornstalk, 
and  the  Ohio  Senecas,  led  by  Logan,  threw  themselves 
with  fire  and  tomahawk  upon  the  Virginia  border. 

As  soon  as  the  intelligence  of  these  wanton  murders 
reached  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  they  signified  to 

1  Manuscript  letter ;  Alexander  McKee  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  6th  May, 
1774. 

2  The  Indians  always  regarded  the  scalping  of  a  murdered  person  as  a 
national  act  and  a  declaration  of  war.  Johnson  to  the  Minister,  29th  June, 
1772. 


374  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART 


1774 


chap.  Sir  "William  their  desire  to  hold  a  congress  with  him, 
-  without  delay,  upon  the  critical  situation  of  affairs.  When 
it  is  recollected  that  Logan,  the  principal  sufferer,  was  of 
their  own  blood,  nothing,  perhaps,  shows  more  clearly  the 
extraordinary  influence  of  the  Baronet  over  the  Confed- 
eracy, than  the  fact  that  their  first  impulse  was  not  to  seize 
the  tomahawk  and  commence  an  indiscriminate  butchery 
of  the  whites,  but  to  solicit  a  conference,  that  they  might 
calmly  state  their  grievances  and  wait  for  his  advice.  The 
request  was  of  course  granted ;  and  by  the  nineteenth  of 
June,  two  hundred  Onondagas  had  arrived  at  the  Hall, 
bringing  the  intelligence  that  four  hundred  more  of  the 
Confederates  were  on  their  way  thither. 

The  efforts  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  at  this  crisis,  were 
indefatigable.  From  early  in  the  morning  until  late  in 
the  night,  he  was  in  conversation  with  the  principal 
sachems  as  they  arrived  from  day  to  day  ;  and  all  his  per- 
suasive powers  were  exerted  at  this  critical  juncture  to 
induce  them  to  take  a  firm  stand  at  the  approaching  Con- 
gress against  participating  in  the  war,  which  was  even  then 
raging  fiercely  on  the  border.  In  addition,  moreover,  to 
these  personal  labors,  he  was  in  constant  communication 
with  Croghan,  McKee,  and  their  subdeputies,  residing  on 
the  Ohio  and  Illinois  ;  and  not  a  day  passed  without  the 
arrival  of  faithful  Indian  runners  at  the  Hall,  bringing 
valuable  information,  and  keeping  him  thoroughly  cog- 
nizant of  all  that  was  occurring  upon  the  frontiers.  "  I 
have  daily,"  he  wrote  at  this  time  to  the  colonial  secretary, 
"  to  combat  with  thousands,  who,  by  their  avarice,  cruelty, 
or  indiscretion,  are  constantly  counteracting  all  judicious 
measures  with  the  Indians;  but  I  shall  still  persevere. 
The  occasion  requires  it;  and  I  styall  never  be  without 
hopes  till  I  find  myself  without  that  influence,  which  has 
never  yet  forsaken  me  on  the  most  trying  occasions."  l 

By  the  seventh  of   July,  nearly   six   hundred   Indians 
having    assembled  at    the    Hall,    their   chiefs   earnestly 

1  Manuscript  letter. 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  376 

requested  that  the  congress  might  no  longer  be  delayed,  chap. 
Sir  William  was  in  no  condition,  physically,  to  grant  this  v-v^ 
request.     The  exhausting   labors  of  nearly  a  month  had  1774* 
brought  on  a  severe  attack  of  his  old  complaint  —  dysen- 
tery—  to  which,  especially  in  the  summer  months,  he  was 
always  subject  when  overworked.     Hitherto,  when  labor- 
ing under  this  difficulty,  it  will  be  remembered,  his  prac- 
tice had  been  to  resort  to  the  sea  side  for  relief;  but  the 
arduous  duties  before  him  at  this  time  did  not  allow  of 
such  a  course.     Yet,  although  greatly  prostrated  by  the 
complaint,  such  was  the  alarming  situation  of  affairs,  and 
the  consequent  necessity  for  immediate  action,  that,  dis- 
missing all  personal  considerations,  he  held  a  preliminary 
conference  on  the  eighth,    and   on  the  ninth  opened  the 
congress  in  due  form. 

The  first  day  was  principally  occupied  by  Senhowane,  a 
Seneca  chief,  in  a  relation  of  the  grievances  to  which  the 
Six  Nations  had  been  subjected,  both  by  the  infringement, 
on  the  part  of  the  wThites,  of  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix, 
and  also  by  the  utter  confusion  into  which  the  Indian 
trade  had  been  thrown,  since  its  management  had  been 
entrusted  to  the  colonies.  In  reference  to  the  first  men- 
tioned source  of  complaint,  the  speaker  said :  "  It  seems 
that  your  people  entirely  disregard  and  despise  the  settle- 
ment agreed  upon  by  their  superiors  and  us ;  for  we  find 
that  they,  notwithstanding  that  settlement,  have  come  in 
vast  numbers  to  the  Ohio,  and  have  given  our  people  to 
understand  that  they  would  settle  where  they  pleased.  If 
this  is  the  case,"  added  the  Seneca,  "  the  Confederacy  will, 
hereafter,  look  upon  any  engagement  at  that  time  made 
with  them  as  void  and  of  no  effect."  He  hoped,  however, 
that  this  was  not  the  design  of  the  English  as  a  nation ; 
and  he  implored  that  if  in  future  the  whites  insisted  on 
settling  so  near  their  territory,  they  might  at  least  be  made 
subject  to  some  authority  that  would  control  them.  Alto- 
gether, the  speech  was  temperate,  and  evinced  a  better 
state  of  feeling  than  the  most  sanguine  could  have  antici- 


376  LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

chap,  pated.  "When  the  speaker  had  ended,  he  was  followed  by 
w-'  a  Cayuga  war  chief,  who,  in  a  feeling  manner,  spoke  of 
im-  the  mischief  occasioned  among  his  people  by  the  rum, 
which  the  traders,  in  spite  of  entreaties,  continued  to  sell 
—  urging,  in  view  of  this,  that  no  trader  should  hereafter 
be  allowed  to  come  to  Cayuga  upon  any  pretence  what- 
ever. By  the  time  the  Cayuga  chief  had  finished  his 
remarks,  it  was  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  Congress 
was  thereupon  adjourned,  the  Indians  retiring  to  their 
encampment. 

The  next  day  was  the  sabbath.     Sir  "William  accordingly 
deferred  his  answer  until  Monday,  the  eleventh  of  July. 
At  half  past  nine  in  the  morning,  the  Indians  had  all 
assembled;  and  at  ten  o'clock  the  Baronet  began  his  speech. 
His  remarks  were  chiefly  directed  to  the  encroachment  of 
the  whites  upon  the  Indian  territory ;  and  with   all  the 
persuasiveness  of  his   eloquence,  he  assured   the  chiefs 
that  the  outrages  which  had  been  committed  were  the  acts 
of  a  few  individuals,  and  not  of  the  government,  which 
would  take  immediate  measures  to  ferret  out  and  punish 
the  guilty  parties.     At  the  same  time,  he  reminded  them 
that  they  themselves  were  not  wholly  without  blame,  and 
that  they,  too,  must  control  their  own  people,  and  prevent 
their  being   led   astray  by  the   wily   Shawanese.     This 
speech,  delivered  with  all  the  fire  and  vivacity  of  an  Indian 
orator,  lasted  for  more  than  two  hours ;  and  although  the 
Indians  were  seated  under  a  burning  July  sun,  yet  they 
listened  throughout  with  grave  attention.     As  soon  as  Sir 
William  had  ceased  speaking,  pipes  and  tobacco  were  dis- 
tributed among  the  Indians,  and  the  meeting  was  adjourned 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  them  an  opportunity  to  prepare 
their  reply. 

This  last  effort  of  the  Baronet  was  too  much  for  his 
already  overtaxed  system.  Scarcely  had  his  audience  dis- 
persed, when  he  was  seized  with  an  aggravated  attack  of 
his  disease,  which  obliged  him  to  be  supported  to  his 
library.     At  the  time  that  he  was  seized  with  this  relapse, 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART.  377 

Sir  John  was  absent  at  the  old  fort  —  distant  nine  miles,  chap- 
An  express  was  sent  for  him,  and,  mounting  a  fleet  Eng-  s— ^- > 
lish  blood-horse,  he  rode  for  the  Hall  with   all  possible  1774* 
haste.     His  horse  fell  dead  when  within  three  quarters  of 
a  mile  of  the  house,  having  run  upward  of  eight  miles  in 
fifteen   minutes.     Sir  John   hired  a  horse  of   some   one 
standing  by,  and  pushed  forward  to  the  Hall.     On  entering 
the  room,  he  found  his  father  in  the  arms  of  a  faithful 
domestic,  who  attended  upon  his  person.     He  spoke  to  his 
parent,  but  received  no  answer ;  and  in  a  few  minutes 
afterward  the  Baronet  expired — in  the  sixtieth  year  of  his 
age.     This  was  early  in  the  evening.     While  the  judges 
of  the  circuit  court  were  at  supper  in  the  village,  one  mile 
distant,  a  young  Mohawk  Indian  entered  their  apartment, 
and  announced  the  event.1 

Upon  the  first  announcement  of  Sir  William's  decease, 

1  It  was  reported  by  Sir  William's  enemies, — or  rather  by  the  enemies  of 
the  crown, — that  he  perished  by  his  own  hand,  in  consequence  of  the  clouds 
which  he  saw  darkening  the  political  sky ;  and  such  an  impression  is  yet 
very  generally  entertained.  The  tradition  is,  that  on  the  day  of  his 
decease,  he  had  received  dispatches  from  England,  which  were  handed  to 
him  while  sitting  in  court,  and  with  which  he  immediately  left  the  court 
house  and  walked  to  his  own  house.  These  dispatches,  it  was  afterward 
reported,  contained  instructions  to  him  to  use  his  influence  with  the  Indians 
on  behalf  of  the  crown,  in  the  event  of  hostilities.  Another  version  of 
the  tradition  is,  that  on  the  day  in  question,  he  had  received  dispatches 
from  Boston,  the  complexion  of  which,  in  his  own  mind,  indicated  that  a 
war  was  near  and  inevitable.  In  such  an  event,  he  saw  that  he  must  either 
prove  recreant  to  his  principles,  or  take  part  against  the  crown  ;  and,  to 
avoid  either  alternative,  it  has  been  extensively  believed  that  he  put  an 
end  to  his  life.  But  there  is  no  ground  whatever  for  this  uncharitable 
conclusion,  even  if  we  had  not  the  official  account  to  the  board  of  trade  — 
lately  given  the  world  in  the  New  York  Colonial  History  —  which  crushes 
forever  this  foul  suspicion.  The  immediate  cause  of  Sir  William's  death,  is 
called,  in  Guy  Johnson's  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  "  a  suffocation ," 
and  in  the  official  record  of  the  last  congress  held  by  the  Baronet,  "  a  fit." 
By  these  terms,  however,  it  was  only  meant  a  difficulty  of  breathing,  amount- 
ing  at  times  to  almost  a  spasm,  which,  in  Sir  William's  case,  always 
accompanied  his  disease.  This  is  evident  from  the  following  letter  written 
to  Sir  William  by  his  physician  a  year  before  his  decease.  I  find  it  among 
my  collection  of  the  Johnson  manuscripts. 

48 


378  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  the  Indians  appeared  stupefied,  and  in  the  greatest  con- 
w_v^  fusion  and  doubt,  were  on  the  point  of  sending  belts 
1774-  throughout  the  Confederacy  to  publish  their  loss,  and 
their  apprehensions  that  they  were  left  without  a  protector. 
Before,  however,  their  design  could  be  carried  into  effect, 
Colonel  Guy  Johnson  came  among  them,  and  having 
promised  that,  as  deputy  of  the  late  superintendent,  he 
would  take  charge  of  their  affairs  until  his  majesty's 
pleasure  was  known,  they  became  calm,  and  departed  to 
their  encampment  to  prepare  the  usual  ceremony  of  con- 
dolence for  the  death  of  their  Great  Brother. 

"Albany,  22d  June,  1773. 

"Dear  Sir: 

"  My  return  home  was  not  soon  enough  to  be  able  to  forward  you  the 
medicines  you  requested,  by  the  post,  since  which  I  have  wanted  an  oppor- 
tunity. 

"  Four  or  five  of  the  pills,  more  or  less,  maybe  taken  every  morning  and 
evening,  so  as  to  keep  the  body  moderately  loose  ;  and  the  electuary  I 
would  advise  you  only  to  use  at  those  times  when  you  are  apprehensive  of  the 
fits  coming  on,  from  a  sense  of  compressure  and  tightness  across  the  stomach  ; 
at  which  times  the  quantity  of  a  large  filbert  may  be  taken  every  two  or 
three  hours,  made  into  pills,  accompanied  with  small  draughts  of  warm 
whey,  which  will  probably  remove  the  cause  in  the  course  of  a  few  doses, 
by  opening  the  obstructed  passage  of  the  gall ;  which  should  afterwards  be 
carried  downwards  by  gently  purging  medicines  taken  in  frequent  draughts 
of  warm  whey.  Perhaps  a  drachm  of  cream  tarter  in  fine  powder,  to  which 
a  drop  of  anise  seed  oil  is  added,  taken  in  draughts  of  whey,  sweetened 
with  manna,  (the  disagreeableness  of  which  would  be  taken  off  by  the 
acidity  of  the  cream  of  tarter,)  every  hour  until  it  purged,  would  answer 
the  intention  better  than  any  other. 

"  Soap  has  been  looked  upon  as  improper  to  be  given  to  persons  troubled 
with  scorbutic  ulcers.  But  I  have  seen  it  administered  in  such  cases  with- 
out producing  any  sensibly  ill  effects  ;  and  undoubtedly  Dr.  McGrah  would 
not  have  prescribed  it  as  an  ingredient  in  the  pills  with  the  rhubarb,  as  he 
did  for  you,  if  he  had  been  apprehensive  of  any  bad  consequences  from  the 
use  of  it. 

"  Should  these  medicines,  or  any  others  that  may  be  recommended,  prove 
efficacious  in  the  removal  of  your  disorder,  it  would  give  an  inexpressible 
pleasure  to 

"  Dear  Sir, 

"Your  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

SAM.  STRINGER. 
"  Sir  William  Johnson,  Bart." 


BART.  379 

The  obsequies  of  the  late  Baronet  took  place  on  the  chap. 
thirteenth,  which  was  Wednesday.  The  funeral  cortege,  w^ , 
consisting  of  nearly  two  thousand  people  from  the  sur-1774-' 
rounding  country,  moved  from  the  Hall  early  in  the  after- 
noon. The  pall  was  borne  by  Governor  Franklin  of  New 
Jersey,  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York, 
Goldsbrow  Banyar  and  Stephen  De  Lancey;  and  the 
remains  were  deposited,  after  appropriate  services,  in  the 
family  vault,  under  the  altar  of  the  stone  church  which  he 
had  erected.  The  Indians  also  attended  the  funeral  in  a  body, 
and  "  behaved,"  adds  the  official  record  transmitted  to  the 
lords  of  trade,  "  with  the  greatest  decorum,  and  exhibited 
the-  most  lively  marks  of  real  sorrow."  As  soon  as  the 
funeral  rites  vvere  finished,  the  sachems  waited  upon 
Colonel  Johnson,  and  informed  him  that  they  would  per- 
form the  ceremony  of  condolence  on  the  following  day. 

Accordingly,  early  the  next  morning,  the  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations  having  assembled  in  presence  of  Colonel  John- 
son, Colonel  Claus,  Goldsbrow  Banyar  and  other  persons 
of  note,  Conoghquieson,  chief  of  Oneida,  began  the 
touching  ceremony.  Having  with  three  strings  of  wam- 
pum cleared  the  sight  and  wiped  away  all  tears,  the  Oneida, 
with  a  double  belt  covered  the  body,  and  with  another 
large  belt  of  six  rows  covered  the  grave.  Then  turning 
to  Colonel  Johnson,  he  thus  addressed  him : 

"Brother:  It  yields  us  vast  pleasure  to  find  that  the  fire 
which  was  in  danger  of  being  totally  extinguished  by  the 
great  loss  we  have  sustained,  is  for  the  present  rendered 
bright  by  you, —  the  good  words  which  you  spoke  to  us 
yesterday  having  revived  us,  and  kept  our  young  men 
within  reasonable  bounds,  who  otherwise  would  have  lost 
their  senses.  We  rejoice  at  it,  and  accordingly,  with  this 
belt,  we  cause  the  fire  to  burn  clear  as  usual  at  this  place, 
and  at  Onondaga,  which  are  our  proper  fire-places,  and  we 
hope  the  great  king  will  approve  and  confirm  it. 

A  Belt  of  Seven  Boies. 

"  Brother :  With  this  belt  we  sweep  the  fire-place  clean, 


880  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  removing  from  it  all  impure  and  disagreeable  objects,  so 

...    '.  that  we  may  sit  around  it,  and  consult  as  usual  for  the 

1774-  public  good. 

A  Belt  of  Seven  Bows. 

"  Brother  :  "With  these  strings  we  request  that  when  our 

ceremonies  are  performed,  you  will  apply  your  attention 

to  our  affairs,  and  continue  to  give   good   advice   to  the 

young  in  en  as  your  father  did. 

A  Bunch  of  Strings. 

"  Brother :  We  know  that  you  must  be  loaded  with  grief 
on  this  melancholy  occasion  ;  we  therefore  now  cleanse 
your  body,  and  wash  your  inside  with  clean  water  so  that 
you  may  once  more  attend  to  and  proceed  upon  business. 

"  Brother  :  The  heavy  clouds  which  have  hung  over  you 
and  us,  bave  prevented  us  from  seeing  the  sun ;  it  is  there- 
fore our  business  with  this  string  to  clear  the  sky.  And 
we  likewise  with  this  string  (giving  Colonel  Johnson 
another)  put  the  sun  in  its  proper  course,  that  it  may  per- 
form the  same  as  before,  so  that  you  may  be  enabled  to  see 
what  is  doing  and  pursue  the  good  works  of  peace. 

Three  Strings. 

"Brother:  Since  it  has  pleased  the  Great  Spirit  to  take 
from  us  our  Great  Brother  Warraghiyagey,  who  has 
long  desired  at  our  request  to  put  you  in  his  place,  we 
very  much  rejoice  to  find  you  ready  to  take  this  charge 
upon  you,  without  which  we  should  be  in  darkness  and 
great  confusion.  We  are  now  once  more  happy,  and  with 
this  belt  we  expect  you  to  take  care  of  our  affairs ;  to  fol- 
low his  footsteps  ;  and  as  you  very  well  know  his  ways  and 
transactions  with  us,  that  you  will  continue  to  imitate  them  for 

the  good  of  the  public. 

A  Belt  of  Six  Rows. 

"Brother:  We  now  speak  in  the  name  of  our  whole 
Confederacy  and  dependants,  expressing  our  thanks  that, 
agreeably  to  our  former  request  to  Sir  William  Johnson, 
we  now  see  you  taking  care  of  our  affairs.  We  earnestly 
expect  you  to  take  due  care  of  them  as  that  great  man  did, 


381 

who  promised  you  to  us ;  and  we  now  desire  that  you  will  chap. 
send  these  our  words  to  the  great  king,  who,  we  hope,  will  ^—^ 
regard  our  desires,  and  approve  of  you  as  the  only  person 1774- 
that  knows  us  and  our  affairs,  that  business  may  go  on  as 
it  did  formerly.   Otherwise,  in  this  alarming  time  of  trouble, 
without  your  care  and  attention,  our  affairs  will  fall  into 
great  confusion,  and  all  our  good  works  will  be  destroyed. 
We  beg,  therefore,  you  will  accept  our  good  wishes,  and 
that  you  will  continue  to  take  care  of  the  great  business 
in  which  we  are  all  concerned." 

A  Large  Black  Belt  of  Mne  Bows. 

Thus  closed  this  affecting  ceremonial  —  affecting, 
because  the  last  and  only  tribute  which  the  faithful  Iroquois 
had  it  in  their  power  to  pay  to  the  memory  of  him,  who,  for 
upward  of  forty  years,  had  been  their  steadfast  friend  and 
benefactor. 

Sir  William  was  succeeded  in  his  title  and  estates  by  his 
son,  Sir  John  Johnson ;  but  the  reins  of  authority  as 
general  superintendent  of  the  Indian  department,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  who,  in  accordance 
with  the  Baronet's  request,  made  a  few  months  prior  to 
his  death,  received  that  office  from  the  king,  shortly  after 
his  uncle's  decease.1  This  officer  was  assisted  by  Colonel 
Claus,  who,  having  been  his  father-in-law's  deputy  in 
Canada  for  a  long  series  of  years,  was  well  qualified  to 
give  advice.  On  the  decease  of  his  father,  Sir  John  also 
succeeded  to  his  post  as  major  general  of  the  militia. 2 

1  This  request  was  oaade  in  a  letter  to  Dartmouth,  dated  April  17th,  1774. 
It  would  seem  that  Sir  William  was  impressed  with  the  idea  that  he  would 
die  suddenly,  as  the  chief  ground  upon  which  the  request  is  made  is,  that 
"  the  infirmities  which  have  often  threatened  his  life,  renders  it,  at  best, 
very  precarious."  The  Indians,  also,  evidently  perceived  that  his  health  was 
failing,  for  they  requested  him  to  have  Guy  Johnson  appointed  his  successor 
in  case  of  his  decease. 

2  It  may  be  well  to  state  here,  that  the  tradition  of  Sir  William  having 
•visited  England  and  Ireland  in  the  fall  of  1773,  is  erroneous.  My  reason 
for  this  statement  is  as  follows:  In  a  manuscript  letter,  now  before  me,  to 
•Colonel  Massey.  under  date  of  June  15th,  1773,  Sir  William  Johnson  writes: 


382  LIFE   OP   SIR    WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap.      The  distinguishing  feature  of  Sir   William  Johnson's 

xx 
wy-L  character  was  strict  integrity.     In  this,  is  to  be  found  the 

1774.  great  secret  of  his  marvellous  ascendency  over  the  Indians. 
Cajoled  and  cheated  by  the  English  traders  for  a  long 
series  of  years,  the  red  man  had  learned  to  regard  the 
name  of  Englishman  as  a  synonym  of  fraud  and  deceit. 
From  the  time,  however,  of  the  Baronet's  settlement  in 
the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  until  his  decease,  they  had  ever 
found  him  true  to  his  word  and  conscientious  in  his  deal- 
ings. "  Sir  William  Johnson,"  said  they,  "  never  deceived 
us."  '  To  the  Indians,  not  only  of  the  Six  Nations  but 
those  far  in  the  west  beyond,  who  had  fallen  within  the 
circle  of  his  influence  after  the  conquest  of  Canada  and 
the  subjugation  of  Pontiac,  he  had  been  as  a  father,  and 
they  looked  up  to  him  with  veneration.  To  the  nations 
of  the  Confederacy,  more  especially,  Sir  William  seemed 
apart  of  themselves.  His  joys  and  griefs  were  shared  in 
equally  by  them  ;  and  when,  in  1772,  one  of  his  children 
by  Molly  Brant  died,  the  chief  of  the  Senecas  waited  upon 
the  commanding  officer  at  Niagara,  and  with  tears  in  his 
eyes  announced  the  loss  which  his  Brother  had  sustained. 
This  feeling,  moreover,  was  not  confined  to  the  Indians 
alone.     Long  association  with  him,  and  great  respect  for 

"  My  health  has  been  for  several  years  past  so  much  impaired  that  I  cannot 
have  the  least  prospect  (were  it  otherwise  convenient)  to  visit  Ireland  ;  and 
therefore  one  great  satisfaction  of  my  life  is  to  hear  of  the  happiness  of 
my  friends  there,  since  I  cannot  be  a  witness  of  it."  And  in  another  letter, 
in  the  state  library  at  Albany,  written  but  a  few  weeks  previous  to  his 
decease,  Sir  William  distinctly  says  that  he  has  never  visited  his  native 
country  since  the  first  time  he  came  to  America. 

For  a  copy  of  Sir  William  Johnson's  will,  see  No.  viii,  of  appendix.  A 
perusal  of  this  document  will  give  the  reader  a  correct  idea  of  ihe  domains 
of  the  Baronet — domains  larger  and  fairer  than  probably  ever  belonged  to 
a  single  proprietor  in  America,  William  Penn  only  excepted. 

See  also  appendix  No.  ix  and  x,  for  a  sketch  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  and 
an  account  of  the  disinterment  and  reburial  of  the  remains  of  Sir  William 
Johnson  in  the  summer  of  1862. 

3  "I  always  followed  your  great  example,  and  am  certain  no  Indian  can 
ever  say,  I  deceived  him  or  told  him  a  lie."  Manuscript  letter  :  B.  Roberts 
to  Johnson,  3d  Aug.,  1772. 


LIFE   OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  383 

his  character  —  which,  from  its  blunt  honesty,  frankness  chap. 
and  generosity,  was  well  calculated  to  secure  the  attach-  ^- , 
ment  of  such  people  — had  also  given   his  opinions  the1774* 
force  of    legal  authority   among   the   colonists;    and  no 
public  or  private  enterprise  was  undertaken  in  the  north- 
ern colonies,  concerning  which  his  advice  was  not  solicited. 

Nor  were  the  colonists  singular  in  bowing  to  his  opinions. 
His  indomitable  energy,  his  industry,  the  method  which  he 
introduced  into  all  his  transactions,  his  untiring  devotion 
to  British  interests,  and  his  zeal  in  the  duties  of  his  depart- 
ment, rendered  him  invaluable  to  the  crown.  The  British 
ministry  hesitated  before  taking  a  single  step  in  reference 
to  the  Indian  department,  untii  they  had  consulted  the 
Baronet.  No  measure  affecting  Indian  relations  Was 
adopted  by  them  without  his  advice ;  and  more  frequently 
their  policy  was  suggested  by  himself.  Indeed,  it  is  safe 
to  say,  that  no  person  in  the  British  realm,  other  than  Sir 
William  Johnson,  could  have  deviated  so  entirely  from 
the  royal  instructions  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  with 
impunity.  A  cabinet  minister,  under  similar  circumstances, 
would  have  been  forced  to  resign,  or  have  been  dismissed 
in  disgrace.  Sir  William  neither  resigned  nor  was  dis- 
missed; his  services  could  not  be  dispensed  with;  and 
royalty  for  the  time  acquiesced.  A  man,  who,  from  an 
humble  origin,  could  rise  by  his  own  exertions  to  a  position, 
in  which  from  the  back  woods  of  America  he  controlled 
the  British  parliament,  was  of  no  ordinary  mould. 

Another  trait  of  Sir  William's  character  —  and  which 
added  not  a  little  to  his  influence  over  the  Indians  —  was 
his  power  of  adaptation.  This  he  possessed  in  a  remark- 
able degree.  He  was  at  ease,  whether  entertaining  in  his 
baronial  mansion  the  polished  scion  of  nobility,  or  the 
rude  savage ;  whether  mingling  in  the  saloons  of  wealth 
and  fashion,  or  seated  on  the  earthy  floor  of  the  bark  wig- 
wam. The  same  faculty  was  also  shown  in  all  the  varied 
relations,  which,  in  the  course  of  his  life,  he  was  called 
upon  to  sustain.     A  trader  in  peltry,  he  was  upright  and 


384  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

chap,  affable ;  a  counsellor,  he  was  sagacious  and  prudent ;  a 
w^ major  general,  courageous  but  cautious;  superintendent 
1774-  of  the  Indian  department,  wise  and  discerning  ;  a  Baronet 
of  the  British  realm,  courtly  in  his  hospitalities ;  a  large 
landed  proprietor  with  a  numerous  tenantry,  kind  and  just. 
Sir  William  is  described  by  modern  historians  as  having 
a  "  coarse  mind,"  and  withal  as  "  vain  of  his  rank  and 
influence. ' '  Both  of  these  allegations,  however,  rest  solely 
upon  the  writings  of  those  who  were  his  violent  personal 
and  political  enemies.  At  the  time  in  which  he  lived, 
political  animosities  ran  high  between  New  England  and 
New  York ;  and  the  latter  province,  in  the  person  of  Sir 
"William  Johnson,  happened  to  be  arrayed  against  the 
former,  in  Governor  Shirley.  Those  of  the  New  England 
troops  who  had  come  in  contact  with  him  at  Lake  George 
in  1755,  admired,  it  is  true,  his  many  personal  and  soldierly 
qualities,  and  confessed  that  they  had  been  egregiously 
deceived  in  his  character.  Their  testimony,  however, 
could  not  allay  the  jealousy  which  was  cherished  by  the 
partizans  of  Shirley  against  the  conqueror  of  Dieskau ; 
and  hence  the  rancor  which  pursued  him  through  a  portion 
of  his  life.  I  have  read  carefully  all  of  the  Baronet's  cor- 
respondence extant,  consisting  of  upward  of  five  thou- 
sand letters  —  many  of  them  written  to  his  most  intimate 
friends  —  and  can  find  nothing  to  warrant  the  above  alle- 
gations. In  none  of  these  letters  does  he  speak  of  the 
honors  of  which  he  was  the  recipient.1  Although  com- 
pelled, in  the  exercise  of  his  department,  to  take  a  promi- 
nent part,  and  to  see  that  his  commands  were  obeyed,  yet, 
in  private  life,  he  was  unostentatious  and  even  retiring ; 
and  at  home  —  where,  if  in  any  place,  the  true  character 
of  a  man  will  appear  —  he  placed  himself  in  the  back 
ground,  causing  his  guests  and  dependents  to  feel  that  they 
were  the  persons  conferring  the  obligation. 

The  charge  of  coarseness  is  equally  unjust.     His  early 

1 1  do  not  allude  here  to  his  official  letters,  which  from  necessity  must 
savor  somewhat  of  egotism. 


LIFE   OF   SIR    WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  385 

opportunities  for  self-improvement,  it  is  true,  were  few.  chap. 
His  life  was  spent  apart  from  civilized  society  and  scholas-  ^v-^ 
tic  culture;  and  his  exterior,  perhaps,  at  times  exhibited1"4- 
some  of  the  roughness  characteristic  of  the  frontier.  Still, 
coarseness  — ■  when  it  exists  —  is  inherent,  and  is  frequently 
found  under  the  garb  of  polished  manners  and  courtly 
address.  Many  acts  of  kindness,  evincing  a  high  native 
delicacy  —  noted  down,  by  way  of  memoranda,  in  his 
private  diary,  designed  for  no  eye  but  Jiis  own  — show  a 
fineness  of  organization  incompatible  with  a  coarse  mind. 
I  do  not  write  in  the  spirit  of  eulogy.  The  office  of  the 
historian  and  biographer  is  to  state  facts,  and  draw  infer- 
ences after  a  careful  sifting  of  the  evidence.  Faults,  Sir 
William  undoubtedly  had,  but  they  were  faults  incident  to 
a  border  life.  Moreover,  a  century  ago,  a  certain  laxity 
of  personal  morals  was  fashionable  in  Europe,  and  the 
American  colonies  were  by  no  means  slow  in  copying  the 
old  world ;  and  many  things  were  tolerated  in  society  then, 
which  would  not  be  at  the  present  day. 

In  temperament,  Sir  William  was  genial.  The  impor- 
tance of  preserving  the  health  of  the  body  by  a  cheerful 
frame  of  mind  was  by  him  fully  appreciated.  His  practice 
of  seeking  relaxation  in  the  pleasures  of  angling  at  Castle 
Cumberland,  on  the  banks  of  the  Sacandaga,  has  been 
already  alluded  to.  Once  every  year  he  invited  the  war- 
riors of  the  Six  Nations  down  to  the  Hall,  where  a  tourna- 
ment of  Indian  games  would  be  held  for  several  days. 
Having  himself  a  fondness  for  athletic  exercises,  he  took 
special  pains  to  introduce  among  his  tenantry  all  the  old 
English  field  sports.  He  was,  also,  in  the  habit  of  appoint- 
ing "  sport-days"  at  Johnstown,  at  which  the  yeomanry 
from  the  neighboring  country,  contended  in  deeds  of  per- 
sonal prowess  for  the  prizes  of  the  victors.  On  such  occa- 
sions, boxing  and  foot-racing  were  the  most  common. 
The  Baronet  had,  also,  a  keen  sense  of  the  ludicrous. 
The  exercises  would  frequently  be  varied  by  races  on 
horseback  —  the  riders  seated  with  their  faces  toward  the 

49 


BART. 

cixP*  norses'  tails-  Young  men,  almost  naked,  chased  guinea 
*— v— 'pigs  whose  tails  were  shaved  and  greased  —  those  who 
*  were  able  to  catch  the  pigs  by  the  tail  and  hold  them, 
winning  the  prize.  Others  ran  races,  with  their  feet  tied 
up  in  bags ;  and  again,  matches  would  be  made  up  between 
those  who  could  sing  the  worst  song,  or  contort  their  faces 
into  the  most  hideous  expressions  —  the  victors  in  these 
encounters  receiving  a  bear-skin  jacket,  or  a  few  pounds 
of  snuff  and  tobacco. 

With  a  view  of  creating  a  generous  rivalry  among  the 
farming  community,  and  thus  developing  the  resources  of 
the  country,  fairs  were  annually  held  at  Johnstown,  under 
his  own  immediate  supervision.  On  such  occasions,  the 
live  stock  and  produce  brought  in  by  the  farmers  would 
be  carefully  inspected  by  a  competent  committee;  and 
those  who  raised  the  best  cattle,  or  grew  the  most  upon 
the  acre,  would  be  liberally  rewarded  out  of  the  Baronet's 
private  purse. 

Sir  William,  also,  had  a  lively  sense  of  injustice ;  and 
nothing  seemed  to  rouse  him  more  than  any  act  of  oppres- 
sion coming  within  his  knowledge.  Although,  by  virtue 
of  being  a  member  of  the  council,  he  was  a  civil  magis- 
trate, yet,  waiving  the  slow  forms  of  the  law,  he  would 
frequently  take  the  matter  into  his  own  hands.  The  fol- 
lowing anecdote,  illustrating  his  summary  manner  of  cor- 
recting wrong,  is  in  point:  One  of  his  tenants  —  Daniel 
Eushel  by  name  —  struck  and  otherwise  abused  his  aged 
father.  This  fact  becoming  known  to  the  Baronet,  he 
sent  for  the  man,  and  inviting  him  into  his  private  office, 
in  the  course  of  conversation,  remarked,  "  How  is  your 
father,  the  old  man  ?  I  have  heard  that  he  is  troublesome. 
If  such  is  the  case,  I  don't  know  as  you  could  do  better 
than  to  chastise  him  a  little."  "I  have  done  it,"  was  the 
reply.  Sir  William  immediately  locked  the  door,  put  the 
key  in  his  pocket,  took  down  a  horsewhip  from  the  wall, 
and  gave  the  man  a  sound  whipping.     Then  opening  the 


1    , 

LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART.  387 

door,  he  said,  "  Go  home,  you  villain,  and  flog  your  father  ohap. 
again !"  wv_ * 

The  Christianizing  of  the  Indians  —  as  before  observed 1774, 
—  seems  to  have  been  ever  uppermost  in  his  mind.  My 
object  in  once  more  adverting  to  this,  is  to  keep  before  the 
reader  the  fact,  that  amid  all  his  personal  and  political 
cares,  the  welfare  of  the  Indians  was  never  lost  sight  of. 
Indeed,  his  correspondence  upon  this  subject  is  so  volumin- 
ous, that  without  frequent  reference  to  that  which  formed 
a  large  portion  of  his  thoughts,  the  history  of  the  man 
would  not  be  complete.  There  is  scarcely  a,  letter  of  his 
to  the  board  of  trade  which  does  not  urge  the  importance 
of  converting  the  Indians,  as  well  upon  religious  as  on  polit- 
ical grounds.  Nor  can  can  it  be  alleged  that  he  was 
actuated  merely  by  a  desire  to  make  proselytes  for  the 
Anglican  church.  The  contrary  is  show^  by  his  numerous 
letters  to  Dr.  Wheelock  and  other  dissenting  divines ;  and 
also  by  the  cordial  support  which  he  ever  gave  to  mission- 
aries of  whatever  protestant  sect,  who  were  willing  to  labor 
in  the  Indian  field.  It  is  not  contended  that  his  zeal 
sprung  from  those  higher  and  purer  principles  which 
actuate  the  true  disciple  of  Christ,  for  a  Christian  in  its 
strict  evangelical  sense  he  wTas  not;  but  that  he  earnestly 
desired  a  higher  toned  civilization  for  the  red  man,  from 
motives  of  pure  benevolence,  cannot  be  doubted. 

By  the  death  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  the  indigent  and 
unfortunate  lost  a  kind  friend  and  benefactor.  His  acts 
of  kindness  to  his  tenantry  were  numerous ;  his  attention 
to  their  interests  and  welfare  was  unremitting ;  and  many 
there  were,  both  in  Ireland  and  America,  who  experienced 
daily  his  private  bounty.  In  his  family  he  was  a  kind  and 
fond  father  ;  and  to  his  parents,  while  they  lived,  he  was 
an  affectionate  and  dutiful  son.  "  By  his  death,"  said  the 
address  of  the  field  officers  of  the  militia  to  Sir  John, 
"  the  poor  and  indigent  have  lost  their  munificent  bene- 
factor ;  and  most  sincerely  do  we  sympathize  with  those 
whose  merit  attracted  his  notice  even  amid  the  frowns  of 


388 

chap. adversity." l  "I  left  the  Hall  last  evening,"  wrote  Peter 
^-v— *  Van  Schaack  to  his  brother  Henry,  a  few  days  after  the 
17'4-  Baronet's  decease,  "  where  everything  wears  the  face  of 
sorrow  for  the  irreparable  loss  of  that  great  and  good  man, 
Sir  "William  Johnson, —  a  loss  at  once  to-  the  public,  and  a 
numerous  train  of  the  indigent  and  unfortunate,  who 
derived  support  from  his  unequalled  benevolence  and  gen- 
erosity. My  jaunt  up  to  Johnstown  has  given  me  an 
opportunity  of  seeing  so  many  instances  of  his  goodness ; 
the  settlement  there  compared  with  what  it  was  a  few 
years  ago,  so  abundantly  shows  his  greatness  of  mind,  and 
the  extensiveness  of  his  views,  where  a  little  world  has,  as 
it  were,  been  formed  by  his  hand,  that  I  own  I  consider 
him  as  the  greatest  character  or  the  age." 

1  For  this  address  seo^appendix  No.  xi. 


, 


** 


*■ 


APPENDIX. 


No.  1. 

"Fort  Johnson,  13th  Jan.,  1758. 
"  At  a  meeting  of  some  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  of  the  lower  town 
"  Present. 


"  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  Bart 
"  George  Croghan  Esq. 
"  Capt.  Thomas  Butler. 


"  Lieut.  Claus  Dep.  Sec'y. 
"Mr.  Arent  Stevens, 
"Captain  Montour, 

Interpreters. 
Abraham,  Speaker. 


"  Brother  Warra : 

"  We  come  here  to  lay  our  case  before  you,  which,  as  it  seems  at 
present,  is  very  precarious  ',  listen,  Brother,  and  we  will  relate  you 
our  unlucky  accident  which  happened  in  our  town  yesterday  eve- 
ning. 

"  One  of  our  young  men  who  has  been  these  many  weeks  past 
from  home,  returning  yesterday  found  that  since  his  leaving 
home,  an  other  party  of  men  were  posted  in  the  garrison.  In 
order,  therefore,  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  commanding  officer,  and  bid 
him  welcome  to  his  garrison,  (not  knowing  that  the  sentries  were 
ordered  to  stop  any  Indian  from  entering  the  fort)  he  came  up  to 
the  gate,  and  to  his  great  surprise,  as  quite  uncustomary  heretofore, 
was  repulsed  by  the  sentry,  and  after  offering  the  second  time  to  go 
in,  was  pushed  to  the  ground  with  the  butt  of  the  gun.  Upon 
which,  seeing  himself  thus  unfriendly  used,  he  returned  to  his 
house,  and  going  along  one  of  the  block  houses,  they  emptied  the 
chamber  pot  upon  him  *  and  shrew  him  with  snow  balls :  standing, 

1  In  reading  of  this  outrage,  one  is  reminded  of  a  similar  adventure  of 
Socrates,  related  in  the  Wife  of  Bath's  TaU. 


390  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

a  little  after,  under  the  door  of  his  house,  he  saw  two  soldiers  com- 
ing towards  the  Indian  town,  and  considering  his  ill  treatment  a 
little  before,  went  to  the  gate  of  the  Indian  fort,  and  attempted  to 
stop  the  soldiers  j  giving  them  to  understand,  that  as  they  would 
not  let  him  enter  their  fort,  he  was  unwilling  they  should  come 
among  the  Indians,  but  he  was  soon  pushed  back ;  and  one  of  the 
soldiers  took  up  a  piece  of  wood,  and  knocked  him  to  the  ground 
leaving  four  wounds  in  his  head.  Upon  which  a  French  prisoner, 
who  lives  in  our  town,  tried  to  take  up  the  wounded  man,  but  was 
prevented  by  the  soldiers,  and  obliged  to  run  for  his  life  to.  a  white 
man's  house  just  by  there,  and  they  followed  him,  and  would  have 
given  him  some  cuts  had  he  not  pushed  the  door  after  him  and  kept 
the  door  shut. 

"Some  of  our  young  men  seeing  all  this,  immediately  ran  to  meet 
us,  (as  we  were  not  yet  come  home  from  the  meeting  at  your  house), 
and  finding  us  at  John  Wemps,  where  we  stopped  a  little,  told  us 
that  there  was  fighting  and  quarreling  among  the  soldiers  and 
Indians;  we  hastened  home,  and  I  driving  up  towards  my  stable,  in 
order  to  take  my  horses  out  of  the  sleigh  and  put  them  up,  in  the 
first  place  found  four  soldiers  in  the  stable,  and  upon  asking  them 
what  they  were  doing  there,  and  desiring  [them?]  to  leave  the 
stable  that  I  might  put  up  my  horses,  they  immediately  struck  me 
with  their  fists;  on  which  I  got  hold  of  him  that  struck  me  first  and 
brought  him  on  the  ground,  holding  him  some  time  to  prevent  his 
striking  me  again,  when  the  rest  got  hold  of  me,  tossed  me  about, 
and  had  like  to  choke  me;  tore  my  wampum  and  silver  medal  from 
my  neck,  which  they  have  either  kept  or  thrown  away,  as  I  can't 
find  it  in  the  place  we  struggled.  During  the  time  of  this,  two 
other  Indians  hearing  the  noise,  came  to  see  what  the  matter  was, 
when  the  soldiers  were  calling  for  help  to  the  fort,  as  I  found  after- 
wards by  a  number  of  soldiers  coming  with  drawn  cutlasses,  and 
pursued  the  two  young  Indians  who  were  unarmed,  and  one  of  them 
ran  to  his  house,  and  by  a  good  strong  door  which  he  pushed  after 
him  saved  himself,  although  many  cuts  were  made  into  the  door  to 
split  it.  The  other  Indian  ran  likewise  to  his  house,  but  he  had 
not  time  to  shut  the  door,  when  the  soldiers  rushed  into  the  house, 
fell  on  cutting  him  and  gave  him  three  wounds  in  his  body,  two  in 
his  head,  and  a  stab  in  his  breast,  which  proves  very  dangerous. 
His  sister  being  in  the  house  at  the  same  time,  cried  out  murder, 
when  one  of  the  soldiers  struck  at  her  and  cut  her  in  two  places 


APPENDIX.  391 

under  her  arm;  and  her  having  a  blanket  about  her  saved  her  from 
being  killed.  At  last  an  officer  a  sergeant  came  from  the  fort  to 
prevent  their  doing  more  mischief,  but  the  soldiers  were  in  such  a 
rage  that  he  was  obliged  to  draw  his  sword  among  them  and  actually 
cut  one  of  them  in  the  arm;  which,  Brother,  we  mention  to  you  for 
this  reason,  that  upon  enquiry  into  the  affair  we  mayn't  be  charged 
with  having  wounded  him,  for  we  assure  you,  we  had  no  weapon  in 
our  hands  during  the  whole  fray,  nor  intended  at  all  to  quarrel. 

"Yesterday  morning,  also,  when  two  of  our  women  wanted  to 
cross  the  river  in  a  canoe  that  belongs  to  us,  and  being  ready  to  push 
from  the  shore,  they  were  pulled  out  the  canoe  by  the  hair  of  their 
head,  by  two  of  the  soldiers,  and  the  canoe  taken  from  them.  And 
not  long  ago  an  old  woman,  wife  to  one  of  our  sachems,  coming 
along  the  road  with  a  load  of  wood  on  her  back,  was  attacked  by 
the  soldiers,  who  wanted  to  ravish  her,  but  defending  herself  with 
her  axe,  she  prevented  their  design. 

"This,  Brother,  is  now  the  true  state  of  our  complaint,  and  we 
assure  you  we  have  told  you  nothing  but  what  is  really  fact;  we 
could  give  you  more  instances  for  the  ill  usage  and  behavior  of  the 
soldiers  towards  us,  but  will  for  the  present,  pass  it  with  silence. 

Gave  a  string  of  wampum. 

"  Brother :  If  you  take  this  our  case  into  consideration,  you  must 
be  convinced  that  it  is  very  hard.  We,  who  expected  to  be  beloved 
by  these  people  as  brethren,  to  be  protected  and  defended  by  them,  to 
be  treated  in  such  a  manner !  We  assure  you,  Brother,  it  is  a  shocking 
accident  to  us,  and  pierces  our  hearts.  (N.  B.  The  speaker  showed 
tears  in  his  eyes  at  uttering  these  words.)  We  hope,  Brother,  we 
have  given  convincing  proofs  during  our  friendship  and  acquaint- 
ance with  the  English,  and  last  war  as  well  as  this,  that  we  have 
taken  your  case  to  be  ours,  shared  the  same  fate  with  you,  and 
still  are  resolved  to  continue  so  to  our  last;  and  now  to  see  ourselves 
thus  rewarded  for  our  love  and  fidelity  towards  the  English !  There 
have  been  many  garrisons  among  us,  but  we  never  were  so  ill  used 
as  by  the  present;  it  appears  by  their  actions  as  if  they  wanted  to 
pick  a  quarrel  with  us  at  any  rate.  Now  and  then,  when  a  drunken 
Indian  was  troublesome  to  the  officers  heretofore,  and  the  sachems 
found  it  out,  they  always  took  care  immediately  to  make  up  and 
settle  it  between  them. 

"  Brother :  If  the  affair  happened  in  the  garrison,  we  would  not 
think  so  bad  of  it,  but  to  see  ourselves   in   danger  of  our  lives  in 


i 


392 


our  own  doors  from  people  who  pretend  to  be  friends  and  brothers 
is  very  bad  and  not  to  be  borne  with.  Wherefore,  Brother,  we  most 
earnestly  entreat  you  to  represent  our  case  to  the  general,  and  if  he 
has  any  love  or  regard  for  us,  he  will  remove  this  garrison,  and 
thereby  restore  peace  among  ourselves  and  prevent  farther  accident.'^ 
2  This  speech  has  been  copied  entire  from  the  manuscript  journal  of  Sir 
Win.  Johnson,  referred  to  in  the  text. 

No.  2. 

"  Orders  and  Instructions  for   Lieut.  Col.    Farquhar  of  the   A&th 

Regiment.     Niagara,  Aug.  2c?,  1759. 

1st,  "You  will  see  that  those  employed  in  repairing  the  fortifica- 
tions, in  putting  the  artillery  and  stores  in  proper  order,  in  repair- 
ing or  building  vessels,  and  fitting  up  barracks,  have  all  manner  of 
assistance  and  be  kept  diligent  at  their  several  works — As  Mr. 
JDimpler  has  directions  about  erecting  a  battery  for  two  18  pound- 
ers near  the  water  side,  you  will  give  him  assistance  as  soon  as  you 
can — As  the  general  in  chief  is  very  desirous  that  vessels  should 
be  built  with  all  expedition,  and  as  more  timber  will  be  wanted,  you 
will  send  out  for  it  occasionally,  taking  care  to  send  a  strong  escort, 
at  different  houses,  and  places. 

"2d,  As  this  fort  is  ordered  by  Major  General  Amherst  to  be 
garrisoned  by  part  of  Brigadier  General  Stanwix's  army,  you 
will,  on  being  relieved  by  them,  embark  the  present  garrison,  and 
join  the  army  at  Oswego,  leaving  with  the  officer  that  succeeds  you 
in  the  command,  all  instructions  you  may  have  received,  and  what 
information  you  can  furnish  him  with  for  the  service.  Should  the 
garrison  sent  by  General  Stanwix  not  be  sufficient,  according  as  cir- 
cumstances may  appear  to  you,  you  will  leave  a  detachment  of  the 
forty-fourth  regiment,  equal  to  what  the  service  may  require.  Some 
of  the  French  officers  and  private  men  prisoners,  not  being  now  in 
condition  to  be  removed,  you  will  take  all  possible  care  of  them,  and 
when  recovered,  send  them  by  the  safest  conveyance  to  Oswego, 
The  guard  over  them  will  be  careful  not  to  allow  any  Indian,  or  sus- 
pected person,  to  have  any  communication  with  them  upon  any  pre- 
tence whatever.  The  officers  who  are  able  to  move  about  to  have 
the  liberty  of  the  parade. 

"  3d,  As  soon  as  the  army  is  embarked,  you  will  shut  the  gate  of 
the  covered  way,  and  not  allow  any  man  of  the  garrison  to  go  out — 
to  prevent  stragglers  being  taken  by  the  enemy — being  informed 
they  want  to  take  a  prisoner  for  intelligence. 


APPENDIX.  393 

"  4th,  As  provisions  are  very  difficult  to  be  brought  to  such  a 
distance,  you  will  see  that  the  commissary  takes  all  possible  care, 
and  serves  out  first,  those  likely  to  spoil. 

"5th,  As  it  is  expected  that  the  Indians  in  the  neighborhood, 
formerly  in  the  French  interest,  will  now,  at  least  in  appearance,  be 
our  friends,  you  will  receive  them  with  civility;  give  them  provi- 
sions, and  assure  them  that  traders  will  soon  arrive  to  buy  their 
skins  more  to  their  advantage  than  ever  the  French  did.  If  the 
Indians  should  come  in  large  bodies,  you  will  not  admit  above 
twenty  to  come  within  the  fort  at  a  time.  Two  interpreters  are  left 
here  under  your  orders,  who  you  willtakecaretosee  civilly  treated. 

"6th,  As  you  being  in  possession  of  this  place,  greatly  distresses 
the  enemy,  and  is  of  great  importance  to  his  majesty's  interest,  you 
will  take  care  that  the  service  is  performed  with  the  greatest  strict- 
ness, as  possibly  some  attempt  may  be  made.  Whatever  extraordi- 
naries  may  happen,  you  will  send  immediate  notice  of  it,  directed 
to  the  care  of  the  officer  commanding  at  Oswego,  with  leave  to  open 

the  letter  if  you  think  necessary. 

"WM.  JOHNSON/' 

"  Orders  for  Mr.  Dimpler. 

"You  are  to  stay  at  Niagara  under  the  orders  of  Lieut.  Col. 
Farquhar. 

"You  will,  with  all  possible  dilligence,  repair  the  fortifications  in 
the  best  manner;  build  a  battery  for  two  eighteen  pounders  on  the 
water  side  as  directed.  After  which,  all  the  buildings  and  barracks 
are  to  be  put  in  good  condition  for  the  winter. 

"After  a  strict  examination,  you  will  send  a  list  of  what  things 
are  necessarily  wanted  to  put  the  post  in  a  good  condition  of 
defence,  and  comfortable  for  the  troops  during  the  winter ;  this  to 
be  countersigned  by  the  commanding  officer,  who  is  directed  to 
give  you  what  assistance  you  may  want. 

"WM.  JOHNSON." 

"  Orders  for  Captain  Walton. 
"  You  will,  without  any  loss  of  time,  put  all  the  artillery  and 
stores  in  proper  order,  and  place  them  to  the  best  advantage.  And 
as  soon  as  it  can  be  done  with  exactness,  send  a  return  of  whatever 
may  be  wanted  in  your  department  to  put  this  place  in  a  good  con- 
dition of  defence.  This  to  be  countersigned  by  the  commanding 
officer,  who  will  give  you  assistance  as  you  may  have  occasion  for  it. 

"  WILLIAM  JOHNSON." 
50 


394 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 


No.  III. 

Private  Manuscript  Diary,  Kept  by  Sir  William  Johnson  at  Niagara 
and  Oswego,  1759. 

"The  garrison  of  Niagara  surrendered  July  25th  at  7  in  the 
morning.  The  number  of  which  consisted  of  607  men  and  11 
officers,  besides  a  number  of  women,  children,  &c.  The  former  to 
be  sent  to  England  by  the  way  of  New  York,  and  escorted  to 
Oswego  by  a  detachment  of  the  46th,  consisting  of  300,  the  latter 
to  the  1st  French  post  with  one  Priest. 

"  Officers'  Names  in  Garrison. 

''Chevalier  Pouchot,  captain  of  the  regiment;  De  Beam  Condt 
Yilar,  captain  of  the  regiment.  La  Saire  Servier,  captain  of  the 
Royal  Rouissilon;  Chevalier  De  La  Roche  Veinay,  captain  of 
marines;  Bouraffons,  commanding  officer  of  artillery;  Consnoyer, 
lieut.  of  a  detachment  of  marines;  Soluignag,  officer  of  the  regm't  of 
Beam;  Le  Chevalier  DeLarminac,  lieutenant  of  marines;  Joncair, 
,captain  of  marines. 

"  Chabear  Joncair. 

"  Morambert,  Lieut.,  De  Guyendre,  Chirurgeon,  left  to  take  care 
of  the  sick. 

uJuly2Qth;  They  embarked,  after  grounding  their  arms,  and 
proceeded  to  Oswego. 

"List  of  the  officers,  and  cadets,  taken  in  the  action  of  July  24th, 
the  whole  consisted  of  30  officers,  of  which  three  only  escaped,  the 
following  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  rest  killed,  viz : 

"De  Lignens,  j 

"Chevalier  De  Villier, 


"  Montaigny, 

"Chevalier  Desponligney, 

"Mr!  Marin, 

"Mr.  Gramelin,  Captain  of  Militia 

"  La  Chauirgre, 

"La  Noye, 

"La  Moelle, 

"  Baitlent,  J,  Lieutenants. 

"  Mortisanbert, 

"Derius, 

"  Feran, 

"  Dequindre,  Col. 

"  La  Motte  Domeille,  Major 


Captains. 


' 


Militia  officers. 


S  - 


Cadets. 

APPENDIX.  395 

•'  Defilete, 
"  Deligneris, 
"  Soumandre, 
"  Barroiz, 

"Mr.  Duclos  a  la  garde. 

"Boiford,  Chirurgeon  major  with  their  attendants.1 

"27th;  I  divided  among  the  several  nations,  the  prisoners  and 
scalps  amounting  to  two  hundred  and  forty-six,  of  which  ninety- 
six  were  prisoners.  The  officers  I  with  difficulty  released  from  them, 
by  ransom,  good  words,  &c.2 

"28  th;  The  greatest  part  of  all  the  nations  set  off  in  boats  with 
a  deal  of  plunder  for  their  several  countries. 

"Bo.  Die.  Buried  Brigadier  General  Prideaux  in  the  chapel, 
and  Colonel  Johnson  with  a  great  deal  of  form.  I  was  chief 
mourner.  The  evening  of  the  27th,  I  sent  3  whale  boats  with  a 
party  of  above  30  men  to  reconnoitre  Fort  Toronto,  and  on  their 
return,  propose  to  send  to  destroyit. 

"  Colonel  Haldimand  arrived  here  with  Captain  Williamette  from 
Oswego,  to  claim  the  command,  which  I  refused  giving  up,  as  my 
commission  gave  me  rank  of  him.  He  gave  up  the  point,  until 
General  Amherst's  pleasure  was  known,  which  may  be  soon,  as  Col. 
Haldimand,  on  receipt  of  my  letter,  wrote  him  upon  it. 

"In  order  to  secure  this  important  post  to  his  majesty,  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  leave  for  the  present  a  garrison  of  700  men,  who  are  also 
to  repair  the  works,  which  have  been  hurt  by  our  cannon,  and  put 
the  fort  in  the  best  posture  of  defence  they  can,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  an  engineer,  who  is  to  be  left  here  for  that  purpose. 

"To  have  the  two  vessels  fitted  out,  armed,  and  manned  to  escort 
the  battoes  with  the  remainder  of  the  army  to  Oswego;  also  en- 
deavor to  take  the  French  schooner.  % 

"  Artillery  and  ammunition  to  leave  here,  and  have  Captain 
Stretchy's  opinion  in  writing  thereupon — also  some  artillery  men 
and  gunners. 

"The  French  officers  and  othei*  prisoners  to  take  with  me  to 
Oswego,  and  send  them  to  York  in  order  to  be  sent  to  England. 

"  To  write  Governor  De  Lancey  to  send  all  the  French  prisoners 
to  England  as  soon  as  possible. 

l, Johnson  probably  took  the  names  down  by  sound. 

2  Referring  to  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  action  of  the  24th. 


396  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

"5  days'  provisions  for  the  troops' journey  to  Oswego,  and  to  get 
a  return  of  the  remainder. 

"  Ammunition  to  carry  with  me  to  Oswego,  and  some  artillery  — 
also  working  tools — good  ship  carpenters  to  send  for  immediately 
to  New  York  j  and  everything  necessary  for  building  and  com- 
pleting two  vessels  of  force,  without  which  we  cannot  maintain 
the  two  posts  of  Oswego  and  Niagara,  particularly  the  latter  j  also 
rigging  for  two  other  smaller  vessels  already  built ;  about  forty  or 
fifty  good  house  carpenters  to  be  immediately  sent  up  to  make  a 
fort  at  Oswego,  and  repair  Niagara. 

"To  write  the  secretary  of  state  and  send  him  a  plan  of  Niagara; 
also,  give  him  an  idea  of  the  consequence  of  it  to  his  majesty's 
Indian  interest ;  the  extention  of  the  free  trade,  and,  above  all,  its 
cutting  off  the  communication  between  Canada  and  Louisiana. 

"  To  send  Governor  De  Lancey  a  copy  of  the  plan  of  the  fort  as 
soon  as  I  can,  in  order  to  have  it  printed,  or  plates  of  it  published 
for  the  benefit  of  the  public. 

"  To  write  to,  and  settle  with  the  general  how  far  my  limits  extend, 
for  taking  care  of  or  managing  Indian  affairs,  that  I  may  regulate 
my  passes  and  Indian  trade. 

f*.  29th,  I  gave  the  French  officers  shoes,  stockings,  and  blankets 
I  wrote  by  De  Normandy  to  Oswego  for  all  the  ship  carpenters  to 
come  here,  to  build  2  vessels  of  18  guns  each,  and  to  bring 
all  the  naval  stores,  and  as  much  provision,  as  they  can,  along  as  soon 
as  may  be;  the  house  carpenters  then  to  repair  the  battoes  and 
make  a  number  of  oars,  paddles,  &c,  against  I  get  there;  a  detach- 
ment from  the  York  regiment  to  come  with  the  convoy.  Do. 
Die.  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  state  with  a  short  account 
of  the  siege  of  Niagara ;  also  sent  him  a  plan  of  the  fort,  and  a 
♦return  of  the  killed  and  wounded  in  the  siege  and  action  of  the 
24th  July  —  being  60  killed  and  180  wounded,  besides  —  3  Indians 
killed  and  5  wounded  —  63  killed,  185  wounded. 

"  30th,  At  night  Lieutenant  Francis  returned  from  Toronto,  and 
reported  that  the  enemy  had  burned  and  abandoned  that  post,  and 
destroyed  many  things  which  they  could  not  take  along,  viz :  work- 
ing utensils,  arms,  &c.  A  Chippaway  chief  came  to  me  with  Mr. 
Francis  in  order  to  speak  with  me. 

"  31st.  I  settled  the  garrison  to  be  left  here,  and  gave  orders 
accordingly  ;  also  the  train  engineer,  artificers,  ammunition  and  pro- 


APPENDIX.  397 

vision.     Also  ordered  the  building  of  two  good  armed  vessels  at  this 
place  to  carry  16  or  18  guns  each. 

"  Do  Die.  I  wrote  a  letter  to  General  Amherst  with  a  plan  of  the 
fort,  a  list  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  also  a  return  of  the  effectives 
now  here,  and  a  list  of  artillery  stores  wanted  for  Niagara,  given 
by  Captain  Stretchy.  With  which  I  sent  Captain  John  Butler 
express  and  7  of  my  batteau  men  with  him. 

"  August  1st,  1759.  I  went  to  see  Niagara  Falls  with  Colonel 
Haldimand,  Mr.  Ogilvie,  and  several  officers,  escorted  by  three  com- 
panies of  the  light  infantry.  Arrived  there  about  11  o'clock  j  in 
my  way  at  the  thither  end  of  the  carrying  place,  I  met  a  flag  of  truce 
from  Presque  Isle,  desiring  to  know  the  number  of  officers  I  had  in 
my  hands,  from  the  action  of  the  24th,  and  begging  I  would  advance 
them  anything  they  might  want,  they  being  men  of  fortune  and 
credit.  One  letter  was  from  the  commandant  of  Presque  Isle  named 
Chevalier  Poitneuf,  the  other  from  Mons.  De  Couagne,  who  came  with 
the  flag  of  truce,  with  9  men  and  Indians.  I  ordered  them  to  stay 
in  the  woods,  and  left  Mr.  Rogers  with  a  guard  with  him,  until  I 
sent  a  message  to  them  and  provisions.  The  artillery  was  this  day 
partly  shipped  on  board  the  batteaus,  the  readier  to  be  shipped 
to-morrow,  with  ammunition,  &c. 

"  22d.  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Chevalier  —  by  the  flag  of  truce, 
and  sent  Captain  Mc  Leon  with  a  party  to  escort  them  to  their  boats. 
This  day  I  ordered  all  the  boats,  &c,  to  be  made  ready  for  embark- 
ing the  troops,  &c,  which  are  to  go  to  Oswego,  in  order  to  leave  this 
on  the  morrow.  Spoke  to  the  Chippaway  sachem,  Tequakareigh. 
With  a  string  and  two  belts  of  wampum,  I  bid  him  welcome  and 
shook  him  by  the  hand.  By  the  2d,  which  was  a  black  belt,  I  took 
the  hatchet  out  of  the  hands  of  his,  and  all  the  surrounding  nations  j 
recommended  hunting  and  trade  to  them,  which  would  be  more  for 
their  interest  than  quarreling  with  the  English,  who  have  ever 
been  their  friends,  and  supplied  them  at  the  cheapest  rates  with  the 
necessaries  of  life,  and  would  do  it  again,  both  here  and  at  Oswego, 
provided  they  quit  the  French  interest.  This  I  desired  he  would 
acquaint  all  the  surrounding  nations  with.  A  black  belt,  the  third 
and  last,  was  to  invite  his,  and  all  other  nations  living  near  them, 
to  repair  early  next  spring  to  this  place  and  Oswego,  when  there 
should  be  a  large  assortment  of  all  kinds  of  goods  fit  for  their  use .  .,, 
also  recommended  it  to  them  to  send  some  of  their  young  men  here 
to  hunt  and  fish  for  the  garrison,  for  which  they  would  be  paid,  and 


398 

kindly  treated.  Told  them  at  the  same  time,  that  I  would  send  some 
of  my  interpreters,  &c,  with  him  on  the  lake  to  the  next  town  of 
the  Mississageys,  with  whom  I  desired  he  would  use  his  best  endeavors 
to  convince  them  that  it  would  be  their  interest  to  live  in  friendship 
with  the  English,  and  that  we  had  no  ill  intentions  against  them, 
if  they  did  not  oblige  us  to  it.  To  which  he  answered,  and  said  it 
gave  him  great  pleasure  to  hear  so  good  words,  and  was  certain  it 
would  be  extremely  agreeable  to  all  the  nations  with  whom  he  was 
acquainted,  who,  with  his,  were  wheedled  and  led  on  to  strike  the 
English,  which  he  now  confessed  he  was  sorry  for,  and  assured  me 
they  never  would  again,  and  that  should  the  French,  according  to 
custom,  ask  them  to  do  so  any  more,  they  would  turn  them  out  of 
the  country.  He,  at  the  same  time,  begged  earnestly  that  a  plenty 
of  goods  might  be  brought  here  and  to  Oswego,  and  there,  they,  as 
well  as  all  the  other  nations  around,  would  come  and  trade ;  and 
their  young  men  should  hunt  for  their  brothers  whom  they  now  took 
fast  hold  of  by  the  hand,  and  called  upon  the  Six  Nations,  who 
were  present,  to  bear  witness  to  what  he  had  promised.  He  also 
desired  I  would  send  some  person  to  the  Mississagay  town,  near 
where  Toronto  stood,  to  hear  what  he  should  say  to  that  nation,  and 
to  see  that  he  would  deliver  my  belts  and  message  honestly.  I 
clothed  him  very  well,  and  gave  him  a  handsome  present  to  carry 
home.  Then  took  from  about  his  neck  a  large  French  medal; 
gave  him  an  English  one,  and  a  gorget  of  silver,  desiring  whenever 
he  looked  at  them,  he  would  remember  the  engagements  he  now 
made. 

This  day  I  agreed  with  Mr.  De  Couagne  to  serve  at  Niagara  as 
interpreter,  until  relieved,  at  the  rate  of-  £12  per  month.  Colonel 
Haldimand,  with  Captain  Williamore,  set  off  for  Oswego  with  2 
whale  boats.  I  desired  him,  on  his  arrival  there,  to  send  away  the 
French  women  to  La  Galette  immediately,  with  a  good  officer, 
capable  to  make  remarks  and  draw  the  sitnation  of  that  part  of  the 
country,  so  that  I  may  know  what  to  do  in  case  it  should  be  thought 
proper  to  attempt  anything  that  way.  Also  have  boats  ready  against 
I  arrive  at  Oswego,  to  send  the  French  officers  in  for  New  York. 

"  3d.  I  gave  Lieut.  Nellus  and  De  Couagne  orders  to  go  over  the 
lake  with  the  Chippaway  chief,  and  call  the  Missessagays,  and  speak 
with  the  commanding  officer  of  Niagara  and  Oswego ;  also  to  trade 
with  and  hunt  for  their  brethren  the  English.     They,  the  interpre- 


APPENDIX.  399 

ters,  are  to  remain  at  Niagara,  until  farther  orders,  and  assist  the 
commanding  officer  here  all  in  their  power. 

This  day  I  ordered  some  guns  for  the  vessel  and  carriages,  so  as 
to  be  ready  to-morrow  morning  to  sail  for  Oswego  with  me.  I  sent  a 
string  of  wampum  by  three  Chenusios  to  their  nation,  telling  them 
now  my  surprise  at  their  going  away  from  hence  in  so  a ;  man- 
ner, not  allowing  me  a  meeting  where  I  intended  to  have  said  some- 
thing to  them,  and  the  rest  of  the  nations — 3  strings  wampum.  I 
sent  them  a  white  belt  to  thank  them  for  the  good  salve  they  gave 
me  for  my  wounds,  meaning  Niagara,  and  to  desire  they  would  con- 
tinue to  have  a  careful  eye  over  it,  and  not  suffer  any  nation  to 
insult,  or  hurt  it. 

"  Saturday  August  4th. — I  was  to  embark  at  5  o'clock  in  the 
morning  with  the  troops,  &c,  for  Oswego,  but  the  two  French 
schooners  appearing  off  harbor  prevented  our  embarkation  until  5 
in  the  evening,  when  I  left  Colonel  Farquhar  everything  in  charge; 
also  some  Indian  goods  to  give  occasionally  to  such  Indians  as  might 
come  upon  business  to  him.  Then  set  off  with  all  the  Yorkers  ex- 
cept one  company;  all  the  light  Infantry,  and  grenadiers,  and  the 
general's  company  of  the  44th  regiment,  and  arrived  at  Oswego, 
Tuesday,  about  3  o'clock  P.  M.,  with  everything  safe. 

"  Wednesday  Sth. — Enquired  into  the  state  of  the  provisions,  and 
everything  else,  and  find  provisions  so  short,  and  slowly  sent  up, 
that  I  fear  those  two  posts  on  the  lake  will  suffer  greatly,  unless 
other  measures  are  taken  to  supply  them,  than  hitherto  has  been. 
I  sent  away  Ensign  Brown  D.  I.  M.  to  Fort  Stanwix,  also  Major 
Ilogan,  in  order  to  hurry  up  the  bateaux  with  provisions.  Also 
seutfrom  hence  this  day  21  French  officers  with  a  captain,  2  subalt- 
erns, and  sixty  men ,  as  a  guard  to  Fort  Stanwix.  I  also  sent  away  to 
Fort  Stanwix  all  sick  and  wounded,  as  were  judged  by  the  doctor 
unfit  for  service,  or  likely  to  continue  so  during  the  campaign,  to 
prevent  the  consumption  of  provisions. 

u9th. — I  was  regulating  the  camp  and  works. 

"  lO^A. — Getting  returns  of  the  state  of  everything  belonging  to 
the  army,  and  writing  to  General  Amherst,  Governor  De  Lancey,  &c. 
Do  Die;  Some  Mohawks,  Onondagas,  &c,  arrived  here  from  Niagara. 

"  11th. — I  dispatched  an  express,  one to  Albany,  with  let- 
ters to  the  general  and  others.  Also  sent  to  Captain  Jn.  Butler  to 
come  up  with  what  number  of  Mohawks,  and  others  he  could,  imme- 

1  Illegible  in  the  manuscript. 


\ 


400  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

diately.  At  the  same  time,  I  sent  Captain  Fonda,  Lieutenant  Hair, 
an  interpreter,  and  others,  to  Onondaga,  to  call  the young  men  of  that 
nation  here,  to  go  upon  service.  I  sent  a  black  belt  of  wampum  by 
him  to  speak  with,  and  to  send  it  to  the  other  nations  from  thence. 
In  the  afternoon  Captain  De  Fere  arrived  with  part  of  the  escort, 
went  to  the  French  garrison,  and  brought  some  provisions  with  them. 
"12th. — In  the  morning,  the  little  schooner  arrived  here  from 
Niagara  with  Captain  De  Normandy,  and  brought  me  a  letter  from 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Farquhar,  commanding  officer  there.  It  rained 
very  hard,  which  stopped  the  workmen.     Very  windy  also. 

"In  the  afternoon  I  went  to  the  woods,  where  the  party  were  at 
work  cutting  and  drawing  timber,  also  building  a  small  redoubt  to 
cover  the  working  parties — cut  vistas  through  the  woods,  also,  for 
the  same  purpose. 

"  Monday  13th. — Very  stormy  in  the  morning.  Had  the  schooner 
loaded  notwithstanding,  with  the  rigging,  &c,  belonging  to  our 
vessel,  and  fifty  barrels  of  provisions.  I  wrote  Colonel  Farquhar  by 
her,  and  employed  Mr.  Thody  to  go,  and  bring  the  new  schooner 
down  to  this  place.  Gave  orders  to  seize  all  sutler's  rum,  and  put 
it  in  the  king's  store.  Sent  an  order  to  the  officer  commanding  at 
the  falls,  not  to  suffer  any  bateaux,  &c,  to  pass  with  sutlers,  or  others, 
without  they  take  the  opportunity  of  an  escort. 

"  Tuesday  14th. — Sent  an  order  to  the  Oneida  Lake  post,  to  keep 
50  of  the  Provincials,  who  were  a  guard  to  the  French  garrison,  to 
remain  there,  in  the  room  of  50  sailors  there,  who  are  to  come  here 
in  order  to  navigate  the  vessels.  I  sent  Lieutenant  Francis  with  60 
men  and  2  Indians,  in  3  bateaux,  to  Irondequat  and  the  Seneca 
river,  in  order  to  pick  up,  and  bring  along  with  him,  all  the  whale 
boats,  and  bateaux  he  may  find  there,  or  along  the  lake,  with  10 
days'  provisions.  Two  Yorkers  just  now  arrived  here  from  the 
royal  galley,  and  say  that  on  seeing  our  schooner,  the  master  and  all 
the  crew  run  ashore,  and  left  her  at  anchor,  about  8  miles  this  side 
of  Sodus.  They  have  seen  nothing  of  the  remainder  of  the  crew 
since.     I  ordered  them  to  the  guard,  until  the  affair  is  cleared  up. 

8  at  night-,  3  more  of  her    crew  arrived,    and  reported   her 

taken  by  the  enemy,  and  her  masts,  rigging,  and  anchor  cut  away. 

"  Wednesday  VSth. — Early  in  the  morning  more  of  her  crew 
arrived,  and  the  galley,  also,  brought  in  by  some  of  Dr.  Normandy's 
crew,  with  a  letter  from  him.  This  day  I  sent  some  Onondagas  to 
Swegatchie  as  spies;  and  on  their  return,  they  are  to  bring  me  a 


APPENDIX.  401 

prisoner  if  possible,  for   which  they  are  to  have  100  dollars;  they 
are  to  be  back  in  5  or  6  days. 

"  Wednesday  lbth. — Works  carrying  on  as  usual.  Block  houses 
building  in  the  wood,  and  vistas  cutting  to  the  lake,  and  a  battery, 
to  prevent  the  enemy's  annoying  our  working  parties. 

"  Thursday  \§th. — Brigadier  General  Gage  arrived  here  in  the 
afternoon  with  300  drafts  for  the  3  regiments  here.  I  gave  up 
the  command  to  him,  and  General  Amherst's  instructions  to  the 
late  Brigadier  Prideaux,  also  his  last  letter  to  Do.,  which  I  received 
on  my  way  from  Niagara.  He  then  showed  me  a  letter  or  two  he 
received  from  General  Amherst,  with  orders  to  proceed  to  this 
place,  and  take  the  command.  Also  to  proceed  to  Niagara,  if  not 
yet  taken.  If  taken  and  the  troops  returned,  then  to  proceed  to 
La  Galette  and  take  post  there,  which  (in  case  General  Wolfe 
should  be  defeated)  would  make  a  frontier,  with  Niagara,  Oswego, 
and  Crown  Point.  He  told  me  that  on  reading  General  Amherst's 
letter,  he  gave  him  as  his  opinion,  that  he  thought  it  impracticable 
to  establish  a  post  there  in  so  short  a  time,  and  furnish  it  with  pro- 
visions. General  Gage  brought  up  about  140  barrels  of  provisions, 
only,  with  this  reinforcement.  We  have  now  about  3  weeks'  provi- 
sions here  for  the  whole — the  New  Hampshire  regiment  coming  by 
land  with  cattle. 

"  Friday  17 th. — Fine  weather.  General  Gage  agreed  to  the  plan 
of  the  fort  proposed  by  Engineer  Lowers,  viz :  a  pentagon.  Accord- 
ingly, they  set  about  it,  and  marked  out  the  ground.  This  day  I 
made  up  an  affair  between  Colonel  Massey  and  Captain  Forbes, 
which,  otherwise,  was  to  be  tried  by  a  general  court  martial.  The 
drafts  were  this  day  divided  among  the  3  regiments  here. 

"  Saturday  \%ih. — A  fine  morning.  Colonel  Haldimand  came 
to  my  tent,  and  on  our  talking  over  several  matters,  among 
other  things,  I  asked  him  whether  the  general  had  said  anything 
to  him  about  advancing  to  Swegatchy.  He  answered,  that  the 
general  had  showed  him  all  his  instructions,  but  said  nothing 
about  going  to  La  Galette,  on  which  I  gave  him  my  opinion  that 
our  going  to"  La  Galette  and  destroying  it  was  practicable,  and 
might  favor  General  Amherst's  designs,  but  to  remain  there  was 
impossible  on  account  of  provisions,  and  being  too  late  to  make 
such  a  respectable  work  there,  as  the  French  would  not  be  able  to 
take.  He  expressed  himself  against  attempting  it,  for  the  above 
reasons  and  further,  that  the  enemy  might  carry  on  an  expedition 

51 


402  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

against  it  in  the  winter,  adding,  also,  that  if  one  of  our  convoys 
should  be  cut  off,  it  would  ruin  the  whole,  and  oblige  us  to  abandon 

even  this  post,  &c. General  Gage  expressed  himself  the  same 

way,  and  added,  farther,  that  his  honor  was  as  dear  to  him  as  Gen- 
eral Amherst's  could  be  to  him,  and  did  not  understand  running  his 
head  against  a  wall,  or  attempting  impossibilities,  with  a  great  deal 
more  to  that  purpose,  and  what  I  thought  not  unreasonable,  after 
telling  me  the  state  of  everything,  particularly  artillery,  ammuni- 
tion and  provision.  I  told  General  Gage  that  I  thought  our  going 
to  and  destroying  La  Galette  practicable,  but  not  to  take  post  there, 
for  the  several  reasons  given  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Haldimand, 
the  same  day.  The  general '  then  said  he  would  get  a  few  stray 
boats  built  to  carry  each  a  piece  of  large  cannon  in  the  bow,  to 

guard  against  the  French  vessels,  and  would  then  make  a  trial. 

I  asked  him  then,  whether  he  would  have  me  send  for  the  several 
nations  of  Indians  to  come  immediately  and  join  us,  to  which  he 
made  no  answer. 

"  Sunday  August  19th. —  Fine  weather.  Lieutenant  Francis,  with 
his  party,  returned  with  several  whale  boats  &c,  from  Irondequat. 
Also  came  in  this  day,  some  Onondagas,  and  Chenusios,  who  told 
me  they  were  sent  to  let  me  know  that  several  sachems  and  others 
were  coming  to  Oswego  to  meet  me,  also  two  sachems  of  the  Miss- 
issagues,  and  would  be  here  in  four  or  five  days;  that  they  had  a 
great  many  furs  and  skins  to  trade,  and  hoped  there  would  be  plenty 
of  goods  for  that  purpose.  I  represented  to  General  Gage,  the 
necessity  of  having  traders  come  up  here,  and  to  Niagara,  for  that 
end.  He  told  me  to  act  in  that  as  I  thought  best  for  the  service, 
and  to  give  papers  to  such  as  I  thought  desired  them. 

"Monday  20th. —  Cloudy  weather.  I  gave  General  Gage  a  rough 
draft  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  from  Frontinac  to  the  island  below 
La  Galette,  drawn  by  the  Red  Head,  an  Ondaga  Indian.  Dined 
with  General  Gage,  after  which  we  took  a  walk,  and  talked  together 
about  going  down  to  La  Galette — to  which  he  agreed,  as  soon  as 
artillery,  vessels,  &c,  could  be  got  ready.  Mr.  Brown  arrived  from 
Fort  Stanwix  with  24  bateaux  with  provisions,  and  rum  &c. 

"  Tuesday  21st. — Very  stormy,  and  rained  all  night — continued 
stormy  all  day.  I  wrote  a  letter  to  my  brother  by  Lieutenant  Lin- 
all  of  the  Highland  regiment;  another  to  Kelly,  Corry,  Date, 
Wallace,  a&d  my  daughter  Nancy.  Sent  another  to  Molly,  by 
Hance  Clermostt,  not  to  come  here. 


APPENDIX.  403 

"  Wednesday  22d. —  Very  stormy,  and  rain.  Lieutenant •  Linall 
came  for  my  letters,  and  set  off  for  army  with  General  Amherst,  by 
whom  I  sent  word  I  should  have  as  many  Indians,  as  necessary- 
Provisions  being  sacrce,  I  cannot  collect  a  great  number.  Major 
Graham  arrived  about  2  o'clock,  with  2  of  the  Highlanders.  About 
6  in  the  evening  the  schooner  arrived  from  Niagara.  When  she 
left,  the  evening  before,  all  well  there.  By  letters  from  thence,  I 
learn  that  the  Mississagays  came  there  on  my  invitation,  and  have 
made  peace  with  us,  as  by  Colonel  Farquahar's  letter,  amd  Lieuten- 
ant Neller's  will  appear,  which  letters  must  be  entered  in  the  Indian 
Records.  Captain  Fonda  returned  from  Onondaga  with  the  Bunt 
and  others  of  that  nation,  and  tells  me  there  will  be  about  100  of 
that  nation  here  to-morrow.  He  brought  me  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Croghan,  dated  July  20th,  and  brought  by  Tiaquandean,  an  Onon- 
daga warrior,  returning  with  five  prisoners  and  some  scalps  from  the 
Catawbas'  country. 

"  Thursday  22>d. —  Fine  weather.  The  Bunt,  chief  of  Onondaga, 
with  several  of  his  nation,  came  to  my  tent.  I  bid  them  welcome ; 
told  them  I  was  glad  to  see  them,  and,  as  I  heard  they  were  not  yet 
all  assembled,  would  defer  saying  anything  upon  business,  until 
they  arrived,  when  I  would  let  them  know  what  news  I  had,  and 
the  reason  of  my  sending  for  them.  Then  ordered  pipes,  tobacco, 
a  dram,  and  some  punch,  and  sent  an  oflicer  to  see  them  take  up 
their  ground  for  encampment,  also  to  draw  provisions,  so  parted. 

They  soon  got  drunk,  and  were  very  troublesome. This  day  my 

express  returned  after  delivering  his  letters  at  Albany,  and  brought 
a  packet  from  General  Amherst,  for  Brigadier  Gage  and  me.  His 
to  me  was  dated  the  6th  at  Crown  Point,  very  kind  and  polite,  and 
pressing  me  to  get  as  many  Indians  as  I  can  to  join  General  Gago 
on  another  enterprise.  Received  also  a  letter  from  Dirck  Van'der- 
huyden  of  London,  by  which  he  appears  in  my  debt  £144.4.7.  ster- 
ling for  ginsing  of  mine  which  lay  in  his  hands  a  long  time,  and 
now  sold  at  3  c,  &  3-3  ptt. 

"  Friday  2&th. —  Fine  morning.     I  propose  this  day  speaking  to 

the  Indians. All  drunk,  could  not  meet  them.     Major  Christie 

arrived  about  12  o'clock  from  Crown  Point  in  10  days.  Brought 
me  a  letter  from  General  Amherst,  and  another  from  Colonel  Eyre. 
General  Gage  shewed  me  his  letter  from  the  general — also  all  his 
to  him,  to  Mr.  Kilby,  Country,  &c,  in  all,  settling  the  state  of  the 
army.     Provisions,  artillery,  boats,  and  tools,  which,  when  ready, 


404  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

he  would  lose  no  time  in  following  his  orders.  Major  Christie  told 
me  he  had  heard  at  Canajoharie  that  Captain  Butler  was  passed 
there  on  his  way  hither,  so  that  I  soon  expect  him  with  the  Indians 
The  schooner  is  this  day  sent  to  Niagara,  for  one  18  pounder — 2 
fourteen  pounders,  some  shot  and  other  things  for  our  expedition, 
which  I  fear  will  delay  us. 

"  Saturday  2&th. —  Fine  weather.  About  11  o'clock,  3  bateaux, 
with  Senecas,  Chenusios,  to  the  amount  of  70,  arrived  from  their 
country,  and  fired  3  volleys  when  near  our  camp,  which  was  returned 
by  the  guard  of  the  14th  battalion  of  royal  artillery.  I  then  sent 
Captain  Fonda  and  an  interpreter  to  show  them  their  ground  for 
encampment,  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  get  them  provisions. 
Th  esame  time  Old  Saquerisera,  sachem  of  Onondaga,  and  his  party 
came  to  my  tent;  wished  me  joy  of  our  success  at  Niagara,  and 
wished  a  continuence  of  it.  I  thanked  them,  and  told  them  as  soon 
as  it  suited  them,  I  should  be  glad  they  would  all  meet,  and  allow 
me  an  opportunity  of  acquainting  them  what  had  passed  between 
the  Northern  Indians  and  me,  since  they  parted  with  me  at  Niagara 
— also  some  other  matters  which  concerned  our  mutual  interest. 
They  promised  to  give  me  notice  when  they  were  ready,  and  so 
parted. 

"Sunday  26th. —  Fine  weather.  The  interpreter  Prindup arrived 
from  Onondaga  with  above  fifty  warriors,  and  a  number  of  women 
and  children.  Encamped  them  over  the  river,  and  sent  them  word 
I  would  meet  them  all  this  afternoon.  The  interpreter  tells  me  the 
messenger  who  was  sent  with  my  belt  to  call  the  Indians,  returned 
last  Wednesday  from  Cayuga,  and  reported  that  a  great  number  of 
that  nation,  as  well  as  Senecas,  were  on  their  way  hither,  and  would 
be  soon  here.  They  got  an  ox  among  them  this  morning.  No 
news  yet  from  General  Wolfe  except  what  was  in  the  prints.  This 
day  General  Gage  desired  I  would  not  yet  let  the  Indians  know  our 
design  of  going  to  La  Galette,  but  endeavor  to  get  a  party  of  them 
to  fetch  a  prisoner  for  intelligence,  from  Cadaraghqui  first.  In  the 
evening  I  went  over  and  condoled  their  losses  by  sickness  &c,  with 
three  strings  of  wampum,  and  told  them  as  it  was  then  late  I  would 
meet  them  next  morning  at  this  camp.  Two  Onondagoes  arrived 
with  an  account  of  the  enemy's  taking  one,  Mr.  Bean,  a  sutler, 
prisoner,  and  killing  his  two  bateaux  men,  and  destroying  his  bat- 
eaux this  side  of  the  Oswego  Falls.  I  acquainted  General  Gage  of 
it,  and  advised  him  to  send  one  hundred  of  the  light  infantry  in 


APPENDIX.  405 

whale  boats  to  cut  off  their  retreat,  and  get  50  Indians  to  go  with 
them.     10  o'clock  at  night. 

"  Monday  27th. —  Still  good  weather,  but  windy.  About  9  o'clock 
a  party  of  the  Onondaga  warriors,  with  their  speaker,  came  to  see  me 
at  my  tent,  where  I  gave  them  a  dram,  pipes,  and  tobacco,  and  bid 
them  welcome  as  customary.  They  told  me  they  had  a  number  of 
arms  and  utensils  out  of  order,  which  they  begged  might  be  mended. 

1  told  them  our  smiths  here  were  much  employed,  however  at 
times  they  should  mend  such  things  for  them  as  they  wanted  most, 
and  that  as  soon  as  I  got  home,  I  would  provide  a  smith  to  work  in 
their  country  for  them.  They  then  parted,  and  I  went  to  meet  the 
rest  in  council.  About  12  o'clock,  the  Onondagas-  and  Senecas 
met,  when  the  chief  of  Chenussio  returned  with  three  strings  of 
wampum,  the  compliment  of  the  ceremony  of  condolence.  After 
which  I  told  them  what  had  passed  between  me  and  the  chief  of 
the  Chippaway  Nation  at  Niagara,  as  well  as  what  the  Mississagay 
had  done  in  consequence  thereof,  which  gave  great  satisfaction.  I 
then  desired  they  would  let  me  know  what  news  they  had  from  the 
Ohio,  and  other  parts;  when  the  Chenusio  chief,  named  Karagh- 
yianaghqui  told,  as  follows;  viz:  that  after  the  battle  of  Belle  Fa- 
mille,  the  <^)ttawas,  and  others,  then  with  the  enemy,  held  a  council 
at  the  Falls,  and  came  to  a  resolution  to  go  back  to  Niagara,  and 
speak  with  the  English,  and  Six  Nations,  and  make  peace,  but  the 
French  would  not  allow  them,  on  which  they,  notwithstanding,  sent 

2  of  their  people  to  Chenusio,  to  know  whether  they  were  angry 
with  them  for  the  part  they  had  acted,  and  to  assure  them  they  were 
much  pressed  to  it  by  the  French.  The  Senecas  reminded  them  of 
the  friendly  messages  they  had  sent  them  last  year  to  Teughsagh- 
runtie,  which  they  expected  they  would  have  regarded.  They  told 
them  now,  that  they  were  not  angry,  and  desired  the  two  Mississa- 
gays  to  return  as  soon  as  they  could,  with  said  answer.  Soon  after 
another  of  that  nation  arrived,  charged  with  the  same  business,  to 
whom  the  Chenusios  returned  for  answer,  that  they  had  delivered 
what  they  had  to  say  to  the  first  two  messengers,  and  had  not  [any- 
thing ?]  to  say  further,  but  to  recommend  a  speedy  return  to  them 
with  their  answer.  They  were  not  gone  when  these  Indians  left 
home.  The  chief  sachem  then  told  me  and  the  Onondagas,  that 
some  of  their  nation,  who  came  from  Ohio,  told  that  the  French 
-iad  burned  and  abandoned  Wenanga,  [Venango?]  Fort  La  Riviere 
[de]  Boeuf,  and  Presque  Isle,  and  that  the  garrisons  retired  to  Detroit. 


406  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

This  they  affirmed  for  truth.     The  Chenusio  chief  then  spoke  with 
a  string  of  wampum  as  follows : 

"Brother:  I  can  now  with  pleasure  acquaint  [you]  that  these 
Indians,  whom  you  have  so  often  called  from  the  southward,  are 
arrived  in  our  country,  and  as  they  have  left  their  plantations,  corn- 
fields, &c,  must  now  suffer  for  the  want  of  provisions,  unless  assisted 
by  you  this  year,  and  we  for  their  behalf  earnestly  request  you  will 
assist  them,  as  they  are  now  come  to  incorporate  with  us —  Gave  8 
strings."  The  new  vessel  hove  in  sight  while  we  were  met,  which  I 
told  them  was  called  the  Mississayay.  Her  size  and  name  pleased 
them  all  much.  I  then  told  them  as  it  was  late,  I  would  meet  them 
the  next  day,  and  talk  farther  to  them  on  other  mattars — so  parted. 

"At  7  in  the  evening,  the  scout  returned  from  a  river,  about  20 
miles  from  here,  when  the  Indians  found  by  the  tracks,  &c,  that  the 
party  which  scalped  our  people  the  day  before  were  gone.  Mr.  De 
Couagne  arrived  with  the  Mississagay  schooner,  and  tells  me  he 
thinks  that  that  nation,  as  also  the  Ottawas,  are  very  sincere  in  what 
they  have  said,  and  determined  to  settle  a  firm  alliance  and  trade 
with  us,  if  properly  managed,  and  encouraged.  This  evening  rained 
very  hard.  General  Gage  came  to  my  tent  and  told  me  he  intended 
to  leave  about  300 ]  men  to  carry  on  the  works,  and  carry  the  rest 
with  him.  He  ordered  the  survey  of  the  boats  to  be  continued  until 
all  examined. 

"  Tuesday  2$th. — Blustering  weather.-  This  morning  wind  at  N. 
W.  I  sent  for  the  Bunt,  speaker  of  Onondaga,  and  2  Seneca  chiefs, 
viz.,  Karaghyianaghqui  and  Belt,  to  whom  I  repeated  what  I  intend- 
ed to  say  to  all  the  nations  present,  and  to  those  not  here,  who  are 
to  deliver  it  to-morrow  morning,  to  the  whole  in  my  presence  at  their 
own  camp,  and  is  as  follows: 

"29th. — "Brethren:  I  have  received  messages  from  the  Mississ- 
agays,  and  other  nations  on  the  lake,  very  friendly  to  us,  and  you. 
They,  among  other  things,  earnestly  desire  an  extension  and  plenti- 
ful trade  may  be  carried  on  by  us  at  Niagara,  and  this  place,  so  thai 
they  and  all  other  nations  around  them,  may  be  supplied  with  tl 
necessaries  of  life,  at  as  cheap  a  rate  as  can  be  afforded.  This  is 
what  his  majesty  has  in  view;  and  the  building  the  several  forts 
you  see  along  the  country  is  purely  to  protect  you,  and  such  a  trade 

lThe  figures  in  the  manuscript  are  indistinct.     They  are  designed  eithc 
for  300  or  900. 


APPENDIX.  40T 

from  the  insults  of  our   troublesome  enemy   the  French.     I,  there- 
fore, by  this  belt  of  wampum,  desire  that  you  will  not  be  uneasy  or 

alarmed  at  them. 

A  white  belt." 

"  Brethren :  I  understand  there  are  some  of  our  people  who  have 

deserted;  others  who  are  by  some  means  or  other  come  among  you, 

and  harbored  by  you.     As  it  is  not  right  to  keep  them  among  you, 

or  detain  them,  I  expect  they  [will]  be  all  deliverd  up  to  me  as  soon 

as  you  conveniently  can  —  and  for  the  future  that   you  do  not  allow 

any  to  come  and  settle  among  you,  without  our  consent. 

A  belt." 

"Brethren:  As  you  have  taken  our  hatchet  and  used  it  success- 
fully this  campaign,  I  must  desire  you  to  continue  making  use  of  it, 
as  much  as  is  in  your  power,'  against  your  and  our  common  enemy 
the  French;  and  that  you  remain  here  with  his  majesty's  troops,  and 
be  ready  to  join  them  in  any  operations,  which  may  be  carried  on 
during  the  season.  This  will  gain  you  credit  with  his  majesty  and 
all  his  subjects  your  brethren,  and  with  the  blessing  of  God,  greatly 
contribute  to  put  an  end  to  the  war;  after  which,  with  the  regula- 
tions that  may  be  made  in  trade,  you  will  live  peaceably  and  be  a 
happy  people.     And  this,  I  strongly  recommend  to  you  all  by  this 

belt  of  wampum. 

A  Belt." 

"  Brethren  of  the  Seneca  Nation :  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  all  those 
of  your  people,  who  were  living  at  Ohio,  and  dispersed  about,  are 
now  come  to  settle  among  you.  It  is  right  to  settle  in  bodies,  as  by 
that  means,  you  will  be  more  respectable.  You  see,  brethren,  our 
hands  are  full  at  present,  putting  our  new  acquisitions  into  a  state 
of  safety,  and  reestablishing  Oswego  as  fast  as  we  can,  for  your 
interest  as  well  as  ours;  so  that  really  we  have  enough  to  do,  until 
this  hurry  is  over,  to  carry  up  the  neccessary  supply  of  provisions 
for  the  use  of  the  army.  Notwithstanding,  you  may  be  assured,  all 
assistance  in  our  power  will  be  given  at  Niagara,  and  here,  to  such 
as  are  really  in  distress. 

A  string  of  wampum." 

"  Thursday  30th. — The  schooner  arrived  with  Captain  Walton  of 
the  train,  and  three-pounders,  tools,  &c.  An  express  from  General 
Amherst  came  in,  by  whom  I  had  a  letter  dated  Crown  Point,  Aug- 
ust 21st,  an  answer  to  mine  of  the  9th ;  General  Gage  had  also  a 
letter.     Some  letters  and  papers  mention  General  Wolfe's  having 


408  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

begun  to  bombard  Quebec,  the  twelfth  of  last  mouth ;  that  the  French 
army,  under  the  command  of  Major  Hourlemazhe,  were  intrenched 
on  an  Island  six  miles  from  St.  Jeans,  whither  General  Amherst  was 
to  proceed  as  soon  as  a  sixteen  gun  frigate  was  finished.  In  the 
evening,  I  went  over  the  river  to  receive  the  Indians'  answer,  to 
what  I  had  said  to  them  the  day  before.  Being  met,  the  Onondaga 
Speaker  arose,  and  asked  the  Senecas  whether  they  were  ready. 
The  Seneca  chief,  named  Karaghyianaghqui,  answered  they  were? 
and  spoke  as  follows: — Present,  Captains  Fonda  and  Lotteridge; 
Lieutenants  Claus  and  Hair;  Clement  and  Printop,  interpreters. 

"Brother  Goraghko  Warraghiyagey,  and  you  Brethren  of  the 
Onondaga  Nation :  Give  attention  to  what  I  am  now  going  to  say  in 
behalf  of  the  Senecas,  and  Chenusios.  The  news  which  our  friend 
Warraghiyagey  told  us  yesterday  from  the  Mississagays,  and  other 
distant  nations,  and  the  assurances  he  gave  us  of  his  Majesty's 
intentions  toward  us,  and  all  nations  who  were  inclined  to  live  in 
friendship  with  him,  as  well  as  that  the  several  forts  which  he  was 
now  building  in  our  country,  were  to  cover  them  from  any  attempts 
of  the  enemy,  and  protect  the  trade,  which  was  to  be  carried  on  with 
them  at  said  posts,  gave  us  much  satisfaction,  as  we  hope  it  will  to 
you,  and  all  our  allies;  being  sensible  it  must  prove  greatly  to  our 
mutual  advantage,  if  carried  on  in  an  honest  manner,  which  by  this 
belt,  we  entreat  it  may. 

Gave  a  belt." 

"Brother:  Your  request,  concerning  such  of  your  people  as  are 
among  us,  shall  be  complied  with,  but  it  will  require  a  little  time  to 
collect  them,  being  dispersed  among  the  several  villages  around  us. 
You  may  depend  upon  it,  they  will  be  delivered  to  you  at  your 
house,  or  to  the  governor  of  Philadelphia,  from  whose  government, 
we  understand,  most  of  them  have  been  taken  by  the  Delawares, 
Shawanese,  &c.  We  will  (showing  the  belt)  take  your  belt  through 
the  nations  and  show  it  to  them,  and  then  send  it  to  our  brethren  of 
Onondaga,  who  will  doubtless  return  it  to  you,  with  such  of  their 
people  as  they  may  have.  / 

"Brother:  You  yesterday  strongly  recommended  to  us  to  perse/ 
vere,  and  make  good  use  of  the  axe  you  had  given  us,  against  the 
French,  as  long  as  the  war  continued,  which  you  were  of  opinion 
could  not  be  very  long.  We  of  the  Seneca  Nation  do  assure  you, 
brother,  that  we  will  assist  our  brethren  the  English,  while  the  war 
lasts;  and  wish  it  to  end  honorably. 

Returned  the  belt. 


\~ 


APPENDIX.  409 

uThen  the  Onondaga  speaker  came  to  me  from  his  council,  and 
assured  me,  they  would  do  the  same,  as  well  as  the  Seneca  nation. 
They  then  asked  me,  what  news  we  had  by  the  express.  I  told 
them  the  account  we  had  from  Quebec,  and  so  ended  the  meeting. 
I  privately  spoke  to  Bunt,  the  speaker,  and  others,  to  encourage  their 
young  men  to  go  upon  immediate  service.     They  said  they  would. 

"  31st. — lied  Head  came,  and  told  me  he  would  set  off  for  La 
Galette  on  to-morrow,  in  order  to  get  a  prisoner  for  our  intelligence. 
He  and  party  were  fitted  out  with  every  necessary,  and  [I]  gave  them 
money  to  buy  fresh  provision  for  a  feast  as  usual.  This  afternoon,  I 
advised  the  general  to  send  a  flag  of  truce  to  La  Galette  and  Front, 
enac,  to  enquire  for  and  demand  the  officers  who  ran  away  from  the 
guard  at  Fort  Herkimer.  He  agreed  to  it  and  prepared  a  letter,  and 
intends  to  send  Lieutenant  Baker  with  it.  I  sent  away  this  day,  a 
letter  to  General  Amherst.  I  took  a  German  deserter's  information 
this  day,  and  read  it  to  the  general.  This  day,  constant  rain;  no 
work  carried  on. 

"Saturday  the  1st  of  September . —  Weather  pretty  good,  and 
moderate.  I  fitted  out  a  party  of  eleven  Onondagas  and  Senecas} 
who  are  to  bring  a  prisoner  from  La  Galette,  if  possible,  and  all  the 
intelligence  they  can  of  the  enemy's  strength,  and  the  station  of  the 
vessels.  They  are  to  be  back  in  ten  days,  if  well.  I  sent  a  belt  of 
black  and  white  wampum  by  them  to  the  Swegatchie  Indians,  and 
any  others  they  may  see,  advising  them  all  to  go  out  of  our  way, 
and  quit  the  French  interest.  If  they  continue  obstinate,  and  will 
not  take  my  advice,  they  must  blame  themselves  for  the  consequence, 
which  I  think  will  be  fatal  to  them,  we  being  determined  to  carry 
that  place  at  any  rate.  I  gained  all  the  intelligence  I  could  from 
the  Indians,  of  the  navigation  of  the  Biver  St.  Lawrence  to  La 
Galette,  which  I  gave  the  general.  About  12  o'clock,  Mr.  Baker 
set  off  for  Cadaraghqui  in  a  whale  boat,  with  a  letter  from  General 
Gage,  demanding  the  officer  and  two  privates  of  Niagara  garrison, 
who  ran  away  from  Fort  Herkimer.  The  sachems  of  Onondaga 
came  to  beg  I  would  stop  Bed  Head's  party,  and  allow  them  to  send 
others  there  with  a  charge  to  the  Swegatchies,  to  quit  the  place 
immediately.  I  gave  them  a  very  smart  reprimand,  and  told  them 
I  would  rather  go  without  an  Indian,  than  to  have  any  with  me 
who  were  not  quite  hearty.  On  which  they  told  me,  they  would 
all  go  with  me  whenever  I  called  upon  them.  I  told  them  I  was  so 
much  ashamed  of  their  backwardness  in  going  on  a  scout,  that  I  had 


410  LIFE   OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

a  good  mind  to  ask  the  general's  liberty  to  go  on  that  service  my- 
self, without  a  man  of  them,  as  it  appeared  to  me,  they  either  were 
afraid,  or  unwilling  to  have  that  nest  destroyed;  which  made  them 
look  very  grave.  The  Seneca  sachems,  who  were  attending  with- 
out, sent  me  word  they  had  something  to  say,  and  would  be  glad  to 
be  heard,  on  which  the  others  broke  up,  and  they  came  in.  The 
speaker  said  he  was  very  sorry  at  the  Five  Nations'  abrupt  manner 
of  parting  after  the  surrender  of  Niagara,  which  did  not  allow  me 
a  meeting  with  them,  as  they  since  found  by  the  messages  I  sent 
them  to  their  country  from  Niagara,  by  some  of  their  own  people,  I 
intended.  He  assured  me  that  due  regard  would  be  had,  by  their 
nation,  to  the  directions  sent  them  at  that  time,  and  that  they  would 
keep  a  good  look  out  so  that  nothing  should  hurt  the  people  then, 
if  in  their  power.  We  then  made  an  apology,  for  no  more  of  that 
nation  coming  at  this  time,  and  said  it  was  owing  to  the  death  of 
the  chief  of  all  the  warriors,  who  died  the  third  day  after  their 
return,  which,  according  to  their  custom,  puts  a  stop  to  every  kind  of 
business,  until  his  death  is  properly  condoled.  He  then  returned  a 
black  belt  of  mine,  sent  them  some  time  ago.  A  Belt.  He  then  said  a 
great  deal  concerning  those,  begging  that  goods  might  not  be  sold 
them  too  dearly;  that  they  had  now  with  them  a  parcel  of  skins  and 
furs,  which  they  wished  to  get  rum  and  goods  for,  and  not  be  obliged 
to  carry  them  back  so  far.  So  ended.  I  then  recommended  to  their 
young  men  here  present,  to  exert  themselves  now,  and  not  return 
until  the  end  of  the  campaign.  I  promised  them  that  they  should 
have  their  skins,  &c,  exchanged,  and  that  some  traders  are  gone  to 
Albany  for  goods,  some  time  ago  for  that  purpose,  and  daily  expect- 
ed.    They  returned  many  thanks  and  parted. 

k-  tSept*  'Id. —  Fine  weather.  Two  Oneidas  and  two  squaws  set 
off  with  a  white  belt  from  the  sachems,  for  Swegatchie,  in  order  to 
bring  me  intelligence,  and  to  call  all  the  Swegatchie  Indians  from 
thence  immediately.  Ked  Head's  party  of  eleven  men,  stopped  by 
the  sachems,  as  they  think  he  would  only  inflame  matters. 

"  Sept.  3d. —  About  8  o'clock,  the  sachems  of  Onondaga  and  Sen- 
eca came  to  my  tent,  and  told  me  that  the  Oneidas  or  Tuscaroras 
would  not  come,  as  they  heard,  by  some  of  their  people  who  under- 
stand English,  from  the  soldiers  at  Fort  Stanwix,  that  as  soon  as  all 
the  nations  were  assembled  at  Oswego,  the  English  would  give  them 
as  much  liquor  as  they  would  drink,  then  fall  upon  and  destroy  them. 
They,  tiie  Oneidas,  &c.,  would  wait  the  event,  and  in  such  case  be 


APPENDIX.  411 

ready  to  fall  upon  the  English  in  their  turn.  They  told  me  that  a 
great  many  of  the  Cayugas  were  on  their  way  hither,  but  hunted  a 
little  by  the  road,  being  a  plentiful  place  of  game.  They  said  that 
a  drove  of  cattle  passed  their  town,  and  would  be  here  this  day. 
About  12  o'clock,  I  set  off  for  Little  Sodus  in  a  whale  boat,  with 
five  Indians.  Captain  Johnson,  myself,  and  two  bateau  men,  to 
shoot  ducks,  &c.  In  the  evening,  it  rained  and  blew  very  hard. 
Got  to  Sodus  about  five  o'clock;  a  very  pretty  shore,  and  a  large  bay 
with  a  creek  running  easterly;  navigable  as  far  as  Captain  Lotteridge 
went,  about  four  miles,  for  a  vessel.  Rained  all  night  upon  us  with- 
out covering. 

"  Sept.  4th. —  We  all  went  out  to  shoot  ducks,  &c.  Returned  about 
12  with  fourteen  ducks  and  one  otter,  and  stopped  at  all  the  creeks 
and  ponds  by  the  way,  which  are  many.  There  is  one  creek  about 
eight  miles  from  Oswego,  which  I  think  would  be  a  better  passage 
than  by  the  Suego  [Oswego?]  Falls.  The  Indians  told  me  it  was 
navigable  for  boats  to  the  head,  which  was  near  the  Three  Rivers. 
About  6  o'clock  we  arrived  at  Oswego,  and  found  nothing  new  since 
we  left  it,  only  that  the  news  of  three  of  our  men  being  scalped 
at  the  Falls  was  contradicted.  The  enemy  were  seen  there,  but  did 
no  harm.  The  eighteen  pounder  had  been  three  times  fired  onboard 
the  little  gaily,  which  bore  it  very  well. 

"  Wednesday  f>th. —  Wind  strong  at  S.  East.  Last  night  a  Cayuga 
runner  arrived,  and  told  me  that  an  express  from  his  nation  had 
overtaken  them  about  two  miles  above  the  Seneca  Falls,  and  report- 
ed to  them  that  a  young  Indian  of  said  nation  had,  in  their  absence, 
killed  a  daughter  of  Ottawana,  a  sachem  of  Cayuga,  which  made 
them  all  turn  back,  except  the  Post;  they  were  eighty-four  men  in 
the  whole.  I  this  morning  acquainted  General  Gage  with  it,  and 
told  him  I  thought  an  express  from  me  would  bring  them  here  in 
six  days  or  thereabouts,  and  desired  to  know,  whether  he  would 
have  me  send  for  them.  He  told  me,  I  should  send  for  them,  if 
they  could  be  got  here  in  that  time.  I  proposed  to  him  the  regula- 
tion of  trade  here,  and  at  Niagara,  with  the  Indians,  as  without 
some  regulation,  the  trade  would  be  so  unjust,  that  all  Indians  who 
felt  it,  would  be  dissatisfied,  and  spread  it  among  all  nations,  which 
would  greatly  hurt  his  majesty's  Indian  interest,  and  be  the  means 
of  unsettling  all  that  had  been  done  by  us  for  the  promotion  of  it. 
In  the  evening  the  Seneca  and  Onondaga  sachems  came  to  my  tent, 
and  proposed  sending  to-morrow   some  of  their  people  to  Cayuga, 


412  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

and  wished  some  of  ours  to  accompany  them,  in  order  to  condole 
the  loss  of  Ottawana's  daughter,  killed  by  one  of  their  nation  three 
days  ago.  I  told  them  it  was  what  I  intended  to  do,  and  was  to 
have  proposed  it  to  them,  had  they  not  been  before  hand.  I  told 
them  I  would  prepare  the  belts  and  people  against  morning,  and 
desired  they  would  prepare  theirs  j —  So  ended. 

"  Thursday  6th. —  The  weather  a  little  better,  and  the  wind  a 
little  abated;  at  which  I  sent  Captain  Lotteridge,  Lieutenant  Hair, 
the  Red  Head,  and  a  Cayuga  Indian,  to  condole  the  loss  of  a  woman 
killed  at  Cayuga,  by  one  of  their  own  people,  and  to  bring  all  the 
warriors  with  them.  They  are  to  be  here  in  six  days.  I  have  also 
sent  to  the  several  traders  for  their  services,  in  order  to  settle  the 
prices  of  goods,  rum,  skins,  beavers,  &c,  so  that  the  Indians  may 
not  be  imposed  upon.  Tiyaquande,  an  Onondaga  chief,  set  off  this 
day  with  his  family  for  his  castle,  and  is  to  return  with  the  Cayugas 
in  six  days,  with  all  his  people.  I  sent  two  belts  of  wampum,  and 
a  string  by  the  Red  Head  to  Cayuga — This  afternoon  I  had  a  long 
discourse  with  Brigadier  Gage,  when  I  told  him  my  sentiments,  very 
ingenuously,  regarding  the  present  expedition  intended.  He  also 
Spoke  his  mind  freely,  and  said  that  General  Amherst  had  missed 
the  opportunity  of  favoring  General  Wolfe,  and  that  unless  Gen- 
eral Amherst  pushed  for  the  whole  country  of  Canada,  which  he 
thought  now  too  late,  an  expedition  this  way  would  be  of  no  service. 
Farther,  that  he  thought  this  little  army  had  done  more  than  his, 
and  if  they  could  finish  a  fort  here  this  season,  supply  this  and 
Niagara  with  sufficient  provisions,  they  would  carry  a  very  great 
point.  • 

"Friday  1th. —  A  fine  morning,  but  a  little  wind.  Lieutenant 
Beckers  arrived  about  12  o'clock  last  night,  and  says  the  enemy 
abandoned  Cadaraghqui  the  29th  of  August;  also  the  advanced 
post  which  they  had  on  the  island.  He  says  he  saw  some  boats 
with  a  few  Indians  crossing  the  lake,  and  one  going  to  Swegatchie. 
The  two   French  schooners  lie  near  one  of  the  islands  about  thirty 

miles  from  hence. About  12  o'clock,  the  general  called  some 

officers  who  understood  something  of  the  sea-faring  business,  and 
consulted  with  them  how  to  take  the  French  vessels.  In  conse- 
quence thereof,  an  order  was  given  for  an  attempt  of  the  kind  to  be 
made  by  two  hundred  volunteers  from  the  several  corps,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Parker.  They  are  to  endeavor  to  board  them 
by  surprise,  by  landing   in  the  night  on  the  island   close  by  them. 


APPENDIX.  413 

This  afternoon,  Captain  Butler  arrived  here  with  twenty-four 
Mohawks,  and  Canajoharies.  He  left  home  on  receipt  of  my  letter, 
which  he  got  the  16th  ult.  Was  very  ill  treated  at  the  Upper 
Oneida  town  by  Ganaghquiesa,  and  in  short  by  the  whole  three, 
but  kindly  received  byGawche  and  those  at  the  lake,  who  promised 
that  thirty  of  them  would  follow  and  join  me  at  Oswego.  This 
evening,  the  Senecas  and  Onondagas  met  at  my  tent,  and  spoke  with 
two  belts  and  a  string  of  wampum,  as  follows :  The  first,  was  a 
black  belt  I  gave  them  some  time  ago,  to  unite  them  and  strengthen 
our  alliance  with  them,  which  they  now  only  produced  to  show  me 
it  was  fresh  in  their  memory,  and  to  assure  me  that  it  had  full  effect 
with  the  Confederacy, — as  they  had  since  shown  by  their  actions, 
and  were  firmly  resolved  to  continue  our  friends.  The  second,  was 
three  strings  of  wampum  complaining  of  thedearness  of  our  goods, 
and  earnestly  desiring  they  might  have  fairer  dealing;  otherwise,  it 
would  alter  the  present  good  dispositions  of  all  the  Confederacy 
and  their  allies,  who  expected  a  more  advantageous  trade  might  be 
carried  on  with  us,  than  with  the  French ;  which  above  all  things 
would  bring  those  nations  over  to  us  and  attach  the  whole  to  his 
majesty's  interest —  Gave  three  strings.  The  last  and  third  was  a 
white  belt,  charging  me  with  being  too  hasty  and  inconsiderate  in 
thinking  of  another  expedition  before  I  had  returned  home,  and 
considered  what  was  next  best  to  be  done,  and  consulted  with  them, 
adding  that  if  I  now  proceeded  and  should  fail,  the  whole  Confed- 
eracy would  be  overset.  They,  therefore,  in  the  strongest  manner, 
laid  hold  of  me,  and  insisted  on  my  staying  at  home.  If  I  did 
not  comply,  all  their  nations  would  think  ill  of  it,  and  give  them 
great  uneasiness. —  I  told  them  I  would  on  to-morrow  answer  as  to 

the   several   matters   they    had  now  spoken  about. Very   wet 

afternoon,  prevented  the  scout  going  out.  Kained  very  hard  all 
night. 

"  Saturday  8th,  A  very  windy,  wet  morning;  prevented  the 
party's  going  after  the  French  vessels,  and  the  men's  working  until 
afternoon. 

"  Sunday  9^,  Morning  wet  until  eight  o'clock ;  the  party,  under 
command  of  Captain  Parker,  embarked.  Two  hundred  and  fifty 
rank  and  file,  and  Silver  Heels  with  them ;  also  five  Mohawks  and 
Printop's  son  by  themselves.  About  two  o'clock,  arrived  a  man, 
with  some  letters  which  were  dropped  by  the  post,  and  found  by  a 
Mohawk.     In  the  evening,  the  post  arrived,    who  was  thought  to 


414  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART 

have  been  scalped,  with  letters.  I  had  one  from  Governor  De 
Lancey,  and  others.  No  news  from  General  Amherst,  or  Wolfe, 
nor  Stanwix  yet.  With  the  post  arrived  twenty-two  Indians  of 
Canajoharie  and  Oneida.  Late,  the  general  came  to  my  tent,  and 
showed  me  what  a  quantity  of  provisions  the  Indians  consumed. 

M  Monday  10^,  Very  wet  morning.  All  the  men  obliged  to  quit 
work  until  9  o'clock.  About  12,  the  two  French  vessels  appeared 
in  sight,  and  stood  in  for  this  place  above  two  hours;  then  stood  a 
little  off,  and  was  still  in  sight  the  whole  evening;  many  conjectures 
about  them.  Some  would  have  it  that  they  were  taken  by  our  de- 
tachment, which  was  out  in  quest  of  them;  but  by  their  not  com- 
ing in,  it  appeared  they  were  yet  the  enemy's.  The  Seneca  Indians 
came  to  know  when  I  would  answer  to  what  they  said  last  Friday. 
I  told  them  I  would  to-morrow  at  farthest.  By  a  Mohawk,  this 
day  wrote  a  letter  to  Nancy,  another  to  Molly,  and  a  third  to  Isaac 
Quaqenboss,  &c,  with  a  pass. 

"  Tuesday  11th ,  A  fine  morning,  no  wind,  but  a  strong  breeze; 
the  vessels  out  of  sight.  I  sent  Clement  for  Abram  and  Thomas, 
Mohawks,  to  let  them  know  the  general's  pleasure,  and  give  them 
an  answer  to  what  they  said  last  Friday.     In  this  manner;  viz  : 

"Brethren  of  the  Six  Nations:  It  is  now  four  days  since  you 
spoke  to  me  on  two  points,  to  wit,  concerning  trade,  and  my  going 
on  another  expedition.  The  reason  of  my  not  answering  them 
sooner,  was  expecting  to  have  heard  what  General  Amherst's  pleas- 
ure was  concerning  an  expedition  this  way,  so  that  I  might  speak  to 
you  with  certainty.  No  such  letter  is  as  yet  come,  but  daily  ex- 
pected. However,  from  the  conversation  I  had  yesterday,  with  the 
general  here,  I  can  answer  you.  With  regard  to  trade  I  can  say  no 
more  than  what  I  have  already  told  you,  and  you  may  depend  upon 
it,  the  trifling  trade  now  here,  you,  nor  your  people  at  home,  are  to 
judge  by,  as  in  war  time  every  thing  is  dear —  Gave  them  three 
strings  of  wampum. 

"As  to  the  other  and  last  point,  I  am  surprised  at,  as  you,  a  few 
days  ago,  assured  me  that  all  your  people,  and  the  rest  of  the  Con- 
federacy, were  determined  to  act  heartily  with  us  during  the  war,  and 
now  press  me  not  to  proceed  with  the  army,  and  say  I  act  rashly, 
in  not  first  going  home,  and  considering  what  farther  steps  are 
proper  to  be  taken.  It  seems  to  me  that  you  have  very  little  confi- 
dence in  Providence,  and  no  regard  for  my  honor,  or  character,  or 
your  own,  when  you  desire  me  to  stay  inactive  behind.     I  desire  to 


APPENDIX.  415 

know  what  part  you,  the  Six  Nations,  will  act,  in  case  your  request 
should  be  complied  with, —  then  I  will  give  you  my  answer.  Re- 
turned their  belt..  The  general  desired  me  to  stop  the  Cayugas  and 
others  from  coming  here  (as  he  finds  it  impracticable  to  move  from 
here  on  an  expedition),  but  to  keep  a  few  Indians  to  scout  about  here 
to  prevent  scalping.  He  told  me  that  he  entirely  gave  up  all 
thoughts  of  proceeding  to  La  Galette,  but  desired  I  would  keep  it 
very  private. 

"  Wednesday  12th,  Fine  morning,  but  cold,  wind  northerly.  Last 
night  arrived  a  boat  of  Parker's  detachment,  with  four  prisoners  of 
the  ship's  crew  taken  yesterday,  as  they  went  on  shore  to  shoot, 
who,  they  say,  vary  in  their  accounts.  One  of  them  says  that  each 
of  the  vessels  have  forty  men  on  board,  partly  militia,  &c. ;  that  one 
of  them  carries  ten,  the  other  eight  guns,  some  of  them  twelve 
pounders;  that  they  were  to  cruise  eighteen  days,  then  return  to 
St.  Paris;  that  they  were  then  fifteen  days  out;  that  two  hundred 
men  who  were  at  Cadaraghqui  had  lately  abandoned  it,  and  retired 
to  Isle  Galot;  that  on  said  island,  Monsr.  Levee1  had  about  two 
thousand  men  entrenched,  and  had  Mr.  Mercier,  an  artillery  officer, 
with  him;  that  the  vessels  are  to  go  to  Point  Paris  or  La  Gralette 
soon;  that  the  third  vessel  is  ready  all  to  her  rigging;  and  that 
their  allowance  of  provision  was  one  lb.  of  bread  and  one  quarter 
of  pork  per  diem.  About  12  o'clock,  an  express  arrived  from 
Albany,  but  no  letters  from  General  Amherst.  Some  letters  from 
his  army  of  the  3d  inst.  say  that  he  is  building  a  large  five  sided 
fort,  and  five  redoubts,  which,  if  all  the  men  are  employed,  will  be 
completed  this  season,  and  that  the  troops  are  not  to  go  to  winter 
quarters  before  finished.  This  evening,  I  sent  the  interpreter  to 
call  the  Seneca  sachems,  in  order  to  [hear]  what  they  said. 

"Some  days  ago,  a  party  of  the  Canajoharies  came  on  my  call, 
and  offered  to  go  to  La  Galette  on  a  scout,  as  soon  as  I  pleased.  I 
thanked  them,  and  told  them  the  sooner  the  better,  and  named  the 
morrow  for  them  to  set  off  on  this  scout.  At  6  o'clock,  P.  M.,  the 
sachems  and  young  men  of  each  nation  assembled  at  my  tent,  when 
Abraham,  chief  of  the  Mohawks,  delivered  my  answer  to  them ; 
on  which  four  of  the  chiefs  withdrew  to  consider  of  what  I  had 
said,  and  what  I  desired  to  know  of  them  concerning  their  desire  I 
should  not  go  any  more  against  the  enemy  this  campaign.  They 
returned  in  about  half  an  hour,  and  said    that  as    they  had  agreed 

1  Or  Sevee ;  indistinct  in  manuscript. 


416  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

to  our  going  to,  and  destroying  Niagara,  they  now  hoped  and 
expected,  that  I  would  comply  with  their  request,  adding  a  great 
deal  about  the  loss  my  falling  would  be  to  all  their  nations  j  and 
farther,  that  although  they  have  (agreeably  to  my  repeated  advice) 
spoke  to,  and  used  their  interest  with  all  the  nations,  as  far  as  the 
Canatas,  yet,  they  did  not  think  the  alliance  so  firm  as  to  push 
things  too  far,  lest  they  might  alter  their  resolutions,  and  think 
you  grasping  at  too  much.  "  This  is  only  our  opinion  and  advice, 
concerning  our  allies;  as  for  us,  we  are  determined  to  stand  by  you 
agreeably  to  our  engagements."  They  thanked  me  for  the  promises 
made  them  of  a  trade  being  established  on  a  fair  and  regular  plan, 
as  soon  as  the  war  is  over,  and  assured  me,  that  would  be  the  most 
effectual  method  we  could  take  of  attaching  all  the  surrounding 
nations  to  his  majesty's  interest.  I  then  told  them,  that  I  would 
take  their  request  into  consideration,  and  give  them  my  answer  as 
soon  as  ready  — on  which  the  meeting  broke  up. 

"  As  the  general  told  me  two  days  ago,  that  he  could  not  proceed 
to  La  Galette,  or  carry  on  any  expedition,  and  desired  I  would  stop 
the  Cayugas  and  other  Indians  coming,  I  think  to  make  them 
this  answer;  viz:  that  if  they  will  engage  to  keep  this  post  of 
Oswego,  and  all  other  our  posts  between  this  and  the  Mohawks' 
country,  free  from  scalping  by  the  Swegatchie  or  other  Indians, 
I  will  agree  to  their  request.  This  will  please  them,  and  lay  them 
under  obligations  to  us,  at  the  same  time  that  the  general  does  not 
intend  anything  that  way.  The  general  sent  a  boat  this  day  with 
some  orders  to  Captain  Parker. 

«  Thursday  13*A,  Fine  weather  and  very  warm.  The  two  vessels 
set  off  for  Niagara  with  provisions.  About  two  o'clock  a  Swegatchie 
Indian  from  the  Cayuga  nation  arrived  here;  was  sent  by  the 
Onondagas,  whom  I  sent  to  Swegatchie  for  intelligence,  and  left 
there  with  Captain  Parker's  party  last  night,  and  expects  they  will 
be  here  this  evening. 

«  Friday  Uth,  Fine  weather.  The  scout,  I  sent  for  intelligence 
to  La  aalette,  arrived,  and  brought  the  following  accounts  and 
news,  viz:  that  on  his  way  thither,  he  was  met  by  a  canoe  full  of 
Swegatchie  Indians,  who  were  encamped  at  Point  Paris  with  some 
French.  They  went  with  them  to  their  camp,  and  told  them  they 
were  sent  by  me  and  the  Six  Nations,  with  a  message  to  them, 
which  they  would  deliver  to  them  in  their  castle,  on  which  they 
decamped.     The  French  also  decamped  on  their  leaving  them,  and 


APPENDIX.  417 

burnt  every  thing  at  Point  Paris,  and  retired  to  Isle  Galot.  On 
their  arrival  at  their  castle,  they  all  assembled,  and  then  my  mes- 
senger told  them,  I  sent  them  to  acquaint  them  that  our  army  would 
go  that  way,  and  if  they  would  quit  the  French  interest,  and  leave 
the  settlement,  they  had  an  opportunity  of  saving  themselves,  and 
their  families.  If  not,  this  would  be  the  last  warning  they  were  to 
expect.  They,  for  answer,  desired  the  messengers  to  return  me 
their  hearty  thanks  for  the  advice  I  gave  them,  and  the  care  I 
showed  for  their  safety,  and  assured  me  in  the  most  solemn  manner, 
that  they  would  not  only  quit  the  French  interest,  but  on  our  ap- 
proach meet  and  join  us,  and  show  us  the  best  way  to  attack  the 
enemy  on  the  island,  who  were  not  above  six  hundred.  They 
desired  we  would  make  all  the  haste  possible,  lest  on  General  Wolfe's 
being  repulsed,  the  enemy  might  send  up  large  reinforcements  to 
La  Galette,  and  by  that  means  baffle  our  design,  and  charge  them 
with  treachery.  They  told  me  the  enemy  carried  away  most  of 
their  cannon  from  Isle  Galot,  on  one  Mr.  Beam's  intelligence  of 
our  army  being  intended  to  go  down  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  I 
immediately  communicated  this  intelligence  to  Brigadier  General 
Gage.  About  5  o'clock,  I  sent  a  scout  of  thirty-two  Canajoharies, 
Oneidas,  and  Onondagas,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Fonda,  to 
La  Galette.  With  him  went  Lieutenant  Francis,  Captain  Tiebout, 
Ensign  Roberts,  and  three  battoe  men  of  my  own,  with  orders  to 
bring  prisoners  for  intelligence,  and  make  all  the  useful  observations 
they  possibly  could.     They  set  off  in  four  whale  boats. 

"  Saturday  \bth. —  Rain  in  the  morning,  but  a  northerly  wind 
cleared  up  the  weather,  so  that  the  works  were  carried  on  very  briskly. 
This  morning,  Bunt,  chief  of  Onondaga,  with  his  three  sons,  and 
others  came  to  acquaint  me  that  they  were  resolved  to  go  on  a  scout 
to  La  Galette,  and  set  off  the  day  after  to-morrow.  Silver  Heels, 
Daniel,  and  others,  told  me  they  were  resolved,  also,  to  go  as  soon  as 
Captain  Lottridge  returned  from  Cayuga.  About  10  o'clock,  the 
general  called  me,  Colonels  Haldimand,  Massey,  and  Graham  to  his 
hut,  when  he  asked  our  opinions  what  number  of  men  we  thought 
sufficient  to  carry  on  the  fort,  so  as  to  leave  it  this  campaign  on 
barbette,  which,  he  said,  was  as  far  as  the  engineer  expected  to  get 
it,  and  what  number  of  men  for  the  guards  of  the  camp,  woods,  &c, 
and  also,  what  number  of  men  we  thought  necessary  for  incidental 
duty  or  fatigue.  We  were  of  opinion  that  1100  men  would  be 
sufficient  to  work  at  the  fort,  200  for  guards  in  our  absence,  100  for 

53 


418  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

incidental  fatigues  or  other  duties,  and  an  addition  of  42  men  to 
Captain  Schuyler's  company  of  battoe-men.     Then  the  general  cast 
the  whole  up,  and  it  appeared  that  there  were  about  1000  rank  and 
file  to  go  on  an  expedition,  besides  Indians,  the  number  then  unknown, 
as  they  were  constantly  coming  in  from  different  quarters,  and  the 
Cayugas  all  expected  the  next  day.     I  told  the  general  that  our 
going  and  destroying  La  Galette,  would  be  the  means  of  drawing- 
all  the  Swegatchie  Indians  away  from  the  French  [interest],  and 
that  if  we  did  not  attempt  it  now,  it  might  be  the  means  of  riveting 
them  more  firmly  in  it.     Besides  that,  our  destroying  La  Galette, 
might  make  us  masters  of  the  French  vessels,  which  then  would  be 
out  of  the  way  of  any  relief.     All  he  said  was,  that  it  all  depended 
on  General  Wolfe.     After  various  opinions,  our  meeting  ended  in 
nothing,   no    resolution    having    been  taken.     A  little  after,    the 
general  told  me  I  had   better  stop  the  Cayugas  then  on  their  way, 
and  send  those  here  home,  by  telling  them  the  season  was  too  far 
advanced,    and  could  not  complete  this  post  if  we    went  on    any 
expedition,  &c.     About  1  o'clock,  Captain  Lotteridge  arrived  from 
Cayuga,  with  Lieutenant  Hair,  Red  Head,  and  one    Seneca,  and 
reported  that  the  Cayugas  had  received  them  kindly,  and  would  all 
be  here  to-morrow,  and  desired  them  to  acquaint  me,    that  in  case  I 
should   be  gone  on  my  march,  they  would  overtake  me  before  we 
could  come  to  action,  in  which  they  were  all  resolved  to  act  the  best 
part  they  could.     A  number  of  Onondagas    arrived  just  now,  who 
came  and  told  me  they  were  come  to  join  us,  and  that  the  rest  of 
their  nation  were  all  coming  with  the  same  intent,  and  expected  we 
were  ready  to  proceed;  if  not,  they  would  go  by  themselves  against 
the  enemy.     The  general  told  me  this  evening  he  had  a  letter  by 
express  from  General  Amherst,  but  no  news,  nor  nothing  of  his 
proceeding  to  Mt.  Real,  or  elsewhere,  as  I  can  hear. 

«  Sunday  16^.— Fine  fall  weather,  windy  and  dry.  An  express 
arrived  here  from  General  Amherst,  with  letters  to  Brigadier  Gage, 
inclosing  him  an  extract  of  General  Stanwix's  letter  to  him,  dated 
at  Fort  Bedford,  the  16th  of  August,  wherin  he  tells  him  that  on 
the  taking  of  Niagara,  the  Freneh  abandoned  their  posts  at  Winango, 
[Venango]  River  Boeuf,  and  Presque  Isle;  and  on  account  of  the 
lowness  of  the  waters,  were  obliged  to  burn  all  their  bateaus,  &c. 
This,  also,  prevented  the  General  sending  Major  Tulican  with  400 
Royll  Americans  to  relieve  the  garrison  of  Niagara,  so  that  now 
he  waits  to  hear  from  Niagara  what  time  they  -can  send  boats  to 


r^ 


i       r- 


APPENDIX. 


419 


Presque  Isle  for  the  transportation  of  that  body  of  troops.  General 
Amherst  recommends  to  Stanwix,  the  sending  Colonel  Boquet  to 
command  at  Niagara,  if  convenient.  The  general  showed  me  the 
letter  he  wrote  the  10th  inst.  to  General  Amherst,  wherein  he  tells 
him  that  it  is  impossible  to  do  more  with  the  few  troops  he  has,  than 
to  make  this  post  tenantable  by  the  latter  end  of  October,  and  bring 
up  provisions  for  it  and  Niagara.  As  the  building  there  will  not  be 
finished  until  very  late,  having  so  few  hands,  it  will  be  very  difficult 
to  get  the  garrison  from  them  this  season.  On  the  whole,  the  gen- 
eral seemed  much  perplexed,  and  said  he  wished  he  had  not  written 
to  Stanwix  about  the  garrison.  He  also  shewed  me  two  letters  he  had 
written  Bradstreet,  in  one  of  which  he  tells  him  that  unless  pro- 
visions are  sent  up  with  more  speed,  and  greater  quantities  than 
hitherto,  he  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  Niagara,  and- these  works. 
Shortly  after,  the  general  called  me,  Colonels  Haldimand,  Massey, 
and  Graham,  to  his  hut,  to  learn  what  intelligence  Mr.  De  Quagne1 
learned  from  the  French  prisoners,  by  which  the  general  would  have 
it,  that  the  enemy  were  very  strongly  entrenched  there,  with  num- 
bers superior  to  ours.  After  all,  he  desired  the  opinion  of  the  gen- 
tlemen present,  not  as  a  council  of  war,  but  to  enlighten  him,  as  he 
vowed  he  was  at  a  loss  what  step  to  take.  The  first  that  spoke  his 
opinion  was  Colonel  Massey,  who  said  he  thought  it  would  be 
imprudent  to  go  with  any  thing  but  a  flying  light  body  of  troops  — 
about  500 — in  order  to  destroy  La  Galette.  I  gave  the  general  my 
opinion  as  thus — that  I  was  apprehensive  [i.  e.  was  of  opinion]  a 
body  of  six  hundred  men  might  carry  La  Galette,  and  the  Indians 
from  thence,  which  would  be  a  thing  of  great  consequence;  that  if 
the  enemy  were  weak  at  Isle  Gallot,  they  might  probably  on  our 
destroying  La  Galette,  abandon  it,  if  they  did  not  learn  our  small 
number,  which  should  be  carefully  concealed ;  that  the  vessels  might 
also  fall,  by  our  succeeding  at  La  Galette.  If  we  found  the  enemy 
too  powerful,  I  thought  we  could  retreat  with  care,  and  good  con- 
duct; that  if  we  did  not  attempt  anything  that  way,  it  might  prob- 
ably fix  the  Swegatchies  firmer  in  the  French  interest,  and  be  the 
means  of  establishing  a  stronger  post  there  than  ever.  The  other 
two  gentlemen  were  very  reserved,  Haldimand  in  particular.  We 
broke  up  without  any  resolution.  The  general  followed  me,  and 
desired  I  would  turn  the  thing  in  my  mind  seriously,  and  let  him 
know  my  thoughts  further  about  it.  I,  on  this,  spoke  with  Colonel 
1 M.  de  Couagne,  French  interpreter  ;  at  this  time,  stationed  at  Niagara. 


420  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

Massey  upon  the  subject,  who  said  he  would  gladly  go  in  case  I 
went.  I  told  him  I  was  resolved  to  go  if  allowed,  and  would  go 
directly  and  throw  myself  in  the  general's  way,  expecting  he  will 
ask  me  my  opinion.  I  did  so  several  times,  even  to  the  tent  door, 
with  his  aid-de-camp  and  brigadier  major,  but  he  avoided  talking 
.  with  me  on  the  subject. 

"  Monday  11  th. —  Very  wet  weather;  no  works  going  on.  I 
intend  this  day  to  ask  the  general  for  600  men,  to  go  to  La  Galette, 
as  the  Indians  here  and  there,  both,  are  desirous  of  it.  If  he  will 
not  agree  to  it,  I  shall  then  desire  liberty  to  go  home.  Thomas, 
Aaron  and  his  family  left  this  yesterday,  and  took  one  of  the  prison- 
ers, taken  from  the  vessel  with  them.  I  wrote  to  Nancy  by  them, 
and  to  my  bowmaster.1  This  day,  an  express  arrived  from  General 
Amherst,  with  letters  to  General  Gage,  by  which,  I  heard  Mr.  Gage 
say,  he  did  not  expect  anything  to  be  done  this  way.  Accounts  from 
General  Wolfe  not  very  favorable.  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Amherst,  dated  11th  inst.,  another  from  Mr.  Croghan  with  all  his 
conferences.  His  letter  is  dated  16th  of  August;  had  not  yet  received 
my  letter,  and  three  Mohawk  Indians.     Very  severe  weather  all  day. 

"  Tuesday  \%ih. —  Cold,  raw,  windy  morning,  after  the  severest 
night  I  ever  remember  for  wind  and  rain.  I  catched  a  fellow  in  my 
tent  drunk,  with  his  firelock.  He  crept  in  from  the  weather.  Sent 
him  away  to  the  guard,  not  as  a  prisoner,  but  relieved.  I  this  day 
wrote  to  General  Amherst  pr.  return  of  the  express.  The  Indians 
very  impatient  to  know  whether  we  are  to  proceed  or  not.  I  have 
put  them  off  from  time  to  time,  in  hopes  there  would  be  something 
for  them  and  us  to  do. 

"  Wednesday  19 th. — A  fine  fall  morning;  wind  at  S.  E.  The 
Bunt's  three  sons,  with  seven  Onondagas  more,  came  and  were  fitted 
out  to  go  scalping  to  La  Galette.  I  ordered  a  whale  boat  for  them, 
and  everything  necessary.  Gave  a  silver  gorget  to  the  Bunt's  grand- 
son, who  was  appointed  their  leader.  His  name  is  Punch. —  Soon 
after  Missarung  with  six  more  came  and  were  clothed,  and  joined 
the  other  ten  Onondagas.  In  the  evening,  Karraghiagygo,  with 
eight  more,  came  to  acquaint  me,  they  were  resolved  to  go  a  scalping 
by  themselves  the  next  day.  In  the  evening,  the  wind  turned  to 
N.  W.,  and  rained  very  hard,  and  blew  a  severe  storm.  Rained  all 
night. 

*  A  Bouwmeester  is  a  surveyor,  in  Nederduitsche;  the  term  has  some- 
times bee»  applied  to  the  overseer  of  a  farm. 


APPENDIX.  421 

"  Thursday  morning  20th. —  A  cold  N.  E.  wind;  blew  so  hard  that 
the  parties  could  not  set  off,  the  lake  being  too  rough.  I  have 
observed,  since  I  gave  my  opinion  for  going  to  La  G-alette,  that  the 
general  is  not  free  or  friendly  with  me,  but  rather  shuns  me.  This 
day  I  answered  the  Ganughsharagey  Indians,  and  told  them,  on  my 
return,  I  would  either  give  them  some  provisions  or  money,  for  their 
families,  which  they  were  very  thankful  for. 

u  Friday  21st. —  A  fine  morning,  but  cold.  I  sent  Printop  over 
the  river  to  hurry  out  the  several  parties,  who  are  going  a  scalping. 
About.  10'clock,  I  fitted  out  Karraghiagygo's  party,  consisting  of 
nine  men,  with  everything  necessary.  The  sachems  of  the  Senecas, 
&c,  came  to  know  what  we  were  resolved  to  do,  whether  to  proceed 
or  not.  I  told  them  I  would  answer  them  in  the  evening.  The 
Bunt  being  drunk  prevented  meeting  them.  This  afternoon,  the  two 
parties  set  off  for  La  G-alette  with  Captain  Lotteridge,  and  the  other 
with  Lieutenant  Hair.  They  are  to  be  back  in  ten  days  if  the 
weather  permits.     No  news  from  any  quarter;  the  express  expected. 

"  Saturday  %2d. — A  fine  morning.  I  took  a  whale  boat,  and 
Colonel  Massey  another,  and  went  six  or  eight  miles  along  the  lake 
side  a  shooting  —  little  or  no  game.  We  went  up  a  creek  which  is 
called  Red  Head's  creek.  About  two  miles,  very  navigable  and  deep, 
but  no  farther.  Good  fishing  in  said  creek,  and  beaver  also.  Noth- 
ing extraordinary  happened  in  my  absence — the  sick  all  ordered 
down. 

"  Sunday  28c?. —  A  dark  morning;  wind  N.  W.,  no  account  of 
our  vessels  yet  from  Niagara.  We  begin  to  fear  they  are  lost.  This 
day,  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  sick  were  sent  down- 
wards. Last  night,  some  more  Onondagas  joined  us,  and  others  to 
come  this  day  from  the  Falls.  About  5  o'clock,  several  Onondagas 
came  to  my  tent,  and  told  me  they  were  come  according  to  promise, 
and  are  ready  to  go  with  us  upon  service;  that  their  chieftain,  named 
Teiyoquande,  notwithstanding  he  had  lost  one  of  his  children, 
whom  he  had  just  hurried,  came  with  them,  and  was  also  resolved 
to  join  the  army  with  his  party,  as  he  found  the  Six  Nations  were 
now  heartily  engaged  in  our  cause.  I  bid  them  welcome ;  told  them 
I  was  sorry  for  my  friend's  loss,  and  would  condole  it  to-morrow. 
They  farther  say,  that  they  were  told  at  the  falls,  by  our  people  and 
the  Indians  that  there  was  no  expedition  going  forward,  and  that 
they  might  turn  back.  They  answered,  that  as  they  were  so  far  on 
their  journey,  and  had  promised  faithfully  to  return  hither,  they 


422  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

would  come  and  know  from  me  the  certainty,  which  they  now  desired 
I  would  acquaint  them  with.  I  told  them  I  would  advise  them  on 
the  whole,  the  next  day — so  parted,  after  drinking  with  them,  and 
giving  them  pipes,  tobacco,  &c.  I  also  gave  Bunt  clotbes  for  him- 
self and  family — thus  ended. 

"Monday  "Mth. —  A  very  fine  morning;  quite  calm.  Our  two 
vessels  returned  from  Niagara,  with  all  the  Yorkers  that  were  left 
there.  They  say,  Captain  Lee  with  fourteen  men  went  to  Presque 
Isle,  in  order  to  learn  where  Mr.  Stanwix  was ;  the  Mississagays, 
of  whom  there  came  about  one  hundred  and  fifty,  to  Niagara,  brought 
and  delivered  up  two  of  our  men,  taken  at  Belle  Famille  in  the 
battle  of  the  twenty-fourth.  About  10  o'clock,  Weaver,  the  post, 
arrived  here  with  but  few  letters.  The  news  by  him  was,  that  Gen- 
eral Wolfe  was  still  at  Quebec,  destroying  all  the  country  about. 
The  sachems  and  warriors  of  the  Onondaga  and  Seneca  nations 
came  to  my  tent,  in  order  to  know  what  was  to  be  done,  or  whether 
the  army  was  to  proceed  or  not.  On  which  I  asked  General  Gage 
what  answer  I  should  make  to  them.  He  desired  I  would  tell  them, 
that  as  soon  as  the  scouting  party  returned,  and  he  could  learn  from 
the  prisoners  they  might  bring  in,  what  news  at  La  Galette,  or  that 
way,  he  would  enable  me  to  answer  them.  This  I  told  them,  and 
so  parted,  after  condoling  with  Tyioquande. 

"  Tuesday  25*/L—  Very  fine,  Warm  weather.  The  Seneca  and 
Onondaga  sachems  came  to  my  tent,  when  the  former  told  me,  they 
had  lost  three  of  their  people  since  they  came  here,  and  many  more 
now  very  sick,  so  that  they  wanted  to  return  home;  besides  they 
did  not  see  any  sign  of  going  forward.  I  sent  a  black  string  of 
wampum  by  them,  strongly  recommending  to  their  nation,  in  whose 
country  Niagara  was,  to  keep  a  good  look  out,  and  take  care  that 
none  of  that  garrison  or  traders  be  molested  ;  otherwise  the  general 
will  be  obliged  to  take  proper  measures  to  punish  such  a  people. 

"  Our  two  vessels  to  sail  this  afternoon  for  Niagara  with  provisions. 
Mr.  Vanscaack,  and  other  traders  are  also  going  there  this  day  with 
my  pass.  Cobus  Van  Eps  asked  liberty  to  go  to  trade  at  Irondequat 
with  the  Chenussio  Indians.  As  it  is  near  to  their  settlement,  I 
agreed  to  it.  Besides,  it  will  be  some  plea  for  us  to  claim  some 
right  of  building  there  and  trading. 

"  Wednesday  26th. —  A  fine  morning;  wind  at  south  east.  I 
received  a  letter  from  Dominie  Hardwick.     Mr.  Carty  arrived  here 


APPENDIX.  423 

with  a  number  of  sheep  for  the  army;  lost  several  by  the  way. 
Nothing  new  this  day. 

"  Thursday  27th. —  a  little  rain  this  morning;  cleared  up  with  a 
N.  W.  wind.  Daniel,  Belt,  Silver  Heels,  &c.,  left  this  on  their  way 
home.  Gave  them  some  money,  orders,  &c,  and  so  discharged  them. 
This  day  nothing  new. 

u  Friday  28th. —  Morning  clear,  and  wind  at  N.  W.;  blew  hard 
all  the  night.  This  day  wrote  two  letters  for  London;  the  one  to 
Alderman  Baker;  the  other  to  Messrs.  Champion  and  Hayley.  About 
9  o'clock  P.  M.,  Captain  Fonda,  Mr.  Roberts,  and  twenty  of  the 
party,  who  left  this  the  14th,  returned  for  the  want  of  provisions, 
and  a  good  guide.  The  rest  of  them  are  gQfie  on  to  La  Galette,  in 
number,  ten.  They  also  saw  the  two  parties  pass,  who  left  this  last 
week. 

"  Saturday  29th. —  A  fine  morning.  Mr.  Carty  called  upon  me, 
and  took  my  two  letters  for  London,  and  one  for  Mr.  Van  DerHuy- 
den.  I  sent  Captain  Butler  to  make  a  discovery,  if  he  could,  of  a 
meadow  which  is  two  miles.  Returned  and  found  it  would  not  do; 
is  grown  over  with  brush.  Dined  on  a  Michaelmas  goose  with 
General  Gage.  The  Indians,  who  came  from  near  Cadaraghqui,  say 
they  heard  several  cannon  fired,  they  think,  on  board  the  vessels, 
about  the  25th  of  this  month. 

"  Sunday  30th. — Very  fine  morning.  Work  goes  on  very  well, 
and  the  fort  in  great  forwardness.  At  12  o'clock,  a  boat  with  Onon- 
dagas,  some  whites,  and  two  French  Indians,  arrived  here.  They 
were  Bunt's  son's  party  with  Lieutenant  Hair,  who.  meeting  a  French 
party  coming  this  way  a  scalping,  turned  them  back,  and  brought 
two  Skanendaddy  Indians  to  me  from  said  party.  On  their  arrival 
here  at  my  tent,  they  told  me  all  the  news  they  heard  in  Canada, 
which  I  immediately  acquainted  General  Gage  of,  and  is  as  follows, 
viz:  That  General  Wolfe  is  yet  before  Quebec;  that  eleven  hundred 
Ottawas  arrived  at  their,  and  the  Coghnawagey  castles  before  they 
left  home,  and  were  plundering  the  country ;  that  the  priest  of  La 
Gallete  told  them  there  were  twenty-five  hundred  men  on  Isle  Galot, 
fortifying  themselves  as  fast  as  they  could ;  that  about  seven  days 
ago,  a  scout  of  seven  men  from  General  Amherst  to  Gage,  was  taken 
at  La  Gallete  with  their  letters ;  that  there  is  no  news  from  General 
Amherst,  than  that  he  is  at  Crown  Point  building  vessels  and  a  fort ; 
that  these  two  Indians  were  sent  by  the  rest  of  the  party  to  know 
whether  the  news  which   the    Swegatchie  Indians  told  them  they 


424  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

received  from  me  was  true ;  if  it  was,  they  assured  me  that  all  their, 
as  well  as  the  Coghnawaga  castles,  would  pay  all  due  regard  to  what 
I  said  to  them,  and  never  more  assist  the  French,  &c. 

"1st  October,  Monday—  Fine  weather.  Colonel  Massey  and 
sundry  other  gentlemen  and  myself,  went  in  two  boats  to  Red  Head's 
creek  to  hunt  and  fish,  but  had  no  luck,  so  returned.  This  day  an 
express  arrived  with  letters  for  the  general  and  others j  also  news- 
papers, but  little  or  no  news  in  them. 

M  October  'Id,  Tuesday.— -Fine  inorning;  work  goes  on  very  well. 
Gave  one  McMaster,  a  pass  to  trade  at  Niagara  with  four  battoe 
loads.  The  two  Indians,  who  came  from  Canada,  are  gone  this  day 
to  Onondaga  to  see  some  of  their  friends  there,  and  promise  to  return 
in  four  or  five  days  here,  and  carry  a  message  from  me  to  their 
nations.  The  Bunt's  daughter-in-law  was  buried  this  day,  after 
which  he  came  and  dined  with  me,  and  assured  me  he  would  not 
move  until  I  did,  be  it  which  way  it  would.  At  the  same  time,  he 
told  me  he  would  be  glad  to  know  what  was  to  be  done  by  us, 
whether  to  advance  or  not,  that  he  might  manage  affairs  accordingly 
with  his  nation.  I  told  him  that  as  soon  as  the  general  let  me  know 
his  resolution,  I  would  acquaint  him.     Then  parted  for  this  time. 

"The  general  told  me  this  afternoon,  that  General  Amherst  wrote 
him  the  21st  ult.  from  Crown  Point,  but  nothing  of  his  moving  on, 
nor  of  ours  here,  but  expects  Mr.  Gage  with  his  troops  will  finish 
this  fort,  and  complete  Fort  Stanwix. 

"  Wednesday,  3d— Fine  pleasant  morning  for  work.  The  general 
read  part  of  General  Amherst's  letter  to  him  of  the  21st  ult.  from 
Crown  Point,  wherein  he  expresses  his  concern  at  Mr.  Gage's  not 
taking  post  at  La  Gallete,  which  is  so  advantageous  a  pass,  and  noth- 
ing to  hinder  it,  as  all  their  force  is  employed  below.  He  then 
says,  that  he  expects,  as  he  is  determined  not  to  take  post  at  La 
Galette,  that  he  will  complete  Fort  Stanwix  and  this  post,  as  well 
as  cut  open  a  communication  between  this  and  the  Mohawk  river; 
that  he  has  written  the  several  governments  to  continue  their  troops 
the  month  of  November,  which  he  does  not  doubt  they  will  come 
into ;  and  a  great  deal  more  concerning  the  garrisons,  provisions, 
and  artillery — six  hundred  men  to  be  here.  He  seemed  greatly 
concerned  on  the  whole,  and  was  much  surprised  at  the  general's 
manner  of  writing.  In  the  evening,  he  desired  I  would  take  up 
my  quarters  in  one  of  the  barracks,  and  then  Walked  aWay.  The 
boat  returned  from  Fish  Creek,  and  brought   back  the  provisions 


APPENDIX.  425 

intended  for  the  party  ovt  the  scout  so  long ;  but  on  seeing  no  signs 
of  them  the  sergeant  returned. 

"  Thursday  4th. — Began  to  rain  about  7  of  the  clock.  The 
works  quitted  thereby.  This  day,  invited  the  General,  Colonel 
Haldimand,  Colonel  Massey,  Colonel  Grrahani,  Hancy,  Fenton  and 
Benton  to  dine  with  me.  In  the  afternoon,  I  asked  the  general  how 
long  he  thought  it  necessary  to  keep  me  here.  He  answered  no 
longer  than  [until]  the  scouts  returned,  who  are  gone  to  La  G-allete, 
or  that  it  was  agreeable  to  me.  This  day,  received  a  letter  from  the 
general  at  Crown  Point,  concerning  a  party  of  Mohawks  who  were 
detained  there  by  him  until  he  heard  their  character  from  me.  I 
answered  said  letter  the  same  day. 

"  Friday  htti. — A  fine  morning ;  no  wind.  All  hands  at  work. 
A  party  of  Royal  Americans  sent  to  Fort  Stanwix  in  order  to  enable 
the  garrison  to  make  roads  and  carry  on  the  works  there.  Mr.  Rivet 
sent  to  view  the  three  posts  between  this  and  Fort  Stanwix.  The 
three  men  who  were  to  be  shot  are  pardoned.  This  day  ten  Cayugas 
arrived  here  from  their  country.  On  their  coming  to  my  tent,  I 
condoled  with  three  strings  of  wampum  their  losses,  and  then 
desired  they  would  let  me  know  what  news  in  their  country.  They 
told  me  that  their  people  were  very  sickly,  and  that  several  had  died 
of  the  bloody-flux.  They  told  me  that  their  sachems  were  very 
negligent,  and  did  not  pay  that  regard  or  attention  to  business, 
which  they,  the  young  men,  expected  they  would,  and  at  this  time, 
thought  they  should.  Wherefore  they  came  of  themselves  to  see 
me  at  Oswego,  and  to  know  what  was  to  be  done  further ;  that  they 
expected  to  have  another  message  sent  to  them  in  case  we  wanted 
them,  and  that  they  would  all  have  come  to  us.  They  further 
added,  that  on  the  sachems'  finding  that  they  were  coming  this  way, 
they  sent  a  string  of  wampum  by  them,  desiring  to  acquaint  me 
they  were  in  great  distress  for  want  of  smiths  in  their  country  to 
mend  their  arms,  &c,  and  begged  I  would  send  them  such.  I  told 
them  I  would  speak  to  them  the  next  day — gave  them  pipes,  tobacco, 
rum,  &c,  and  parted  for  that  time.  This  day  Bassy  Dunbar  and 
Lieutenant  Pionier  of  the  Royal  Americans,  fought  a  duel,  in  which 
the  former  received  a  shot  in  the  breast  through  the  lungs,  which  is 
thought  will  be  mortal. 

"  Saturday  6th. — A  dark,  hazy  morning  and  warm,  after  a  good 
deal  of  rain  in  the  night.     All  hands  at  work  as  usual.     This  day 
the  first  range  of  officers'  barracks  is  to  be  raised. 
54 


426  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

M  Sunday  7th. — Fine,  warm  day.  The  general  and  I  took  a  ride 
to  the  half  way  creek  with  a  guard  of  the  light  infantry.  Dined 
with  him.  Captain  Fonda  returned  from  the  next  Oneida  station, 
from  whence  to  the  ford  at  the  Three  Rivers,  he  marked  out  a  road, 
with  three  Onondaga  Indians  whom  I  employed  for  that  purpose,  and 
says  it  will  not  be  above  ten  miles  distance.  The  general  much 
pleased  at  their  finding  so  good  and  short  a  road. 

"  Monday  8th. — Excessive  hot  weather.  The  sloops  or  schooners 
arrived  from  Niagara  and  brought  five  prisoners  of  ours  from  thence, 
who  were  taken  in  Major  Grant's  affair  on  the  24th  July  at  Belle 
Famille.  One  of  them  is  son  of  Mr.  Guist,  who  gives  a  very  good 
account  of  the  Detroit  settlement,  &c.  He  says  they  expected  to 
be  drove  from  there  by  me,  after  Niagara  was  taken,  and  believes 
had  we  attempted  it,  they  would  all  fly  before  us.  Colonel  Cole,  of 
Rhode  Island,  arrived  here  yesterday,  and  brought  me  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Hunter. 

This  day  Captain  Lotteridge  and  his  party  of  Onondagas  and 
Oneidas  returned  from  their  scout,  and  brought  in  three  prisoners 
and  two  scalps,  which  they  took  between  La  Gallete  and  the  island 
they  are  fortifying.  They  bring  us  the  agreeable  news  of  Quebec's 
having  surrendered  to  the  English  army  the  18th  of  ^  September. 
Mt.  Calm  [Montcalm]  killed — shot  through  the  breast.  General 
Wolfe  killed,  and  the  next  in  command,  Mr.  Ramsay,  with  six  hun- 
dred in  the  citadel,  capitulated.  The  army  retired  to  a  river  about 
fifteen  leagues  above  Quebec.  Mr.  Levy,  going  to  Quebec  with  fifteen 
hundred  men,  was  defeated  by  our  people  under  the  command  of 
Murray.  The  general  proposes  sending  an  express  with  the  news  to 
General  Amherst  at  daybreak  to-morrow. 

"  Tuesday  Mi. — Fine  morning;  wind  at  S.  E.  I  wait  for  the 
return  of  four  Mohawks  yet  out  about  La  Gallete.  When  they 
return  I  propose  to  go  home,  the  general  having  told  me  there  was 
nothing  more  to  do  at  present  or  for  this  campaign.  The  party  of 
Onondagas,  who  returned  yesterday  with  the  prisoners  and  scalps, 
came  to  my  tent  with  the  rest  here,  and  divided  their  prisoners  and 
scalps.  I  gave  one  prisoner  in  the  room  of  Bunt's  daughter-in- 
law,  named  Kahiuenta,  with  three  thousand  wampum.  I  this  day 
gave  De  Couagnc  instructions  going  to  Niagara.  The  two  vessels 
sailed  for  that  place  this  afternoon,  with  provisions,  artillery,  rigging, 
sheep,  &c.  In  the  afternoon,  about  thirty  Senecas,  with  their  chief 
man,  the  Drunkard,  arrived  here.     Mr.  Guist  came  to  know  if  I  had 


APPENDIX.  427 

any  commands  down  the  country,  as  he  was  to  set  off  for  his  regi- 
ment next  morning  with  our  battoes.  Grave  him  some,  and  parted. 
Mr.  Edward  Cole,  of  Rhode  Island,  applied  to  me  for  advice  and 
liberty  to  trade  at  Niagara. 

"  Wednesday  10th. — Fine  weather  )  wind  at  S.  E. ;  fair  for  the 
two  vessels.  The  Onondagas  came  to  know  what  resolution  the 
general  had  come  to,  on  examining  the  prisoners  brought  in  by  the 
Indians,  agreeably  to  his  promise  made  them  several  days  ago.  I 
told  them  I  would  acquaint  them  this  day  with  the  general's  resolu- 
tion, concerning  what  they  wanted  to  know.  I  spoke  with  the  gen- 
eral about  it,  who  desired  I  would  acquaint  them  the  season  of  the 
year  was  so  far  advanced,  and  so  much  work  to  be  done- here  to  finish 
the  fort,  that  he  did  not  intend  to  proceed  further  this  campaign, 
and  that  they  might  return  to  their  respective  habitations  and  country. 
He  desired  I  would  return  them  thanks  for  their  many  services  this 
campaign,  and  hoped  they  would  be  ready  the  next  to  join  when  called 
upon.  This  afternoon  the  Seneca  sachems  and  warriors  came  to  my 
tent,  when  I  condoled  their  losses,  and  then  talked  to  them  upon 
business,  and  told  them  I  would,  the  next  day,  meet  all  the  nations 
here  assembled,  and  settle  all  matters  with  them. 

"  Thursday  Wth. — Cloudy  weather;  wind  at  south.  This  day 
the  post  arrived  with  letters  from  the  army,  and  papers  of  the  1st 
inst.,  with  an  account  of  Prince  Ferdinand's  beating  the  French 
army.  This  day  I  had  a  general  meeting  with  all  the  Indians  here, 
viz :  Onondagas,  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Oneidas  and  Mohawks,  when  I 
spoke  to  them  in  the  general's  name ;  returned  them  thanks  for 
their  services  and  attendance  here  this  time  past;  told  them  that  as 
the  general  only  proposed  finishing  the  fort  in  hand  here,  he  did  not 
intend  to  move  further,  so  discharged  them.  I  then  spoke  to  them 
all  in  presence  of  three  Indians  sent  by  the  Swegatchie  and 
Coghnauagey  Indians  to  me  on  business.  The  first  belt  was  to 
acquaint  them  of  the  general's  not  going  forward  this  year,  and  that 
I  had  complied  with  their  request,  and  I  saw  they  did  not  choose  I 
should  go  that  way ;  and  I  told  them  that  I  expected  they  would 
always  comply  with  my  desire,  whenever  I  might  apply  to  them — 
Gave  a  Belt.  Secondly :  I  desired  they  would  all  exert  and  interest 
themselves  in  the  protection  of  Niagara,  Oswego,  and  all  the  posts 
we  have  in  their  country.  I  also  told  them  that  if  the  Swegatchie 
Indians  and  others  should  attempt  to  molest  any  of  said  posts,  or 
touch  any  of  his  majesty's  subjects,  for  the  future,  I  never  would 


428  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

speak  a  word  in  their  favor,  but  advise  the  general  to  cut  them  to 
pieces  j  so  hoped  they,  as  their  friends,  would  be  careful  to  prevent 
them  plunging  themselves  into  danger  and  destruction  j  that  as  these 
forte  were  for  the  protection  of  their  country,  as  well  as  of  that  of  the 
trade  intended  to  be  carried  on  with  them  and  their  allies,  it  behooved 
them  to  do  all  they  could  for  the  safety  of  them— A  Belt.  Thirdly  : 
A  large  black  belt  sent  to  the  Swegatchie,  Coghnawagey  and  Skanen- 
daddy  Indians,  letting  them  know  that  I  have  hitherto  befriended 
them;  that  they  have  it  in  their  power  now,  by  quitting  the  French, 
to  become  once  more  a  happy  people,  but  if,  contrary  to  the  many 
and  solemn  professions  made  to  me  and  the  Six  Nations,  and  the 
assurances  they  lately,  by  belts  and  strings  of  wampum,  gave  me  of 
their  fixed  resolutions  to  abandon  the  French,  they  should  act  a 
different  part,  they  must  then  expect  no  quarter  from  us—  Gave  a 
large  Belt  of  Black  Wampum  mixed.  I  then  told  the  Indians  I  pro- 
posed leaving  this  place  in  a  few  days,  and  that  they  might  expect 
to  hear  from  me  as  soon  as  there  was  anything  of^  consequence  to 
communicate.  They  made  answer  that  as  it  was  now  late,  they 
would  to-morrow  say  something  in  answer. 

"  Friday  12th.— Rained  all  the  night.  Morning  wet,  so  that  the 
works  could  not  be  carried  on.  Wrote  to  General  Amherst  this 
morning  per  servant,  as  the  post  was  sent  off  unknown  tome.  At  3 
o'clock,  P.  M.,  the  Onondaga,  Seneca  and  Cayuga  chiefs  and  warriors 
came  to  my  tent,  when  their  speaker  told  me  they  had  all  attentively 
heard  what  I  yesterday  said  and  recommended  to  their  nation  j  and 
they  assured  me,  by  a  belt  of  white  wampum,  that  they  would  keep 
a  careful  eye  over  Niagara,  Oswego,  and  all  our  other  posts  in  their 
country.  At  the  same  time,  they  said,  it  would  be  hard  to  blame 
them  should  any  little  damage  be  done  at  any  of  the  places  men- 
tioned, as  the  French,  as  well  as  we,  are  always  persuading  parties  to 
fretch  prisoners  for  intelligence.  However,  we  might  depend  upon 
their  using  all  their  influeuce  with  their  relations,  the  Swegatchies, 
Coghnauwageys,  and  Skanendaddys  to  quit  the  French  entirely,  if 
not,  they  must  suffer  for  it.     Here  Gave  the  Belt. 

"  Next,  the  speaker  said,  it  was  the  desire  of  the  Senecas,  Cayugas, 
and  Onondagas  that  I  would  send  a  smith  and  trader  to  each  of 
their  castles j  also  begged  there  might  be  a  large  store  of  goods, 
&c,  at  Niagara,  Oswego  and  Fort  Stanwix,  which,  they  said,  would 
please  the  foreign  nations  more  than  anything.  They  then  desired 
to  know  when  I  would  leave  this,  that  they  might  tie  up  their  packs, 


APPENDIX.  429 

take  their  hatchets  in  their  hands,  and  escort  me.  I  told  them  in 
two  days,  if  the  party  of  Mohawks  returned  in  that  time.  I  again 
strongly  recommended  the  care  of  all  the  posts  in  this  part  of  the 
country  to  them;  promised  to  send  them  smiths,  &c,  and  so  parted. 

"Lieutenant  Bassey  Dunbar  died  this  evening  of  his  wound; 
and  died  in  peace  with  mankind,  he  told  Parson  Ogilvie.  This  day 
I  gave  orders  for  packing  up,  and  preparing  for  a  march  homewards, 
as  there  is  nothing  to  do  here. 

"  Saturday  Morning  ISth. — Wet;  wind  at  N.  W. ;  a  fresh  gale. 
This  morning  I  began  to  back  up  my  little  things  and  prepare  to  set 
off  to-morrow,  if  God  pleases.  I  waited  on  the  general  for  leave  to 
go  home,  which  he  readily  complied  with.  Also  gave  Mr.  Ogilvie 
liberty  to  go  with  me,  and  desired  I  would  let  him  know  what  I 
wanted,  that  he  might  order  Major  Christie  to  get  everything  ready 
for  me.  This  night  I  supped  with  Colonel  Massey,  when  all  the 
company  were  very  merry.  The  Onondagas  and  Senecas  spoke  for 
powder  and  presents,  with  wampum,  which  I  gave  them. 

"  Sunday  14:th. — Windy;  dry  weather;  the  wind  at  N.  E.  I  was 
up  early,  and  desired  all  hands  to  strike  our  tents,  and  load  the 
battoes."  l 

No.  IV. 

Private  Manuscript  Diary,  kept    by  Sir    William  Johnson,  on  his 
Journey  to  and  from  Detroit — 1761. 

"  Saturday  4tth  July,  1761. —  At  a  meeting  with  all  the  Mohawks 
at  ray  house,  I  acquainted  them  of  my  journey  to  Detroit,  in  order 
to  call  a  meeting  of  the  Ottawa  Confederacy,  and  other  nations  of 
Indians,  inhabiting  those  parts,  with  whom  I  am  directed  by  Gen- 
eral Amherst,  to  settle  and  establish  a  firm  and  lasting  treaty ;  also 
to  regulate  the  trade  at  the  several  posts  in  the  Indian  country. 
After  that,  spoke  to  them,  and  very  strongly  recommended  a  friendly 
behavior  toward  the  king's  subjects  in  my  absence,  and  to  follow 
their  hunting,  &c.     They  were  much  pleased  with  my  acquainting 

1  It  is,  perhaps,  unnecessary  to  remind  the  reader,  that  this  diary  was 
written  hastily — in  the  confusion  of  camp  life — and  was,  moreover,  designed 
for  no  eye  but  the  writer's  ;  hence  the  carelessness  of  the  style.  The  diary 
is  written  in  a  small  leather  covered  book,  very  similar  to  our  modern 
pocket  diaries — exactly  suited  to  the  end  for  which  it  was  designed,  viz : 
to  be  carried  in  the  pocket,  and  taken  out  whenever  the  writer  wished  to 
jot  down  a  thought.  These  remarks  apply  equally  to  Sir  William's  journal 
while  on  his  journey  to  Detroit, — both  being  written  in  the  fame  book. 


430  LIFE    OF    SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

tliem  of  the  cause  of  so  long  a  journey,  and  wished  me  all  success, 
but  said  they  were  very  uneasy  for  my  safety,  there  being  several 
nations  of  Indians,  through  whose  country  I  must  pass,  very  much 
attached  to  the  French  interest;  that  notwithstanding  their  late  fair 
promises,  there  were  several  of  the  Six  Nations,  also,  not  to  be  much 
trusted  at  present.  They  then  assured  me  they  would  strictly  follow 
my  advice,  by  endeavoring  all  in  their  power,  to  prevent  their  young 
men  committing  any  irregularities,  or  differing  with  any  of  the 
soldiers  or  inhabitants.  They  then  said  a  great  deal  concerning 
their  lands,  and  begged  most  earnestly  that  there  might  be  a  stop 
put  to  their  brethren  pressing  and  teazing  them  for  their  lands, 
which  were  now  so  clipped  about  on  every  side,  that  they  could 
scarce  live  by  hunting  on  what  was  now  left.  I  assured  them  no 
land  could  be  now  taken  from  them,  without  being  fairly  purchased 
from  them,  his  majesty  having  giving  it  particularly  in  charge  to  his 
governors,  to  prevent  any  people's  taking  up  land  without  their  con- 
sent, and  payment  made  them  for  it.  They  expressed  much  satis- 
faction at  it,  and  parted. 

"Sunday  July  6th  1761.— I  set  off  from  Fort  Johnson  for 
Detroit,  accompanied  only  by  my  son  John  Johnson,  and  Lieuten- 
ant Guy  Johnson  of  the  Independents.  Dined  at  Hannis  EeiPs; 
there  left  a  letter  for  young  Captain  Fry,  and  four  commissions  for 
himself  and  officers.  Arrived  at  Canajoharie  about  10  at  night. 
Next  morning,  being  Monday,  called  the  Indians  of  that  village 
together  at  my  quarters,  to  whom  I  spoke  as  to  the  Mohawks.  They 
were  full  of  acknowledgment,  and  returned  many  thanks  for  the 
admonitions  I  gave  them,  and  assured  me  they  would  endeavor,  all 
in  their  power,  to  follow  them  and  live  in  friendship  with  their 
neighbors  and  others.  They  concluded  with  great  complaints  against 
some  of  the  inhabitants,  who  are  daily  endeavoring  to  get  away  their 
lands  from  them,  and  that,  for  others  living  at  York,  &c,  whom 
they  never  saw  or  knew  anything  of.  They  then  delivered  a  good 
belt  of  wampum,  and  three  strings,  [of  the  same,]  to  confirm  what 
they  had  said,  and  to  beg  that  their  lands  might  be  left  to  them- 
selves, being  already  scarce  enough  to  live  on. 

Gave  a  belt  and  three  strings. 
I  gave  them  the  same  answer  on  that  head,  as  I  did  to  the  Lower 

Mohawks,    and   ended. That    evening,  left    Canajoharie,    and 

arrived  at  the  German  Flats,  where  I  met  about  thirty  Oneida  and 
Tuscarora  chiefs,  who  were  going  to  my  house,  in  order  to  make  up, 


APPENDIX.  431 

if  possible,  the  murder  of  one  Gustavus  Franks  who  was  lately 
killed  by  one  of  their  nation. 

"Tuesday  7  th. —  They  met  at  my  quarters,  and  spoke  with 
several  belts  of  wampum,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  minutes  of  that 
meeting,  or  in  the  Indian  records.  This  day  my  five  boats  arrived 
here,  and  set  off  immediately. 

"  Wednesday  %th. —  I  set  off  and  arrived  at  Oriske  field  that 
night,  where,  not  finding  my  boats,  was  obliged  to  lie  out  in  the  open 
air  without  any  manner  of  covering  or  conveniency.  Next  day, 
being  Thursday  9th,  I  arrived  at  Fort  Stanwix  about  12  o'clock; 
dined  with  Major  Campbell,  and  lodged  there. 

"  Friday  10th. —  My  boats  with  the  greatest  difficulty  arrived, 
having  been  obliged  to  drag  them  most  of  the  way,  on  account  of 
the  lowness  of  the  water.  Ordered  them  over,  and  got  them 
repaired  in  the  best  manner  I  could,  and  waited  until  the  sluices 
were  supplied  with  water  to  carry  our  boats  down,  which  was  not 
till  Saturday  noon,  and  then  no  farther  than  Bull's  Fort,  where  we 
encamped  in  a  burying  ground  because  it  was  clear. 

"Sunday  12th.—  Opened  the  sluices,  but  for  want  of  water, 
could  not  get  the  boats  all  through  the  sluice;  so  were  obliged  to 
encamp  within  one  hundred  yards  of  our  last  encampment.  Some 
artillery  boats  near  us,  which  have  been  five  days  going  four  miles. 

"  13th. —  Opened  the  sluices,  and  with  the  greatest  difficulty  got 
over  the  smallest  battoe ;  after  which  proceeded  to  Canada  creek  — 
the  rest  of  the  boats  being  obliged  to  halt  about  one  and  a  half 
miles  behind.  Here  Colonel  Eyre  overtook  and  delivered  me  a  let- 
ter from  the  general,  with  intelligence  from  Captain  Campbell,  com- 
manding at  Detroit,  concerning  some  design  of  the  Indians  rising 
against  the  English,  which  was  corroborated  by  accounts  sent  me  by 
two  Mohawk  lads,  Joseph  and  David  from  the  Canajoharie  chiefs, 
who  had  it  from  one  of  their  people,  arrived  from  a  place  beyond 
the  Chenusio,  where  he  has  lived  several  years.  This  was  con- 
firmed by  a  belt  of  wampum.  They  begged  that  I  would  not  pro- 
ceed, as  it  must  be  very  dangerous  to  pass  through  the  country  of 
nations,  who  would  not  be  now  our  friends.  They  were  also  told 
by  the  informant,  that  all  Indians  from  whence  he  came,  looked 
upon,  and  called  them,  the  Mohawks,  Englishmen;  and  that  they 
would  soon  fall  upon  them,  for  their  atachment  to  us.  The  two 
messengers  staid  with  me  that  night.  I  dispatched  them  next  morn- 
ing with  a  belt    in  return  for  theirs,  and  this  answer,  viz  :  that  I 


••> 


V 

LIFE    OF    SIR    WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

took  very  friendly  their  sending  me  the  intelligence,  they  received 
from  one  of  their  people,  and  that  I  hoped  the  Indians  in  that  quarter 
or  any  other,  would  consider  their  interest  more  than  [consent?]  to  a 
thing  which  must  inevitably  bring  on  their  ruin;  that  if  they  had 
any  such  wild  wicked  design  in  view,  I  did  not  doubt  but  my  pres- 
ence among  them  might  put  a  stop  to  it;  therefore  was  determined 
to  proceed  with  all  the  dispatch  possible.  As  to  any  nation  attempt- 
ing to  destroy  them,  for  their  attachment  to  the  English,  they  might 
laugh  at  it,  and  be  assured  that  as  long  as  they,  or  any  other  nations, 
continued  our  friends,  we  would  protect  them  from  any  enemies. 
Gave  them  some  money  for  their  journey,  and  dispatched  them. 

H  14ith. —  We  set  off  about  nine  in  the  morning,  and  encamped 
about  a  mile  below  the  Oak  Field. 

"  15th —  Decamped,  and  with  much  difficulty  arrived  and 
encamped  opposite  the  block  house. 

"  Thursday  l§th. —  Sent  off  the  baggage  boat,  and  went  up  in  a 
whale  boat  toward  the  Oneida  Old  Castle,  in  order  to  meet  with  the 
chiefs  of  that  place,  who  were  sent  for  the  night  before;  but  they 
not  being  at  home,  I  delivered  what  I  had  to  say  to  one  of  their 
chiefs  in  the  presence  of  several  of  their  women,  and  the  Reverend 
Mr.  Oaum,  whom  I  very  strongly  recommended  to  them,  as  I  did, 
also,  a  friendly  behavior  toward  all  their  brethren,  that  I  might  hear 
no  more  complaints  against  them  on  my  return,  nor  from  them 
against  the  officers,  soldiers  or  others  as  usual.  I  then  acquainted 
them  that  General  Amherst  had  sent  me,  some  time  ago,  medals  for 
such  persons  as  went  to  Canada  with  the  army  last  year,  which  I 
was  now  ready  to  deliver,  were  the  persons  here  to  whom  they  be- 
longed. As  they  were  not,  must  keep  them  till  I  had  an  opportunity 
of  delivering  them  myself,  that  no  mistake  might  be  committed. 
They  seemed  well  pleased  at  Mr.  Oaum's  coming  among  them,  and 
expressed  a  great  desire  of  being  instructed  in  the  Christian 
religion.  They  also  assured  me  they  would  communicate  what  I 
had  said,  to  the  rest,  and  added,  they  did  not  doubt  their  complying 
strictly  to  what  I  had  recommended.  They  complained  to  me  of 
their  being  in  a  very  wretched  situation  at  present,  for  the  want  of 
provisions;  that  although  they  were  starving  (which Mr.  Oaum  told 
me  was  the  case),  their  brethren  would  not  give  them  any  provisions. 
I  told  them  they  should  not  depend  upon  that,  but  endeavor  to  sup- 
port themselves  by  hunting,  planting,  &c.  Then  gave  them  a  little 
money  and  parted.     After  that,  I  spoke  to  the  trader  there,  about 


APPENDIX.  433 

the  prices  of  goods,  and  charged  him  at  his  peril,  not  to  impose  on 
any  of  them  in  trade.  Then  proceeded  down  the  lake  to  Fort 
Brewerton,  where  we  arrived  at  sunset.  Supped  with  Captain 
Baugh,  and  encamped  over  the  river,  where  some  New  York  com- 
panies were  also  encamped. 

"  Friday  17th. — Early  in  the  morning,  Saquerisen,  chief  sachem 
of  Ganoghsaragey,  came  to  my  tent,  and  begged  I  would  let  him 
have  some  powder  for  the  support  of  his  family,  which  were  very 
poor.  After  ending  what  he  had  to  say,  which  was  chiefly  on  the 
dearness  of  goods,  and  low  prices  of  beaver  furs,  I  asked  him  whether 
any  deputies  were  sent  by  the  Six  Nations  to  Detroit  or  any  other 
nations  of  Indians  this  spring  or  summer.  He  answered*,  there  were 
some  sent  by  the  Senecas )  that  the  Cayugas  were  to  have  sent  some 
also,  but  on  the  arrival  of  one  of  the  Cayugas  in  the  Seneca  country, 
he  was  told  that  it  would  not  be  prudent  for  him  to  go  so  far  alone, 
so  the  Senecas  went  without  him.  On  my  asking  him,  what  they 
were  gone  about,  he. told  me  that  they  were  in  behalf  of  the  Six 
Nations  to  perform  the  ceremony  of  condolence  for  the  Indians  who 
were  killed  in  the  battle  of  Niagara  in  the  year  1759,  and  after  that, 
vO  strengthen  and  renew  the  old  alliance  between  them.  As  none 
out  the  Senecas  were  sent  among  the  western  Indians,  the  Cayugas 
were  sent  to  Cadaraqui  to  perform  the  same  ceremony  to  the  north- 
ern Indians  living  on  the  north  side  of  the  lake,  for  the  losses  they 
sustained  at  Niagara,  and  after  that  to  renew  their  old  alliances. 
This  is  what  he  told  me,  and  that  on  their  return,  a  meeting  was  to 
be  called  at  Onondaga,  at  which  the  result  of  both  embassies  would 
be  made  known  to  the  whole  Confederacy.  After  this  I  let  him 
know — he  being  one  of  their  most  sensible  men — that  the  Senecas 
who  went  to  Detroit  were  acting  another  part,  and  that  their  plot 
was  discovered.  Here  told  him  as  much  of  the  intelligence  sent  by 
Captain  Campbell,  as  I  thought  necessary,  and  then  laid  before  him 
the  madness  of  such  an  attempt,  and  the  very  fatal  consequences  of 
it  to  all  their  nation ;  and  concluded  with  my  advice  to  him  and  all 
of  them,  that  if  any  such  wicked  design  was  intended,  he  and  the 
rest  of  the  Confederate  part  of  them  would  immediately  put  a  stop 
to  it,  otherwise  it  must  inevitably  bring  on  their  ruin,  which  I  was 
certain  would  be  more  agreeable  to  his  majesty  to  avoid  if  possible. 
On  hearing  what  I  said,  he  seemed  much  surprised,  and  declared 
there  was  no  such  scheme  agreed  on  by  the  Six  Nations,  nor  such 
message  sent  by  them  to  the  Detroit  or  the  Cadaraqui  meeting ;  that 
55 


434  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM    JOHNSON,   BART. 

if  what  I  now  told  him  was  true,  it  must  come  from  the  Seneca 
nation,  and  concluded  by  assuring  me  he  would,  on  his  arrival  at  his 
castle,  acquaint  the  rest  of  the  sachems,  and  then  fall  on  the  best 
measures  they  could,  to  find  what  the  Senecas  had  done  at  Detroit, 
and  if,  as  they  now  heard,  endeavor  to  put  a  stop  to  it.  I  sent  a 
string  of  white  wampum  by  an  Onondaga  young  Indian,  who  came 
to  me  while  talking  to  the  Tuscarora  sachem,  to  desire  the  Bunt  and 
other  chiefs  of  that  nation  to  come  to  me  at  Oswego,  in  order  to 
talk  with  them  on  business,  as  well  as  to  deliver  their  medals  to  all 
those  of  that  nation  who  accompanied  the  general  last  year  to  Canada. 
On  my  mentioning  some  particular  chiefs,  he  told  me  they  were 
gone  on  the  invitation  of  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  a  meeting 
there  to  be  held.  The  Tuscarora  sachem  told  me  that  his  and  the 
Oneida  nation  refused  sending  any  to  attend  said  meeting.  I  dis- 
patched the  messenger,  gave  him  a  dollar  and  stockings,  and  to  the 
other,  several  silver  trinkets  and  decamped  at  9  o'clock.  Arrived  at 
the  Three  Rivers  about  6  in  the  evening,  where  I  encamped. 

"  Saturday  l§th. — Rained  very  hard  until  12  o'clock.  Then  set 
off  for  Oswego  Falls,  where  we  arrived  about  5  o'clock.  Supped 
with  the  officer,  Mr.  Malto,  and  bespoke  another  boat. 

"  Sunday  19^. — Set  off  for  Oswego  about  6  o'clock,  with  two 
boats,  and  arrived  there  about  one.  Dined  at  Major  Duncan's  mess. 
After  dinner  viewed  the  vessel  I  am  to  go  in.  I  saw  some  Senecas 
or  Chenusios  come  lately  from  Niagara ;  asked  them  whether  the 
deputies  were  returned  from  Detroit.  They  said  not  when  they  left 
home,  but  were  daily  expected. 

"  Monday  20^. — Had  several  Swegatchie,  Mississagey,  and  other 
Indians  come  to  my  tent,  to  whom  I  told  the  intent  of  my  going  to 
Detroit  was  to  settle  and  establish  a  lasting  peace  and  friendship 
with  all  nations  of  Indians  who  desired  his  majesty's  protection. 
Also  to  regulate  trade,  and  put  it  on  the  best  footing  possible  at 
present,  and  desired  they  would  acquaint  all  their  people  with  what 
I  now  told  them.  They  seemed  vastly  pleased  with  what  I  told 
them,  and  promised  to  deliver  all  I  said  to  them  on  their  return 
to  their  nation.  They  asked  the  reason  of  so  many  men  here, 
and  passing  by  with  cannon.  I  told  them  some  were  for  finishing 
the  forts,  others  for  garrisoning  the  several  outposts  surrendered 
to  his  Britannic  Majesty  by  the  capitulation,  which  by  the  late- 
ness of  the  season  could  not  be  done  last  year ;  that  the  cannon 
were  for  the  vessels  and  forts.     I  sent  a  string  of  wampum  by  Kay- 


APPENDIX.  435 

enquego,  a  Chenusio  Indian,  to  desire  that  a  few  sachems  of  his 
nation  would  meet  me  at  Niagara,  in  five  or  six  days  at  farthest. 
He  set  off  in  the  afternoon,  and  promised  to  be  at  Chenusio  in  three 
days,  for  which  I  bought  of  Mr.  Keikman  a  shroud,  gartering, 
stockings,  &c,  for  him  as  a  present,  and  gave  him  a  little  money  to 
buy  provisions.  In  the  evening,  two  Onondagas  arrived,  and  let  me 
know  that  forty  of  their  nation  were  encamped  about  a  mile  from 
hence,  and  would  be  here  in  the  morning  to  hear  what  I  had  to  say 
to  them.  The  vessel  being  ready  to  sail  for  Niagara,  I  desired  the 
messengers  to  return  and  let  the  sachems  know  I  impatiently  waited 
their  arrival.     On  which  they  set  off. 

"  Tuesday  21st. — Got  everything  on  board  the  vessel,  then  met 
the  Onondaga  and  other  chiefs.  When  assembled,  I  bid  them  wel- 
come ;  condoled  their  late  losses  agreeably  to  custom ;  acquainted 
them  with  the  reason  of  my  not  calling  them  to  a  general  council 
since  my  return  from  Canada ;  and  then  let  them  know  the  reason 
of  my  going  to  Detroit,  and  told  them  I  expected  the  Five  Nations 
would  have  attended  said  meeting.  Then  advised  them  to  a  friendly 
behavior  toward  their  brethren,  and  not  to  pay  any  regard  to  the 
reports  of  foolish,  idle  people,  as  they  hitherto  have  too  frequently 
done. — A  Belt  of  Wampum.  Then  delivered  the  medals  sent  me  by 
the  general  for  those  who  went  with  us  to  Canada  last  year,  being 
twenty-three  in  number. 

"  They  then  withdrew  about  an  hour,  and  sent  me  word  they 
were  ready  to  answer. 

"  Present,  Major  Duncan,  Captain  Gray,  several  officers  of  the 
55th  and  Gage's  regiment,  interpreters,  &c. 

"  The  speaker  stood  up,  and  went  through  the  ceremony  of  con- 
dolence for  the  losses  we  sustained,  and  returned  first  many  thanks 
for  what  I  had  done,  with  three  strings  of  wampum.  He  then 
pulled  out  a  large,  white  belt,  which  I  had  given  them  formerly 
when  going  to  Niagara,  and  repeated  all  I  had  said  by  said  belt,  viz  : 
a  good  trade  was  promised,  and  good  usage  of  them  forever  after,  if 
they  would  exert  themselves  in  conjunction  with  us  against  the 
enemy,  which,  they  said,  they  had  done  by  giving  us  Niagara  as  a 
salve  for  our  wounds.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  they  alleged  they 
were  very  ill  used  and  treated  by  our  people  in  point  of  trade,  and 
at  the  several  posts,  where  they  are  roughly  handled,  very  often 
without  any  cause.  As  this  is  so  contrary  to  what  they  expected  in 
case  we  conquered  the  French,  they  all   entreated   that  they  might 


436  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

be  better  used,  or  else  they  must  think  that  what  the  French  told 
them  was  true.— Laid  down  a  large  belt.—"  Brother  :  We  are 
surprised  at  your  going  to  call  a  council  at  Detroit,  when  you  know 
that  the  chief  and  only  council  fire  burns  at  your  house  and  Onon- 
daga; besides  these  Indians  you  are  going  to,  ought  rather,  as  being 
aggressors,  to  come  to  you.  You  recommend  it  to  us  to  mind  our 
hunting  and  trade,  and  live  in  friendship  with  our  brethren  at  the 
several  posts.  It  is  what  we  would  be  very  desirous  of,  but  they, 
by  their  behavior  to  us  at  the  several  posts,  seem  not  to  have  any 
liking  for  us,  and  use  us  very  ill  at  times  without  any  cause,  taking 
our  women  from  us  by  violence,  using  them  and  us  ill  besides,  and 
hindering  us  from  fishing  and  hunting  on  our  own  grounds  near  the 
posts,  and  often  taking  what  we  catch  or  kill  from  us.  This  is  not 
agreeable  to  the  promises  made  us,  or  the  friendship  so  long  estab- 
lishing between  us  and  you.  We  beg,  brother,  you  will  interpose 
and  see  justice  done  us,  and  that  there  may  be  a  fair  trade  carried 
on  by  your  people ;  also  interpreters  allowed  at  the  several  posts, 
who  may  prevent  misunderstandings  happening  between  us  and  our 
brethren,  for  want  of  knowing  what  each  other  says. 

"  Brother  :  With  regard  to  what  you  told  us  —  concerning  the 
intelligence  sent  from  Detroit,  and  desiring  us  to  take  care  how  we 
entered  into  any  sueh  vile,  dangerous  schemes,  and  that  we  should 
not  get  drunk,  or  suffer  our  heads  to  turn,  which  would  end  in  our 
ruin  —  we  can  only  say,  that  we  know  nothing  at  all  about  any 
such  plot ;  neither  are  we,  or  shall  we  get  drunk  or  suffer  our  heads 
to  grow  giddy,  but  hold  fast  the  covenant-chain,  and  hope  you,  on 
your  part,  will  also  hold  it  fast—  then  we  may  both  live  to  be  grey. 
This  belt  of  yours  shall  be  sent  to  the  several  nations,  our  allies, 
and  acquaint  -them  with  what  you  say,  and  our  resolutions  now 
declared  to  you,  which  we  expect  will  be  a  rule  or  precedent  to  them, 
when  they  are  all  acquainted  therewith,  you  will  receive  a  belt  in 
return. 

"  Brother :  Here  is  one  of  our  people  present,  named  Kanadacta, 
who  had  his  hunting  house  near  this  place,  plundered  this  last 
spring,  while  he  was  on  the  hunt,  of  thirty  buck  skins,  two  kettles, 
a  gun,  axes,  &c,  by  some  of  the  English  going  to  Isle  Royal.  He 
hopes  you  will  inquire  into  it,  and  get  him  some  redress.  He  is 
now  left  quite  naked  thereby,  as  he  has  nothing  to  purchase  clothing. 
— A  String. 

"  Brother;  I  now  speak  at  the  desire  of  the  warriors  who  came 


APPENDIX.  437 

here  to  see  you,  and  wish  you  a  successful  journey,  and  safe  return. 
I  am,  on  their  behalf,  to  let  you  know  they  are  much  distressed  for 
the  want  of  ammunition  to  hunt  and  maintain  their  families  by. 
Not  being  able  to  get  any  for  love  or  money,  they,  therefore,  by  this 
large  bunch  of  wampum,  beg  you  will  let  them  have  a  couple  of 
casks  to  serve  them  with  until  you  return,  and  lead  in  proportion ; 
and  be  assured  they  will  not  forget  your  favor." —  Gave  a  large  Bunch, 
of  Wampum  and  ended. 

" 1  then  answered  them  thus  : 

"  Brethren  of  Onondaga  and  others  : — This  belt  you  now  lay  before 
me  by  way  of  reminding  me  of  the  promises  made  you  heretofore, 
is  needless,  because  I  have  it  on  record,  as  well  as  your  promises  and 
conduct  never  to  be  forgotten.  Your  behavior  last  year,  in  many  of 
your  people  leaving  the  general  and  me  at  Swegatchie  after  the 
reduction  of  Isle  Royal,  was  so  unbrotherlike,  that  neither  the 
general  nor  myself  could  think  of  serving  you,  who  left  us,  as  here- 
tofore :  that  and  some  other  parts  of  your  conduct,  has  occasioned 
our  not  fulfilling  all  that  was  promised  you,  so  that  you  may  blame 
yourselves,  not  us.  However,  if  your  promises  now  made  of  keep- 
ing fast  hold  of  the  covenant  chain  for  the  future  be  sincere  (which 
will  be  your  interest),  you  may  expect  we  will,  in  such  case,  act  a 
friendly  part  toward  you,  and  allow  you  a  plentiful  trade,  and  not 
suffer  any  of  our  people  to  molest  or  use  you  ill.  If  they  should 
undeservedly,  they  will  be  punished  J  for  the  general  is  determined 
that  neither  shall  kill  or  hunt  the  other  unpunished.     A  Belt. 

"  Brethren:  As  our  conquests  in  this  country  are  now  great,  by 
beating  our  common  enemy,  our  trade  and  alliances  of  course  must 
be  more  extensive  than  heretofore,  and  it  will  be  necessary  to  have 
other  meetings  and  places  of  trade,  than  Oswego  and  Onondaga. 
So  that  your  surprise  may  now  cease,  when  you  see  that  we  have 
agents  for  the  management  of  Indian  affairs  in  several  quarters,  viz : 
here  at  Pittsborough,  Detroit  and  Canada,  the  better  to  keep  up  a 
good  understanding  with,  and  strengthen  the  extensive  alliance  now 
between  us  and  the  many  nations  of  Indians  who  have,  and  are  daily 
coming  in  to  our  interest;  seeing  it  their  interest  to  be  friends  with 
the  English,  it  will  be  for  your  good  to  keep  up  a  good  understand- 
ing with  them  also.  As  to  your  people  being  abused,  or  ill  treated 
at  our  posts,  I  fancy  it  must  be  owing  to  ill  behavior  in  you  when 
in  liquor,  wherefore  [I]  would  recommend  to  you  to  leave  off  the 
immoderate  use  of  it;  and  I  am  certain  then  you  will  not  meet 


438  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 

with  any  ill  usage  undeservedly.  I  would  also  advise  you  not  to  be 
going  constantly  to,  or  idling  away  your  time  at  the  posts,  as  you 
can  employ  it  to  more  purpose  by  hunting  for  the  support  of  your 
families.  On  my  return,  I  shall  provide  interpreters  to  remain  at 
the  principal  forts  or  posts,  which  will  be  a  means  of  preventing 
disputes  arising  between  the  garrisons  and  your  people,  for  want  of 
understanding  each  other. 

"Brethren:  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  that  you  know  nothing  of, 
nor  have  no  hand  in,  what  is  said  to  have  been  proposed  by  the 
Senecas  at  Detroit.  If  you  act  the  wise  part,  you  will  avoid  engaging 
in  a  wild  scheme,  which  none  but  madmen  would  think  of,  as  such 
a  one  would  inevitably  end  in  your  ruin.  You  are  right  in  letting 
all  your  friends  know  your  resolution  of  holding  fast  the  covenant 
chain,  and  living  in  friendship  with  the  English;  and  I  doubt  not 
but  that  they  will  readily  follow  your  example,  as  they  certainly 
have  sense  enough  to  know  what  is  their  own  interest.  That  will 
be  the  surest  way  of  living  until  you  are  grey-headed,  which  I  wish 
you  to  attain  to. 

"Brethren:  Could  the  person  who  robbed  Kanadacta's  hunting 
house  last  spring  be  found  out,  he  would  be  punished  in  such  a 
manner  as  the  nature  of  the  crime  required,  and  proper  satisfaction 
made  to  the  man  agrieved.  But  until  it  can  be  known  who  did  it, 
there  can  be  nothing  done,  more  than  that  I  will,  on  my  return, 
consider  his  losses,  by  giving  him  some  clothing,  a  kettle,  &c. 

Returned  his  String. 

"Brethren:  As  I  am  pleased  with  your  professions  of  friendship, 
and  conduct  at  this  meeting,  and  am  sensible  of  your  distressed  situ- 
ation for  the  want  of  ammunition  to  support  your  families,  I  will  speak 
to  the  officer  commanding  this  fort,  to  supply  you  with  two  casks 
of  powder,  which  I  hope  you  will,  by  your  behavior  toward  your 
brethren,  shew  them  you  deserve  it ;  and  that  will  be  the  means  of 
making  us  ready  to  assist  you,  and  be  ready  to  supply  your  wants 
another  time."     Returned  a  large  bunch  of  black  and  white  wampum. 

"  I  then  concluded  by  telling  them,  that  soon  after  my  return,  I 
proposed  calling  a  meeting  of  the  Six  Nations,  in  order  to  strengthen 
the  covenant  chain,  and  put  all  matters  between  them  and  us  on  the 
best  footing.  Then  I  bid  them  farewell.  So  ended  this  meeting. 
I  then  dined  with  Major  Duncan,  and  at  4  o'clock  P.  M.,  went  on 
board  the  French  schooner  called ,J  with  Colonel  Eyre,  Lieuten- 

1  Illegible  in  manuscript. 


APPENDIX.  439 

ant  Guy  Johnson,    Lieutenant  Irwin,  and  my  son    Captain  John 
Johnson — the  wind  at  W.  S.  W. 

"  Wednesday  22d. —  Fine  weather.  We  had  a  view  of  Irondc- 
cxuat  land;  also,  towards  evening,  a  view  of  the  Highland  on  the 
north  shore.  This  day  wrote  my  brother  Warren  a  letter,  and  en- 
closed it  in  one  to  Ferrall  Wade. 

"  Thursday  23d. —  Fine  weather ;  wind  N.  W.  We  were  obliged 
to  trip  it.  About  noon,  the  wind  blew  very  hard  ahead,  so  that  we 
could  not  reach  Niagara  although  in  sight,  and  were  obliged  to  beat 
off  all  night  in  a  very  rough  sea,  in  great  danger  of  loosing  our 
mainmast. 

"  Friday  24:th. —  In  the  morning,  wind  at  N.  East.  At  6,  in 
sight  of  Niagara  Fort;  stood  in  and  made  the  harbor  about  7  in  the 
morning.  Went  on  shore,  when  I  met  Major  Walters,  and  several 
of  the  traders;  went  to  the  fort,  to  a  room  prepared  forme,  break- 
fasted and  dined  there.  Major  Walters  delivered  me  a  letter  from 
Captain  Campbell,  at  Detroit,  with  minutes  of  a  conference  held 
there,  the  3d  inst.,  by  the  two  Seneca  deputies  with  the  several 
nations  living  about  there,  who  disapproved  of  the  Seneca's  message 
and  intentions.  Mr.  Preston,  formerly  of  the  44th  regiment,  came 
to  me  and  told  me  that  the  Chenusios,  with  whom  he  lived  all  the 
winter,  were  not  well  affected  to  the  English,  neither  did  they  like 
our  going  beyond  Niagara  to  garrison  posts,  or  even  to  trade;  that 
it  was  their  country,  and  they  looked  upon  it,  that  we  were  going  to 
surround  or  hem  them  in;  that  they  were  very  scarce  of  powder, 
and  believes  if  they  had  a  sufficiency,  they  would  be  ready  enough 
to  fall  upon  some  parties  of  our  people  going  to  Detroit ;  that  they 
have  an  English  lad  prisoner,  and  a  great  number  of  horses,  which 
they  stole  from  us;  and  that  they  daily  take  more  from  Pittsborough, 
&c. 

"  Saturday  26th. — Some  Senecas  came  to  me  and  complained  of 
their  being  robbed  by  some  of  the  garrison,  having  four  horses  also 
stole  from  them,  and  one  of  their  men  wounded  in  the  breast  and 
arm,  by  shot  from  one  of  the  soldiers  at  Little  Niagara.  I  gave 
them  two  casks  of  rum,  some  paint  and  money,  to  help  toward 
making  up  their  losses,  on  which  they  went  away  pretty  well  satis- 
fied. Another  complained  of  his  brother  being  killed  by  some  of 
the  garrison  at  Venango  without  any  cause,  which  made  the  rest 
of  the  people  of  that  settlement  break  up,  and  go  to  Chenusio 
much  dissatisfied.     In  the  afternoon,  Major  Gladwin  arrived  with 


440  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

Gage's  Light  Infantry,  and  encamped.  Our  boats  still  behind. 
Captain  Butler  from  Toronto  arrived  here,  and  gave  a  very  good 
account  of  the  behavior  of  the  Mississagays,  Chippawas,  Michilimak- 
inacs,  &c,  during  their  residence  there,  and  by  their  speeches,  and 
everything  else,  seemed  to  be  very  hearty  in  our  interest.  He  is  to 
set  off  from  here  on  the  morrow. 

"  Sunday  26*A. —  At  seven  in  the  morning,  I  set  off  with  Colonel 
Eyre,  Lieutenant  Johnson,  my  son,  and  De  Couagne,  for  the  island, 
whereon  the  vessel  is  building  for  exploring  the  Lakes  Huron  and 
Michigan,  which  island  is  about  two  miles  from  Little  Niagara,  on 
the  place  where  Shabear  Jean  Coeur  lived.  There  is  a  house  built 
within  a  quarter  of  mile  of  said  place,  by  one  Stirling,  for  the  use 
of  the  company,  viz;  Rutherford,  Duncan,  &c,  who  intend  to 
monopolize  the  whole  carrying-place,  by  virtue  of  a  permit  from 
General  Amherst.  The  schooner,  building  upon  the  island,  was  in 
such  forwardness  as  to  be  ready  to  launch  in  about  ten  days,  but 
was  put  a  stop  to  in  order  to  build  a  boat,  pinnace  fashion,  for  Major 
Gladwin's  service.  Dined  with  John  Dies,  after  which  Colonel  Eyre 
went  in  a  boat  to  explore  the  Chippaway  river — the  entrance  of 
which  is  about  two  miles  above  the  Great  Falls.  In  another  branch 
of  said  river,  our  people  found  a  great  quantity  of  pine  planks  of 
several  dimensions,  sawed  by  hand,  which  they  used  in  making 
the  vessels.  About  6  P.  M.,  we  set  off  from  the  post  where  Jean 
Cceur  lived,  and  arrived  at  the  fort  of  Niagara  at  9  at  night. 

"  Monday  27th. —  Major  Gladwin  and  I  went  to  desire  Major 
Walters  to  suspend  a  court  martial,  which  was  ordered  to  be  held 
on  one  Ensign  Hays,  which  he  said  he  could  [not]  possibly  agree  to, 
so  the  court  martial  sat.  About  9  o'clock,  an  Onondaga  Indian 
came  and  complained  to  me  of  John  Abeel's  cheating  him )  on 
which  I  sent  the  Indian,  with  the  orderly  sergeant,  and  a  few  lines, 
to  Abeel,  and  made  him  do  justice  to  the  Indian,  which,  with  a  little 
money  I  gave  him  to  buy  provisions  for  his  journey,  pleased  him 
greatly,  as  did  also  my  acquainting  him  with  the  reason  of  my  jour- 
ney to  Detroit.  He  greatly  disapproved  of  the  Chenussios'  conduct, 
and  said  they  were  always  a  troublesome  set  of  people.  About  12 
o'clock,  took  a  walk  into  the  Trader's  Town,  where  I  met  Mabicomi- 
cot,  chief  of  the  Mississagays,  with  whom  I  had  a  little  chat,  and 
invited  him  to  the  fort.  Dined  with  Major  Walters.  After  dinner, 
Major  Gladwin  and  I  settled  the  number  of  men  necessary  to  send,  for 
garrisoning  the  several    little  out-posts   in  the  Indian  country,  viz  ; 


APPENDIX.  441 

two  subalterns  and  sixty  men,  which,  with  what  men  Campbell  may 
spare,  we  judged  sufficient  for  three  posts,  which  Mr.  Gladwin 
imagines  is  as  much  as  he  can  visit  this  season.  They  are  to  setoff 
and  follow  us  as  soon  as  boats  and  provisions  can  be  got  ready,  so  as 
not  to  delay  the  service.  Captain  Etherington  was  present  at  the 
time.  I  gave  Major  Gladwin,  at  the  same  time,  two  letters,  the  one 
for  Mr.  Croghan  at  Sandusky,  the  other  for  Captain  Campbell  at 
Detroit;  with  which  he  is  to  send  an  officer  to-morrow,  and  a  boat's 
crew  to  Sandusky,  where  he  is  to  remain  until  Mr.  Croghan  arrives; 
then  proceed  to  Detroit.  The  reason  of  my  sending  this  express  is, 
to  have  all  those  Indians  acquainted  with  our  coming  there,  so  as 
not  to  surprise  or  alarm  them.  My  boats  not  yet  arrived.  I  ordered 
a  battoe  to  be  fitted  up  for  my  own  use,  there  being  no  whale  boats 
here,  nor  at  Oswego,  fit  to  go  in. 

"  Tuesday  2%tli. —  Had  a  meeting  with  several  Chippaway  chiefs, 
in  the  presence  of  Colonel  Eyre,  Major  Walters,  &c,  Mr.  De  Couagne, 
interpreter,  which  will  appear  by  the  records.  An  Onondaga 
Indian  just  arrived  from  Detroit  with  a  trader,  who  was  present  at 
the  meeting  there,  between  the  two  Seneca  messengers,  the  Che- 
nundaddeys,  Ottawas,  &c,  and  told  me  the  whole  of  what  passed 
there.  He  says  it  was  chiefly  spoken  in  Shabear  Jean  Coeur's  name, 
who,  before  [he  was]  taken,  advised  that  step  to  be  taken,  in  case  the 
French  should  fall.  He  thinks  some  of  the  Ottawas  are  not  yet  well 
inclined  to  peace  with  us,  but  that  the  Wyandots  asked  the  Onon- 
daga whether  his  nation  was  concerned  in  the  affair.  He  declared 
they  were  not,  which  pleased  the  others  much.  He  tells  me  the  two 
messengers  are  returned  by  the  way  of  Ohio  ;  they  live  at  Garahusk- 
aragey;  one  of  their  names  is  Tahaiadoris.  The  Onondaga,  who  came 
from  Detroit,  complained  to  me  of  his  being  wronged  by  one  Stillman, 
in  whose  employ  he  was  as  battoe-man.  Said  Stillman  agreed  with 
him  for  £4  pr.  month,  victuals  and  drink ;  that  he  had  served  him 
faithfully,  and  could  not  get  his  pay,  Stillman  trumping  up  an 
account  against  him  for  £11.18.  of  which  sum,  he  charges  for  five 
gallons  of  rum  £10, —  and  delivered  me  said  Stillman's  account.  I 
sent  for  him,  in  order  to  examine  into  the  affair,  but  he  is  gone  to 
the  carrying-place.  Major  Walters  made  a  long  complaint  to  me 
of  the  disrespect  showed  him  by  his  officers,  and  the  partiality  shown 
in  behalf  of  Mr.  Hays,  tried  yesterday  by  a  court  martial,  and  said 
if  the  general  did  not  support  him,  he  would  desire  to  be  relieved. 
About  5  o'clock,  began  to  rain.  No  account  yet  of  my  battoes. 
56 


442 

This  morning,  the  light  infantry  moved  up  to  the  carrying-place  and 
propose  to  begin  riding  over  some  of  their  things  to-morrow  morn- 
ing. This  day,  made  out  a  speech  to  deliver  the  Senecas  and  Che- 
nusios  on  their  arrival  here.  I  hourly  expect  them.  Ordered 
some  provisions  this  day  for  the  Indians,  viz ;  11  loaves  of  4  lbs. 
each,  and  28  [pounds]  pork.     Supped  with  Captain  Etherington. 

"  Wednesday  2§th. — Fine  weather.  No  account  of  my  boats  yet. 
Three  French  families  arrived  yesterday  evening  from  Montreal, 
going  to  settle  at  Detroit.  They  saw  nothing  of  my  boats.  This 
day,  borrowed  of  William  Knox,  sutler,  the  sum  of  fifty-six  pounds 
York  currency;  when  we  arrive  at  Detroit,  he  will  make  up  as  far 
as  one  hundred  pounds,  which  I  am  to  give  him  a  draft  for,  on 
Ferrall  Wade.  Wrote  this  day,  by  Colonel  Eyre,  to  General  Amherst. 
"  Thursday  30th. — Fine  weather  ;  wind  westerly.  Colonel  Eyre, 
Mr.  Cox,  and  Mr.  McAdam  were  to  sail  in  the  vessel  for  Oswego, 
which  was  loaded  mostly  with  beaver  skins,  &c.  This  afternoon,  I 
had  the  Chippaway  and  Mississagey  sachems,  who  delivered  me  their 
answer  to  what  I  said  to  them  the  day  before.  I  promised  them 
some  clothing  to-morrow,  and  a  little  ammunition  and  provision  to 
carry  the  families  of  those  who  go  with  me,  back  to  their  own 
country — also  to  send  them  a  smith  next  fall  to  this  place  to  mend 
their  arms  and  working  utensils. 

"Friday  31st. — A  fine  morning.  Colonel  Eyre  came  to  my  room 
at  5  o'clock  to  take  leave,  the  vessel  waiting  with  a  fair  wind  No 
account  yet  from  the  Senecas,  whom  I  sent  for  from  Oswego. 
Wrote  Ferrall  Wade  by  Colonel  Eyre;  also  a  letter  to  General 
Amherst  per  Colonel  Eyre.  In  the  afternoon  delivered  the  present 
to  the  Chippaways  and  Mississageys,  who  were  very  thankful,  and 
made  the  fairest  promises  that  could  be,  of  living  forever  in  friend- 
ship with  the  English.  They  added,  that  on  the  return  of  their 
people,  who  were  setting  off  for  their  country,  their  nation,  on  seeing 
the  friendly  usage  they  met  with,  would  be  convinced  more  and 
more  of  our  brotherly  regard  for  them,  and  would  be  the  means  of 
riveting  them  all  firm  to  our  interest.  Then  I  spoke  with  some 
Chenundaddey  Indians,  just  arrived  from  Detroit,  and  desired  them 
to  call  upon  me  next  morning,  that  I  might  send  a  message  by  them 
to  their  nation. 

"  Saturday  August  the  1st. — The  Chenundaddey  Indians  came  to 
my  quarters,  when  I  delivered  a  belt  of  7  rows  of  wampum,  and 
Aesited  they  would  acquaint  their  nation  of  my  coming  to  hold  a 


APPENDIX.  443 

council  in  their  town,  where  I  desired  they,  the  Wyandots,  would 
summon  all  the  surrounding  nations  as  soon  as  possible,  that  I  might 
be  able  to  return  before  the  bad  season  of  the  year  came  on.  I  also 
acquainted  them  by  said  belt  of  Major  Grladwin  being  on  his  way 
thither,  in  order  to  garrison  the  several  French  posts,  surrendered 
to  us  by  the  capitulation  of  Canada  last  year,  so  as  not  to  be  sur- 
prised at  their  appearance.  Then  delivered  them  a  little  clothing, 
paint,  some  silver  trinkets,  and  cash  to  buy  bread  for  their  journey. 
— A  Belt. 

"  Their  answer.  Brother :  It  gives  us  great  pleasure  to  see  you 
of  whom  we  have  often  heard  ;  and  we  now  heartily  shake  you  by 
the  hand  as  our  friend.  We  return  you  many  thanks  for  this  mark 
of  your  friendship ;  and  be  assured,  if  the  wind  will  allow  us,  we  will 
be  in  a  few  days  home,  when  we  will  deliver  your  message  faithfully 
to  our  chief  men,  who  will  doubtless  send  runners  to  call  the  other 
nations  to  meet  you — then  parted.  About  two  hours  afterward  they 
returned  to  let  me  know  that  they  could  not  proceed,  as  their  canoe 
was  broken  by  the  soldiers  at  Little  Niagara,  on  which  I  got  Major 
Walters  to  write  the  sergeant  there  about  it,  and  get  them  a  little 
pitch  to  mend  it.  So  set  them  off.  This  day  Soajoana,  chief  of 
the  Senecas,  arrived  here.  I  sent  an  Onondaga  to  desire  he  would 
come  to  me,  as  I  wanted  to  speak  with  him.  In  the  afternoon  took 
a  walk  to  my  old  encampment  in  1759. 

"  Sunday  August  2d. — Fine,  warm  weather.  No  account  yet  of 
my  boats.  Quite  out  of  patience  waiting  for  them.  In  the  after- 
noon took  a  walk  to  Petite  Marie,  or  landing-place,  but  could  not  see 
or  hear  anything  of  my  boats.  Two  of  the  light  infantry  deserted. 
Soajoana  not  come  to  me  yet. 

11  Monday  3d. — Still  fine  weather;  wind  at  W.  A  Chenusio 
young  fellow  arrived  here  about  3  o'clock,  sent  by  the  sachems  to 
acquaint  me,  that  they  were,  to  the  number  of  thirty,  on  their  way 
hither,  agreeably  to  the  call  I  gave  them,  when  at  Oswego,  on 
hearing  that  some  of  their  nation  had  been  to  Detroit  with  a  war- 
belt.  The  messenger  told  me  they  would  be  here  to-morrow  or 
next  day  at  farthest,  having  parted  from  them  yesterday.  Major 
Gladwin  came  here  from  the  Falls,  and  told  me  he  expected  to  have 
his  boats,  &c,  over  in  four  or  five  days  ;  that  the  pinnance  he  ordered 
to  be  made  would  be  finished  in  about  ten  days.  Captain  Fonda 
arrived  here  from  Toronto,  where  he  said  the  trade  was  over  for 
this  season;  and  that  they  had  a  great  deal  of  goods  yet  on  hand, 


444  LIFE   OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

which  he  offered  to  sell  at  prime  cost,  but  could  not  dispose  of  them. 
He  says  the  Indians  all  behaved  extremely  well  who  came  there  to 
trade ;  that  they  sell  gunpowder  at  a  bear  skin  for  a  pound. 

"  Tuesday  4th. — Fine  weather;  very  warm.  Wind  at  S.  W.  No 
account  of  my  boats  yet.  This  morning,  sent  two  Senecas  in 
pursuit  of  two  deserters  of  Gage's.  A  Seneca  Indian,  who  came 
over  to  my  camp  during  the  siege  of  this  place,  with  about  thirty 
of  his  people,  paid  me  a  visit.  On  my  examining  him,  and  asking 
how  it  came  that  the  Senecas  sent  such  a  message  to  the  western 
Indians  at  and  about  Detroit,  he  told  me  that  it  came  from  the 
Indians  about  Ohio,  who  had  one  of  their  men  killed  at  or  near  Fort 
Pitt  last  spring;  that  others  were  abused  much  by  the  English,  and 
lately,  five  Delawares  were  killed  near  Shamokin,  and  a  Seneca  killed 
by  the  garrison  at  Venango;  that  he  believed  that  to  be  the  reason 
of  their  sending  such  a  message  to  Detroit,  imagining  the  English 
intended  their  destruction  from  their  unfriendly  and  rough  behavior 
to  the  Indians  who  came  to  see  them.  The  name  of  Shabear's  son, 
who  went  with  the  war  belt  to  Detroit  is  Tahaijdoris;  the  other  is 
Kaiaghshota,  both  Senecas.  Mr.  De  Couagne,  interpreter,  came  to 
let  me  know  that  Sonajoana,  chief  of  the  Seneca  nation,  was  here, 
and  intended  to  wait  on  me  this  morning.  About  12,  he,  another 
Seneca,  and  their  families  came  to  my  quarters,  and  after  telling  me 
they  were  very  glad  to  see  me,  said  they  would  wait  the  arrival  of 
the  several  sachems  of  their  nation,  who  were  coming  here  on  my 
call  from  Oswego,  and  expected  they  would  arrive  to-morrow.  Gave 
them  pipes,  tobacco,  a  little  provision,  and  a  couple  glasses  of  wine 
to  each,  and  parted.  I  desired  Major  Walters  to  forbid  any  rum  by 
traders,  sutlers  or  others,  to  the  Indians,  during  the  stay  of  the  Seneca 
chiefs,  as  it  would  not  only  confound  them,  but  greatly  retard  the 
intended  meeting.  He  accordingly  gave  out  his  orders  for  that  pur- 
pose. This  afternoon,  I  made  out  regulations  for  Indian  trade,  which 
is  to  be  put  up  at  each  post  where  trade  is  carried  on  with  Indians. 

"  Wednesday  5th. — Very  heavy  rain  in  the  morning  until  nine 
o'clock.  Wind  at  S.  West.  No  account  yet  of  my  boats.  Captain 
Fonda  came  to  acquaint  me  he  was  going  to  Toronto,  as  he  could 
not  dispose  of  his  cargo  here,  although  he  offered  all  his  rum  at  8s.  6d. 
per  gallon.  In  the  afternoon  went  a  gunning  with  Captain  Slossen. 
Four  men  whipped,  for  robbing  a  Seneca  Indian  of  a  keg  of  rum,  in 
their  presence. 

''Thursday  6th. — Fine  weather:  wind  at  N.  East;  very  warm, 


APPENDIX.  445 

No  account  of  my  boats  yet.  I  made  out  a  regulation  for  the  Oswego 
trade  this  day,  which  I  am  to  send  by  first  opportunity  to  Major 
Duncan  in  order  to  set  it  up  in  the  fort.  In  the  afternoon  took  a 
ride  to  Petite  Marie  with  Lieutenant  Johnson,  Captain  Etherington 
and  Doctor  Stevenson.  In  the  evening  Collins  Andrews  arrived 
here  from  Detroit  in  fifteen  days;  all  well  there,  but  trade  very  dull. 
Goods  sold  at  20  and  30  per  cent,  profit  to  each  other.  Mr.  G-amblin, 
who  was  taken  prisoner  here  two  years  ago,  is  come  in  company 
with  him  to  the  falls,  and  will  be  here  to-morrow  or  next  day. 

"Friday  1th. — Fine  weather;  but  rather  too  hot  wind  at  west. 
No  account  of  my  boats. 

"  Saturday  Sth. —  Fine  weather;  wind  atN.  E.,  until  11  o'clock, 
then  turned  to  S.  W.;  weather  warm.  At  12  o'clock  the  Senecas 
came  to  me,  and  told  me  that  three  young  men,  who  were  sent  by 
the  sachems  express,  arrived,  and  were  desired  to  acquaint  me  that 
the  sachems,  &c,  who  were  coming  on  my  call  from  Oswego,  were 
returned  on  account  of  one  of  their  chief  men,  named  Karaghian- 
aghqui,  falling  sick,  which  prevented  their  proceeding.  Therefore, 
would  be  glad  if  I  would  deliver  what  I  had  to  say,  to  the  Senecas, 
who  were  at  Niagara,  being  about  twenty-two  in  number,  with  a 
chief  called  Sonajoana,  who  would  acquaint  the  rest  with  it.  I  told 
them  that  I  was  surprised  at  their  not  obeying  the  summons  sent 
them,  as  it  greatly  concerned  their  interest  and  welfare,  having 
something  of  moment  to  say  to  them ;  however,  as  there  were  some 
of  their  chiefs  here,  I  would,  in  the  afternoon,  speak  to  them. 
After  dinner  Mr.  Gambling  arrived,  and  told  me  that  an  Indian 
from  the  Ottawas  desired  him  to  take  care  of  himself,  and  get  out 
of  the  way,  as  this  place  and  Detroit  would  be  destroyed  in  a  few 
days.  On  asking  Mons.  Gambling  when  he  returned,  he  answered 
in  three  or  four  days,  but  that  he  would  wait  any  time  to  accompany 
me  to  Detroit,  where  his  horse  was  at  my  service.  At  4  o'clock, 
sent  for  the  Senecas  to  my  quarters  in  the  fort.  When  met,  delivered 
them  what  I  had  to  say  myself,  Mr.  De  Couagne  not  being  able  to 
do  it.  It  will  appear  in  the  records  of  Indian  affairs.  They  told 
me  they  would  return  me  an  answer  on  to-morrow.  Then  broke  up. 
Captain  Slasser  took  me  out  to  walk,  when  he  let  me  know  his 
desire  of  settling  on  a  farm  and  quitting  the  army,  and  sending 
for  his  wife  and  family.  He  left  it  for  me  to  choose  a  proper  place 
for  him,  which  I  shall  look  out  for  on  my  return. 

l-  Sunday  9th. — Very  fine,  warm  weather;  wind  at  N.  N.  E.    No 


446  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

account  of  my  boats  yet.  This  morning  I  wrote  a  letter  to  Captain 
Clause  by  Mons.  Desonie,  who  is  going  to  Mt.  Real  with  about 
three  hundred  packs;  another  letter  to  Major  Duncan  at  Oswego, 
with  the  regulation  for  trade.  Mr.  Gambling  came  to  see  me  and 
talked  a  good  deal  about  the  present  situation  of  affairs  at  Detroit, 
and  the  disposition  of  the  Indians  in  that  quartei ;  all  which  he 
represented  in  a  very  favorable  light,  and  is  of  opinion  that  few  or 
none  of  the  Indians  that  way  like  the  Six  Nations.  Mons.  Desonie 
gave  me  also  a  very  good  account  of  the  Indians  inhabiting  those 
parts ;  and  is  of  opinion  that  no  rum  should  be  sold,  or  allowed  to 
be  sent  beyond  Niagara.  It  never  was  allowed  by  the  French 
government.  Major  Gladwin  arrived  here  from  the  landing  place 
above  the  Falls,  and  said  he  would  be  ready  to  start  in  about  three 
days.  Asked  me  whether  I  had  any  commands.  I  told  him  none ; 
that  he  might  proceed  as  soon  as  he  could  to  Detroit,  and  that  I 
expected  to  overtake  him  before  he  got  there.  In  the  afternoon  about 
twenty-five  Senecas  assembled  at  my  quarters,  and  in  answer  to  what 
I  had  delivered  them  yesterday,  declared  they  did  not  know  any- 
thing of  the  affair  \  and  that  they  were  of  opinion,  as  the  two  mes- 
sengers who  went  to  Detroit  with  the  belt  of  wampum  live  at  or 
near  Fort  Pitt,  that  it  must  be  from  that  quarter  j  that  as  to  their 
people  stealing  horses,  they  did  not  deny  but  some  foolish  young 
men  might  have  done  so,  but  promised  that  they  would  for  the 
future  take  better  care,  and  prevent  any  cause  of  complaint  of  the 
kind,  as  they  were  desirous  of  living  in  friendship  with  us.  Here 
gave  a  bunch  of  wampum.  The  speaker  then,  in  behalf  of  the 
warriors,  sachems,  and  principal  women,  begged  I  would  be  so  kind 
as  to  consider  their  poverty,  and  allow  a  little  ammunition  to  the 
young  men  to  kill  some  game  for  their  support,  and  some  clothing 
to  cover  the  nakedness  of  their  women,  which,  if  granted,  they 
would  always  be  grateful  for.  —  A  bunch  of  wampum. 

"  My  answer.  —  Brethren  of  thv  Seneca  Nation :  I  have  with 
attention  and  surprise  heard  you  now  declare  your  innocence  and 
ignorance  of  the  late  message  sent  to  Detroit  by  two  of  your  peo- 
ple, who,  although  they  live  detached  from  you,  would  not,  I  am 
certain,  presume  to  take  upon  them  an  affair  of  that  kind,  without 
your  consent  or  approbation,  as  I  well  know  that  in  matters  of  less 
moment  you  all  consult  each  other.  As  this  is  so  villainous  an  affair 
and  carried  so  far,  I  must  tell  you  plainly  that  I  look  upon  what 
you  now  tell  me  only  as  an  evasion,  and  kind  of  excuse  to  blind  us. 


APPENDIX.  447 

And  I  tell  you,  that  all  the  excuses  you  can  make,  and  all  the 
rhetoric  your  nation  is  master  of,  will  not  satisfy  the  general,  nor 
convince  me  of  your  innocence,  unless  a  deputation  of  your  chiefs 
appear  at  the  general  meeting  which  I  am  now  calling  at  Detroit, 
and  there  in  the  presence  of  all  the  nations  declare  your  innocence 
and  disapprobation  of  what  was  done  by  the  two  messengers  last 
month  at  Detroit.  This  I  expect  you  will  do  to  show  your  brethren 
your  innocence,  and  all  the  Indians  your  detestation  of  so  vile  and 
unnatural  a  plot." — I  here  returned  them  their  own  wampum,  to 
show  them  I  paid  no  regard  to  what  they  said,  which  greatly  stag- 
gered them  all.  After  some  time  spent  in  talking  together,  their 
speaker  said  :  "  Brother :  You  are  very  hard  upon  us,  after  our 
honest  declarations  of  innocence.  However,  as  it  does  not  give 
you  satisfaction,  we  will  send  off  to-morrow  morning  your  belt  to 
our  nation,  with  what  you  have  said  to  them,  and  doubt  not  but  some 
of  our  chief  men  will  be  ready  to  go  to  the  proposed  meeting  at 
Detroit,  and  then  satisfy  you  and  the  world  of  their  innocence. 

"  Then  I  desired  they  would  lose  no  time,  so  that  they  might 
not  retard  the  meeting,  and  promised  them  I  would  cover  their 
nakedness  the  next  day.  And  as  to  ammunition,  I  told  them  it  was 
owing  to  their  ill  behavior  last  year,  in  leaving  us  after  the  surren- 
der of  Isle  Koyal,  that  they  were  not  taken  more  notice  of.  Besides, 
they  could  not  expect  we  would  now  put  arms  or  ammunition  into 
the  hands  of  people  who  are  mad  enough  to  think  of  quarrelling 
with  us.  However,  on  their  solemnly  declaring  themselves  inno- 
cent of  the  charge,  and  promising  to  behave  as  friends,  I  told 
them  they  should  have  a  little  ammunition  for  the  present,  to  kill 
some  game  on  their  journey  home.     Thus  ended. 

11  At  9  o'clock  at  night  my  boats  arrived  from  Oswego,  having 
eleven  days'  passage;  brought  me  several  letters  and  newspapers; 
also  a  letter  for  Captain  Campbell  at  Detroit. 

"  Monday  \0ih. —  Fine  weather ;  very  warm,  ordered  my  boats 
over  the  river  opposite  to  the  fort,  and  after  drawing  provisions,  to 
embark  and  go  up  to  the  landing  place  or  La  Platon.  A  report 
made  me  of  several  things  destroyed  and  ruined  by  getting  wet  in 
the  boats. 

"  Grave  Mr.  De  Couagne  a  list  of  such  goods  as  I  propose  giving 
to  the  Seneca  Indians,  that  he  may  purchase  them  of  the  traders 
here.  At  12  o'clock,  delivered  the  goods  to  them,  and  promised 
a  keg  of  rum  on  their  journey,  when  ready  to  set  off.     About  4 


448  LIFE    OF    SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

o'clock,  the  boats  set  off  and  went  up  to  the  landing  place.  Nickus, 
of  Canajoharie,  an  Indian,  arrived  here,  and  acquainted  me  that 
several  of  his  castle  died  of  a  malignant  fever,  since  my  passing  that 
castle,  and  that  all  Brant's1  family  were  ill  of  the  same  disorder, 
except  the  old  woman.  He  also  told  me  that  he  had  heard,  by  the 
way,  from  several  Indians,  that  I  was  to  be  destroyed  or  murdered 
on  my  way  to  Detroit,  and  that  the  Indians  were  certainly  determin- 
ed to  rise  and  fall  on  the  English,  as  several  thousand  of  the 
Ottawas  and  other  nations  had  agreed  to  join  the  Five  Nations  in 
this  scheme  or  plot. 

"  Tuesday  11th.— -Fine  weather;  very  hot.  Every  day  I  am 
making  ready  to  set  off  for  the  landing  place,  in  order  to  hurry 
every  thing  over.  Sent  my  son  there  with  directions  what  to  have 
done;  also  orders  to  Captain  Walters  to  get  the  boats  over  as  soon 


The  Mohawks  and  Oneidas  spoke  in  behalf  of  their  nations  to 
the  Chenusios  with  wampum;  and  after  condemning  the  part  they 
understood  they  were  acting,  strongly  exhorted  them  to  a  better 
behavior,  and  also  insisted  on  their  delivering  up  what  horses  they 
had  taken  from  hence — otherwise  it  must  be  productive  of  a  quar- 
rel with  the  English,  which  they  will  be  blamed  for  by  all  nations. 
They  also  advised,  that  gome  of  their  sachems  might  attend  the 
intended  meeting  at  Detroit,  and  there  declare  their  sentiments  in 
the  presence  of  their  brethren,  the  English,  and  all  the  nations  of 
Indians  assembled  at  said  congress.  Three  strings  of  wampum. 
The  Senecas  thanked  them  for  their  advice,  and  assured  them, 
they  would  faithfully  report  it  to  their  chiefs,  on  their  arrival  in 
their  country;  and  were  of  opinion  it  would  have  great  weight 
with  them. 

"  Old  Belt,  the  Seneca  chief,  two  other  chiefs,  and  several  others 
of  his  nation  just  now  arrived,  who  came  purposely  to  see  me, 
hearing  I  was  at  this  place.  On  asking  him  how  all  in  his  country 
did,  he  answered,  "all  well  and  very  peaceable."  I  asked  him  if  he 
had  not  heard  of  the  measures  proposed  by  some  of  the  Senecas 
lately  at  Detroit.  He  declared  he  had  heard  nothing  of  any  mo- 
ment since  his  arrival  in  his  country.  After  ordering  him  some 
provisions,  which  he  seemed  in  great  need  of,  he  went  away,  and 
promised  to  come  and  smoke  a  pipe  with  me  in  the  afternoon.     He 


1  Always  spelled  thus  by  Sir  William  Johnson. 


APPENDIX.  449 

accordingly  came  and  spoke  (as  will  appear  in  the  records  of  that 
day),  when  I  told  him  what  passed  at  Detroit,  which  surprised  him. 
I  asked  his-  opinion  of  it.  He  said  that  when  the  sachems  from 
the  Seneca  country,  who  were  gone  to  Onondaga  on  business,  were 
come  back,  he  could  tell  what  was  intended,  and  would  let  me  know 
it.  He  added,  that  as  he  was  invested  with  the  direction  of  the 
affairs  of  the  nation  where  he  lived,  I  did  not  doubt  but  he  would 
be  able  to  settle  all  matters  on  the  best  footing  among  them. 

"  Wednesday  12th. —  Fine  weather.  I  set  off  for  the  landing  place 
with  my  baggage,  in  company  with  Captain  Etherington,  Doctor 
Stevenson  and  Lieutenant  Johnson.  When  I  arrived  there,  I  found 
Mr.  Frazier,  an  officer  of  Gladwin's  party,  getting  over  the  last  of 
their  things.  In  the  evening,  I  sent  over  four  of  my  battoes,  there 
being  no  more  carriages.  The  royal  American  party  is  also  here, 
waiting  to  get  over  their  provisions,  &c.  I  expect  they  will  be 
ready  to  accompany  me.  In  the  evening,  I  took  a  walk  to  look  if 
there  could  be  a  better  landing  place  found,  but  could  see  none, 
without  it  was  made  with  a  great  deal  of  labor. 

"  Thursday  13th. —  Still  very  fine  weather.  Got  the  wet  goods 
dried  as  well  as  I  could,  and  the  damaged  casks,  cases,  &c,  repaired. 
Sent  Lieutenant  Johnson  with  a  boat  to  Niagara,  in  order  to  invite 
Major  Walters,  Mons.  Dember,  &c,  to  dine  with  me,  and  to  get 
some  provisions.  About  one,  they  arrived,  and  dined,  at  2  o'clock. 
Then  got  very  merry  and  returned.  This  day  some  Indians  arrived 
here  from  Missillimackinac.  I  could  not  speak  with  them ;  they 
have  come  to  trade. 

"  Friday  lAth. —  A  good  deal  of  rain  ;  very  sultry.  Got  over 
the  rest  of  my  boats,  and  some  of  the  Royal  Americans,  provisions, 
&c.  Nickus,  the  Mohawk,  with  his  party  encamped  here  last  night. 
He  told  me  he  expected  White  Hame,  his  uncle,  would  be  up  with 
us  in  a  day  or  two.  Mr.  Hutchinson,  a  trader,  brought  me  letters 
from  below,  dated  the  23d  ult. ;  not  any  news. 

"  Saturday  lbth. — Still  rainy  weather.  Sent  over  nine  waggons 
loaded  with  such  articles  as  may  receive  least  damage,  and  nine  men 
with  them.  I  had  a  long  discourse  with  the  Old  Belt,  and  gave 
him  an  order  on  De  Couagne  for  one  pair  of  strouds,  twenty  pounds 
of  penniston,  six  shirts,  twelve  pounds  powder  and  ball,  and  one 
keg  of  rum  —  so  finished  with  him.  .1  wrote  Captain  Robertson  to 
order  the  boats  to  be  mended.  Wrote  for  Wabbicomicot  to  come 
up,  also  Mr.  Gambling  if  ready. — I  wrote  to  Major  Walters  for  one 
57 


450  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

Ct.  of  powder,  provisions  for  forty,  for  20  days  — being  for  my 
family,  and  the  Indians  who  accompany  me.  Received  a  letter 
from  Captain  Robinson  letting  me  know  that  he  had  ordered  another 
carpenter  to  work  at  my  boats.  Five  Missillimackinac  Indians  came 
to  me  and  begged  to  have  their  rum  and  goods  carried  over  the 
carrying  place.     Agreed  to  it. 

«  Sunday  16^,  1761.— Rained  early  in  the  morning  and  all  night, 
but  cleared  up  about  6  o'clock.  Had  the  waggons  loaded  and  sent 
off.  Major  Walters,  Captain  Etherington,  and  Lieutenant  Hay  dined 
with  me,  and  all  got  very  merry. 

"  Monday  VJth.—K  little  rain  in  the  morning,  but  cleared  up. 
Loaded  all  the  waggons  and  set  off  myself  and  company  for  the  other 
end  of  the  carrying  place,  or  Little  Niagara,  where  Shabear  Jean 
Cceur  lived.  In  the  afternoon  two  French  canoes  arrived  from 
Detroit  and  Missillimackinac.  They  said  all  was  quiet  in  those 
parts;  that  there  were  between  twenty  and  thirty  families  living 
there;  a  little  fort  abandoned  by  the  garrison;  the  Post  La  Bay 
eighty  leagues  distant  from  that.  Went  to  the  Island  to  see  the 
vessel,  and  my  battoe,  which  was  repairing.  Mr.  Dies  said  in  about 
a  fortnight  she  might  sail.  The  French  traders  met  Major  Gladwin 
this  morning,  entering  the  lake. 

"  Tuesday  18^.— Showery.  I  went  to  see  the  falls  with  Lieu- 
tenant Johnson,  Johnny  and  Ensign  Holmes.  Returned  at  9  o'clock, 
when  I  met  Captain  Slosser  and  Mr.  Dembler  at  my  tent.  Mr. 
Dembler  gave  me  a  plan  of  Niagara  and  its  environs.  Wind  con- 
trary. I  gave  out  orders  for  fitting  up  the  boats  so  as  to  load  them 
to-morrow  and  set  off.  Orders  that  all  the  boats  keep  in  sight,  and 
encamp  together  every  night.  At  11  o'clock,  the  last  of  the  pro- 
visions came  up  with  the  waggons.  Very  heavy  rain  all  the  after- 
noon, so  that  there  was  no  doing  anything.  My  battoe  not  yet 
finished.  Captain  Slosser,  Dembler,  Dies,  Robertson,  &c,  dined 
with  me,  and  got  pretty  happy  before  they  left  me. 

"  Wednesday  IMi.—A.  very  wet,  raw,  disagreeable  morning.  No 
stirring  the  goods  until  we  have  fair  weather.  Mr.  Breme  was  yes- 
terday in  the  lake  some  miles,  left  by  Mr.  Robertson,  who  says  he 
judges  the  south  side  of  the  lake  best  for  me  to  go.  I  gave  a  French 
blanket  to  each  of  the  Chippawas,  to  a  Seneca,  to  an  Oneida,  to  two 
Mohawks,  and  a  pound  of  paint.  Mr.  Johnson,  my  son,  Captain 
Slosser  and  his  son,  are  going  to  the  island  to  -see  the  vessel,  and  to 
bring  my  boat  over  mended.     I  wrote  to  the  general  this  day,  and 


APPENDIX.  451 

gave  the  letter  to  Captain  Slosser.  Captain  Walters  very  bad  with 
the  gout;  obliged  to  leave  him  behind.  As  it  holds  up  raining,  I 
ordered  the  boats  to  be  cleaned  and  loaded  immediately.  Mr.  Dies 
spoke  to  me  yesterday  about  the  two  islands,  which  he  was  of  opinion 
would  be  a  valuable  thing  in  time.  I  promised  him,  if  he  could  lay 
down,  or  think  of  a  good  plan  or  scheme,  I  would  assist  in  getting 
them  from  the  Indians.     He  said  he  would. 

"  At  four  o'clock  embarked  with  the  Royal  American  party,  and 
the  Yorkers,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Ogden ;  the  Royal 
Americans,  commanded  by  Ensigns  Slosser  and  Holmes,  with  four 
battoes,  and  the  former  with  eight  battoes  and  one  birch  canoe,  with 
the  Mohawks,  &c,  making  in  all  thirteen  boats.  Mr.  Gambling  sent 
me  word  he  would  be  here  to-morrow  morning  in  order  to  accom- 
pany me.  Touched  at  the  island  as  we  passed  along  j  then  struck  over 
to  the  south  side  of  the  river,  and  encamped  on  the  large  island  by  a 
creek  about  two  miles  and  a  half  from  the  ship  yard.  The  island  is 
full  of  fine  large  oak,  and  very  level,  as  far  as  I  could  see.  By  the 
creek  mouth,  a  fine  situation  for  a  house  and  trade,  there  being  a 
good  harbor  in  the  creek  for  boats. 

"  Thursday  20th. — Fine  morning.  Decamped  at  5  o'clock  from 
Point  Pleasant.  The  creek  does  not  divide  the  island;  ends  in  a 
swamp  or  meadow.  The  end  of  the  large  island  is  within  five  miles 
of  the  entrance  of  the  lake,  which  is  very  ragged  and  rocky,  also 
narrow.  We  arrived  there  at  1  o'clock,  dined,  and  waited  till  two 
for  the  rest  of  the  boats ;  then  set  off,  and  encamped  in  a  bay,  about 
sven  miles  from  the  entrance.  The  lake  about  twenty  miles  broad 
at  our  encampment. 

"Friday  21st. — Morning  gloomy;  embarked  at  5  o'clock. 
Cleared  up  about  8  o'clock,  with  a  northerly  breeze.  Halted  and 
dined  at  a  point  about  twenty-six  miles  in  the  lake,  when  the  boats 
all  came  up,  embarked  again,  and  came  to  the  Grand  river,  where 
we  encamped.  This  is  the  first  river  we  came  to  since  our  entrance 
into  the  lake,  It  is  pretty  large  and  navigable  for  canoes  a  great 
way.  The  Ottawas  have  two  carrying  places  from  this  river  to  Lake 
Ontario,  but  are  pretty  long,  one  in  particular.  The  lake  here  is  so 
wide  we  could  not  see  across.  The  goods  for  the  present  are  very 
wet  by  the  badness  of  the  battoes,  and  want  of  oil  cloths  enough  to 
cover  them.  There  is  a  small  island  a  little  above  the  entrance  of 
this  river,  which  makes  it  very  remarkable. 

"  Saturday  22d. — A  very  rainy  morning;  wind  at  N.  E.     One 


452  LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

of  the  Chippawas  in  [our]  company,  lives  up  this  river,  about  half 
a  day's  journey,  whom  I  intended  to  visit.  I  went  about  twelve 
miles  up  said  river ;  very  deep  and  still ;  about  150  yards  wide, 
mostly  N.  W.  and  N.  N.  W.  Where  we  turned  back,  the  creek 
ran  about  west.  Fine  meadows  on  each  side.  Keturned  about  3 
o'clock.     Rained  all  the  time.     Mr.  (rambling  came  up  with  us  here. 

"  Memoranda. — To  settle  all  my  affairs  when  I  get  home,  with 
regard  to  land,  settling  tenants,  &c. 

"  To  go  to  New  York  this  winter  to  settle  about  my  patent  opposite 
to  Canajoharie. 

"  To  make  out  a  plan  for  the  management  of  Indian  affairs,  what 
officers,  interpreters,  &c,  will  be  necessary,  and  what  the  expense 
of  the  whole  will  amount  to ;  then  send  it  to  the  board  of  trade, 
and  ministry. 

"  To  have  my  books  and  all  my  accounts  properly  settled ;  and 
all  my  tenants'  accounts  adjusted  regularly  and  put  into  one  book. 

"To  sow  the  several  seeds  I  pick  up  in  my  way  to  Detroit. 

"  To  give  diversions  at  Detroit  to  the  Indians,  and  also  to  the 
French,  of  the  best  sort,  balls,  &c. 

To  enquire  of  the  governor  at  Detroit,  how  much  land,  in  the 
French  time,  each  man  held,  what  rent  they  paid,  to  what  use  put, 
and  to  whom  paid. 

"  Little  summer  houses  to  build  in  my  gardens  when  I  get  home. 

"  To  get  my  ten  black  beavers  dressed  and  made  up  into  a  large 
blanket  for  a  bed. 

"  To  send  Doctor  Stevenson  some  present,  and  some  few  new 
books  by  Captain  Etherington. 

"  I  agreed  with  Mr.  Harsen,  of  Albany,  to  work  as  gunsmith  for 
the  Indians  who  come  to  Niagara,  at  £100  currency  per  annum. 
Present  Captain  Slosser. 

"  Sunday  2&d. — Embarked  at  5  o'clock,  with  a  strong  N.  East- 
erly wind.  Sailed  at  the  rate  of  six  miles  an  hour.  Reached  the 
river  Fiatro ;  a  good  harbor  for  any  number  of  boats.  Dined  here, 
and  at  2  o'clock  embarked ;  wind  still  strong,  but  changed  to  the 
N.  N.  E.  Have  picked  some  seed  like  Piony,  and  at  Grand  river, 
seed  of  a  weed  good  for  a  flux; l  also  here  some  black  sand.  Sailed 
at  the  rate  of  five  miles  an  hour,  until  5  o'clock.  By  the  way,  met 
two  French  canoes,  which  left  Detroit  four  days  ago,  and  met  Major 

lI.  E.,  dysentery,  the  disease  to  which  he  was  continually  subject,  and 
which  finally  caused  his  death. 


APPENDIX.  453 

Gladwin  three  days  ago  at  the  Grand  Point  or  carrying  place.  We 
encamped  at  a  little  river  near  a  long  island,  which  is  next  to  Point 
Bass  and  is  called  Buedel. 

"  Monday  24:th. — Embarked  at  5  o'clock  with  a  strong  wind  at 
N.  E.  Sailed  at  a  great  rate.  Sea  very  high,  especially  to  Point 
Bass,  off  which  came  a  canoe  of  Mississengeys,  nine  in  number,  all 
naked.  They  only  came  to  get  something;  then  returned.  At 
Point  Bass,  it  makes  a  great  bay,  through  which  we  sailed  about  ten 
miles  to  the  Grand  Point,  where  we  were  obliged  to  row  and  sail 
through  bulrushes  and  a  great  meadow,  to  the  bank  which  divides 
the  lake;  makes  the  Great  Point  the  passage  or  carrying  place, 
which  is  now  cut  open  a  little  by  Major  Gladwin ;  is  not  above  forty 
yards  across.  I  had  my  boat  first  hauled  over,  and  all  the  rest  in 
half  an  hour.  Then  set  off  with  a  good  breeze,  and  sailed  along  a 
kind  of  beach  about  sixteen  miles ;  then  along  a  high  sand  bank, 
about  twenty  miles  more,  where  there  is  no  harbor  nor  even  landing 
for  boats  in  case  of  bad  weather,  until  we  came  to  the  river  Alavar, 
which  is  a  good  harbor  for  boats.  Here  we  encamped  about  7 
o'clock;  about  8  o'clock  my  boats  came  up. 

"  Tuesday  2&th. — A  fine  morning ;  wind  at  N.  E.  Several  bales 
of  blankets,  &c,  being  wet,  I  gave  orders  for  halting  here  this  day, 
in  order  to  dry  them  and  prevent  their  spoiling.  About  8  o'clock, 
a  boat  appeared  in  sight,  coming  after  us,  which  taking  for  Mr. 
Bream,  I  sent  Lieutenant  Johnson  and  Ensign  Slosser  in  a  boat  to 
meet  them,  and  know  who  they  are,  and  where  come  from.  At 
nine,  Mr.  Bream  came  to  our  camp.  He  had  been  round  the  Grand 
Point,  which  he  says  is  twenty-two  miles  long  from  the  carrying 
place ;  very  low  toward  the  end,  which  is  swampy,  and  about  two 
miles  broad ;  lies  mostly  S.  E.,  and  is  about  a  third  of  the  lake  in 
length.  He  set  off  again  immediately,  and  is  resolved  to  visit  the 
islands  toward  the  end  of  the  lake.  All  that  land  along  the  lake 
very  barren  as  far  as  I  could  see ;  timbered  chiefly  by  white  oaks. 
At  10  o'clock,  Tom.  Lottridge  arrived  here  from  Niagara,  which  he 
left  the  21st  inst.,  and  brought  me  a  large  packet  from  General 
Amherst,  with  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Belle  Isle  to  his  Brit- 
annic Majesty,  the  7th  of  June  last ;  also  an  account  of  our  defeating 
the  Cherokees  the  tenth  of  last  July,  and  burning  fifteen  of  their 
towns ;  also  an  account  of  the  reduction  of  Pondicherry  in  the  East 
Indies.  On  which  I  gave  orders  for  the  Royal  Americans  and  York- 
ers, at  three  o'clock,  to  be  in  arms,  and  fire  three  volleys,  and  give 


454  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

three  cheers  j  after  which,  each  man  is  to  have  a  dram  to  drink  his 
majesty's  health.  I  also  acquainted  the  Indians  with  the  news,  who 
were  greatly  pleased  at  it.  All  the  officers  dined  and  spent  the 
afternoon  with  me,  and  Mr.  Gambling,  the  Frenchman,  who  got  very 
drunk  this  night,  and   told  me  several  things  very  openly. 

«  Wednesday  2Qth.— Fine  morning  J  little  or  no  wind.  Embarked 
at  5  o'clock.  Everything  in  pretty  good  order  after  yesterday's 
drying.  The  wind  comes  from  the  S.  W.,  and  rises  pretty  high, 
which  obliges  us  to  put  into  a  river,  called  by  the  Indians  Kanagio ; 
by  the  French,  river  Sholdiere.  It  has  been  a  settlement  of  'Indians 
formerly,  and  a  very  pretty  place.  My  boats  have  great  difficulty  to 
get  up  the  river  against  the  wind,  and  there  is  no  sailing  them  out 
in  the  lake,  or  anywhere  but  in  the  river  j  the  batik  being  so  high 
for  many  miles  that  a  man  can  but  in  a  few  places  creep  up  with 
difficulty.  Here  I  am  obliged  to  lie  by  for  the  contrary  wind,  and 
shall  employ  the  party  the  rest  of  the  day  drying  the  present.  My 
boats  did  not  arrive  until  night.     They  received  no  damage. 

"  Thursday  27th.— Cold  morning;  wind  not  favorable.  Ordered 
to  embark  and  try  to  make  all  the  headway  we  can.  The  wind  soon 
turned  quite  contrary  and  blew  very  hard.  Met  some  French  boats 
from  Detroit,  which  they  left  ten  days  before,  and  are  going  to  Mon- 
treal with  skins  and  furs.  They  met  Major  Gladwin  yesterday 
evening  about  fifteen  leagues  from  here,  and  Mr.  Breme  this  morning. 
They  told  me  Mr.  Croghan  had  arrived  at  Detroit  two  days  before 
they  left  it,  with  a  few  Shawanese,  Delawares,  Ac.  The  cattle  not 
yet  come  from  Pittsborough.  The  wind  still  strong  and  quite 
ahead,  with  a  great  surf.  Notwithstanding,  I  pushed  on  for  a  har- 
bor—the bank  being  very  steep  and  no  rowing  a  boat  without  coming 
to  a  harbor;  which  at  6  o'clock  we  found  at  the  end  of  a  long  point, 

called  the  Green , *  where  we  were  obliged  to  draw  up  our 

boats  on  a  sandy  beach.  Here  met  with  two  birch  canoes;  one  an 
Ottawa,  the  other  a  Chenundaddy,  going  a  trading.  I  had  them  to 
smoke  a  pipe  at  my  tent,  when  they  told  me  that  Mr.  Croghan  was 
arrived.  They  told  me  that  nothing  ever  gave  the  nations  living 
around  their  country  greater  pleasure  than  my  going  among  them; 
that  they  were  certain  it  would  have  a  very  good  effect;  and  that  all 
the  surrounding  nations  were  sent  to  attend  the  meeting  on  the 
arrival  of  the  Chenundaddy  messenger,  who  brought  my  belt  of 
summons.     They  then  begged  that  I  would  give  them  a  few  lines 

i  Illegible. 


APPENDIX.  455 

to  have  their  goods  and  provisions  carried  over  at  Niagara  Falls, 
which  I  complied  with.  They  told  me  I  would  not  see  many  young 
men  of  their  nation,  as  they  went  to  war,  on  my  desire,  last  spring, 
against  the  Cherokees. 

"  Friday  2&ih. — A  fine  morning;  wind  northerly  and  pretty  cold. 
Embarked  at  5  o'clock,  and  proceeded  to  a  beach  near  to  Point  a 
Pain;  there  dined,  and  saw  where  the  light  infantry  had  been  mend- 
ing their  boats  the  day  before.  Then  set  off  and  rowed  along  the 
point,  which  is  a  fine  sandy  beach  about  ten  miles,  and  very  narrow, 
making  a  large  bay  to  the  westward.  There  is  a  carrying  place  at 
the  north  end  of  said  beach,  but  hardly  passable  without  more 
trouble  than  profit.  Encamped  at  the  end  of  the  beach,  near  to  the 
Highlands,  which  is  eight  leagues  long.  None  of  my  boats,  except 
the  Royal  Americans,  yet  come  up.  One  of  the  present  boats  and 
Captain  Montour's  being  left  behind  yesterday,  I  ordered  Lieuten- 
ant Ogden  of  the  Yorkers  to  wait  for  their  coming  up,  and  then  to 
proceed  with  the  whole.  Wind  moderate,  and  the  wind  lulled.  A 
French  canoe,  going  to  Detroit,  encamped  near  to  us. 

"  Saturday  29^. — Fair  weather;  the  wind  contrary,  being  a  shore 
wind,  and  we  having  the  high  banks  or  bluff  shore  to  go  along, 
which  is  eight  leagues.  Not  one  of  the  Yorker's  boats  yet  in  sight, 
so  shall  be  delayed  by  them.  My  provision  and  everything  is  on 
board  those.  At  9  o'clock  the  wind  blew  very  hard  at  S.  W. . 
obliged  to  have  our  boats  drawn  up  three  times  on  shore  from  the 
surf.  Rained  a  good  deal  until  12  o'clock,  when  the  wind  lulled  a 
little.  No  account  or  sight  of  my  store-boats  yet.  About  4  o'clock, 
the  wind  and  surf  much  greater.  My  boats  within  four  miles  en- 
camped, could  not  reach  us ;  the  swell  being  so  great  two  of  them 
almost  filled  with  water,  and  spoiled  some  things.  We  are  obliged 
to  remain  here  this  night.  About  eight  at  night,  quite  a  storm  with 
great  lightning.  Boats  obliged  to  be  pulled  up  as  far  as  we  could, 
and  sentries  to  watch  them. 

"  Sunday  30th. — Still  very  stormy  weather;  wind  at  W.  N.  W; 
no  possibility  of  stirring,  nor  of  getting  the  store-boats  up.  I  was 
obliged  to  send  two  men  to  look  for  the  boats,  and  to  bring  me  some 
provisions  and  ammunition,  what  I  had,  being  expended.  I  gave 
my  own  provisions  to  the  Indians,  who  accompany  me,  theirs  being 
in  the  boats  behind.     A  great  plenty  of  pigeons  here ;  killed  several. 

" Monday  31st. — Fine  weather;  wind  contrary.  Embarked  at  6 
o'clock  with  the  Royal  Americans  and  my  own  boat,  the  others  not 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

being  come  up.  Turned  the  point  which  is  about  twelve  miles  from 
where  we  set  off.  A  bank  all  along,  very  bad  and  steep.  Dined 
and  set  off  about  2  o'clock,  and  encamped  on  a  beach  above  the  high- 
land, and  within  a  couple  of  miles  of  the  carrying  place  of  Point 
Place.  Lotteridge  and  Gambling  gone  to  the  portage.  My  boats 
not  come  up.  Here  is  a  large  body  of  drowned  land  or  swamp,  with 
a  river  or  creek  through  the  middle  (called  River  Du  Cceur)  but 
stopped  up  by  the  land  at  the  lake  side.  A  fine  place  for  ducks, 
geese,  &c.  The  light  infantry  encamped  here,  I  believe,  yesterday, 
by  the  fresh  tracks.     Blew  hard  in  the  night. 

"  Tuesday  September  1st. — Fine  morning ;  little  or  no  wind. 
Embarked,  and  set  off  for  the  portage,  where  we  arrived  at  10 
o'clock.  Then  went  to  the  end  of  Point  Place,  which  is  but  a  very 
narrow  ridge  or  bank  of  sand,  about  thirty  yards  wide  for  several 
miles.  Then  the  said  ridge  continues  for  three  or  four  miles  into 
the  lake  almost  due  south,  but  just  covered  with  water  which  breaks 
over  it.  About  one  hundred  yards  from  the  extremity  of  the  sand 
point,  is  the  best  passage  for  boats, — water  nearly  two  feet  deep. 
There  I  dined,  and  seeing  my  boats  in  sight,  encamped  early  for 
their  coming  up,  having  neither  liquor,  linnen  or  anything  but  what 
is  on  board  the  store  boat.  Have  come  about  twelve  miles  from  the 
Point  Place  to  the  high  land.  At  8  o'clock,  the  boats  all  arrived, 
except  the  one  Montour  is  in.  Rained  and  blew  hard  the  most  part 
of  the  night. 

"  Wednesday  2d. — Embarked  at  6  o'clock,  with  N.  N.  E.  wind. 
Sailed  at  a  great  rate,  as  the  wind  blew  very  fresh.  Mostly  high 
land  to  the  entrance  of  the  River  Detroit,  except  here  and  there 
small  beaches.  At  the  entrance  of  the  river  appear  islands  to  the 
westward,  and  a  bunch  of  trees  which  is  called  Point  Moire,  being 
always  wet.  Encamped  at  5  o'clock,  opposite  the  end  of  Isle  Bois 
Blanc,  or  White  Wood  Island.  This  island  is  about  two  miles  in 
length,  and  half  a  mile  in  breadth ;  pretty  ground  and  bank.  On 
the  east  shore  of  the  river,  opposite  said  island,  are  about  five 
hundred  acres  of  clear  land,  which  was  planted  by  the  Hurons 
twelve  years  ago  j  had  two  priests  here,  but  left  this  for  the  place 
where  they  now  live.  It  would  make  a  very  pleasant  place  for  a 
settlement;  land  good,  and  a  fine  prospect  of  the  lake,  river,  and 
island.  There  might  be  now  mowed  a  vast  quantity  of  hay.  Here 
a  fine  hunting  place  all  about  it. 

"  Thursday  Zd. —  At  4  o'clock  I  arose,  and  wrote  Mr.  Croghan  a 


APPENDIX.  457 

few  lines  by  Mr.  Gambling's  canoe,  to  meet  me  about  six  miles  this 
side  of  the  fort  with  horses.  I  take  Mr.  Gambling  in  my  boat. 
Fine  morning,  but  cold,  and  the  wind  right  ahead.  Embarked  at  7 
o'clock,  and  on  our  way  passed  several  fine  islands  and  drowned 
meadows.  About  twelve,  came  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Jarves  of  the 
militia,  which  is  the  best  house  I  have  seen  in  the  neighborhood. 
Eat  some  melon  there,  and  set  off  for  Detroit,  which  is  but  a  league 
from  said  house.  Opposite  to  the  Huron  Town,  and  Pottawattamie 
village,  saw  Mr.  Croghan  and  St.  Martin,  the  interpreter,  with 
horses  expecting  us.  On  coming  farther,  the  Indian  towns  drew 
out  and  began  to  fire  with  cannon  and  small  arms,  which  I  returned 
by  three  volleys  from  the  Royal  American  detachment;  then  went 
on  shore  and  rode  to  town  through  a  number  of  settlements.  All 
along  the  road  was  met  by  Indians,  and  near  the  town,  by  the 
inhabitants,  traders,  &c.  When  I  came  to  the  verge  of  the  fort,  the 
cannon  thereof  were  fired,  and  the  officers  of  the  garrison  with 
those  of  Gage's  Light  Infantry  received  me,  and  brought  me  to  see 
my  quarters,  which  is  the  house  of  the  late  commandant  Mr. 
1  Belestre,  the  best  in  the  place.  After  having  given  directious  for 
my  baggage  to  be  brought  there,  went  to  Campbell's  quarters,  where 
his  officers  and  several  of  the  French  gentlemen  were  introduced 
to  me.  Hearing  Major  Gladwin  was  very  ill,  went  with  Captain 
Campbell  to  see  him,  and  found  him  very  ill.  Then  returned  to 
my  quarters,  and  supped  that  evening  with  Captain  Campbell. 

"  Friday  Ath. — Fine  weather.  I  was  all  the  forenoon  taken  up 
with  receiving  visits  and  compliments  from  the  different  nations  of 
Indians,  that  came  here  to  meet  me,  to  whom  I  gave  pipes,  tobacco, 
and  some  drink.  Dined  with  Captain  Campbell,  whom  I  desired  to 
order  a/ew  dejoie  on  the  great  success  of  his  Majesty's  arms  in  the 
reduction  of  Belle  Isle,  and  destroying  so  many  villages  of  the 
Cherokees,  which  was  done  about  7  o'clock  in  the  evening,  having 
first  acquainted  all  the  Indians  with  the  news,  and  the  reason  of 
firing;  which  they  seemed  greatly  pleased  at.  The  Ottawas  and 
several  other  nations  sent  me  word  they  would  wait  on  me  next  morn- 
ing to  pay  their  respects.  This  afternoon,  Captain  Campbell  went 
with  me  to  Major  Gladwin's  quarters,  and  there  we  settled  about 
the  garrisoning  the  several  posts  in  the  best  manner  we  possibly 
could,  considering  the  bad  situation  of  affairs,  viz :  the  lateness  of 
the  season,  the  badness  of  the  boats,  and   above  all  the  scarcity  of 

1  Picot6  de  Belletre. 


458  LIFE   OF    SIR    WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

provisions  and  ammunition,  which  Captain  Campbell  and  Major 
Gladwin  reported  to  me  to  be  the  case,  the  latter  having  lost  all  of 
his  ammunition  and  a  great  part  of  his  provisions  in  coming  here . 
These  circumstances,  well  weighed  and  considered,  we  unanimously 

agreed  to  send  back men  of  Gage's  [Light  Infantry]  to  Niagara, 

for  provisions,  as  the  vessels  bringing  provisions  here  are  very  pre- 
carious. The  remainder  to  proceed  with  a  garrison  of  an  officer 
and  thirty  men  for  the  fort  of  Missillimackinac  and  ten  months'  pro- 
visions; also  an  officer  and  fifteen  men  for  St.  Joseph;  an  officer 
and  fifteen  men  for  Warraghtenhook,  with  as  much  provision  as 
can  possibly  be  spared ;  and  an  officer  and  fifteen  men  to  relieve 
the  Hangers  at  the  Miami's  post  immediately ;  —  Captain  Campbell 
and  Bellfore  to  settle  and  order  the  proper  number  of  boats  neces- 
sary for  said  service,  and  make  an  exact  calculation  of  the  quantity 
of  provisions  for  said  garrisons  to-morrow  morning,  so  that  they 
may  set  off  as  soon  as  possible.  I  am  greatly  distressed  for  the 
want  of  provisions  for  the  Indians,  having  received  none  from  Fort 
Pitt  as  I  expected ;  wherefore  am  obliged,  at  a  very  great  expense,  to 
purchase  cattle  and  what  I  can  get  here. 

"Saturday  bth. —  A  very  wet  morning;  cleared  up  about  10 
o'clock.  This  day  I  wrote  to  Ferrall  Wade,  which  is  to  go  by  Lieu- 
tenant Ogden.  Had  [to  dine  with  me]  Captains  Campbell,  Bell- 
fore,  McCloud,  eight  or  ten  other  officers,  and  Colonel  Du  Quesne 
and  Major  La  Mott,  his  brother,  who  were  my  prisoners  at  Niagara. 
While  the  company  were  drinking,  two  of  the  head  men  of  the 
Hurons  came  in  to  acquaint  me  that  the  women  of  their  nation  were 
all  come  to  see  and  bid  me  welcome  here  to  their  country.  On 
which  they  were  introduced  by  Mr.  Croghan,  to  the  number  of  fifty, 
old  and  young.  After  saluting  them,  I  ordered  them  a  glass  of 
wine  and  some  biscuit,  and  drank  their  healths.  They  then  told 
me,  they  had  brought  me  some  corn,  the  produce  of  their  land,  which 
they  begged  I  would  accept  of.  In  return  I  ordered  them  a  beef 
for  their  nation,  which  pleased  them  much.  At  parting  they  shook 
hands  again,  and  bid  farewell ; —  so  ended  their  visit.  In  the  morn- 
ing all  the  principle  inhabitants  of  Detroit,  with  their  priest,  came 
to  pay  their  respects  and  desire  protection.  I  returned  the  compli- 
ment, and  gave  them  assurances  of  his  Majesty's  protection,  while 
they  continued  to  behave  as  good  subjects.  Then  gave  them  rusk 
and  shrub  in  plenty,  which  they  made  very  good  use  of,  and  went 
away  extremely  well  pleased  —  their  priest  at  their  head. 


APPENDIX.  459 

"  Sunday  §th. —  A  very  fine  morning.  This  day  I  am  to  dine 
with  Captain  Campbell,  who  is  also  to  give  the  ladies  a  ball,  that  I 
may  see  them.  They  assembled  at  8  o'clock  at  night,  to  the  num- 
ber of  about  twenty.  I  opened  the  ball  with  Mademoiselle  Curie  — 
a  fine  girl.  We  danced  until  five  o'clock  next  morning.  This  day 
the  Ottawas,  by  Mr.  La  Bute,  interpreter,  made  me  a  speech,  chiefly 
on  the  begging  order,  and  to  support  the  French  interpreters. 
Answered  them  with  a  belt  of  wampum. 

"  Monday  7  th. —  A  fine  morning.  Montour  not  yet  come,  nor  the 
mohawks.  I  shall  send  the  interpreters  this  day  to  desire  that  all 
the  nations  may  be  ready  to  attend  the  meeting  to-morrow,  or  next 
day  at  farthest.  The  Light  Infantry  and  Royal  Americans  are 
making  ready  to  set  off  to-morrow,  or  next  day  at  farthest.  I  had 
all  the  Delaware,  Shawanese,  Six  Nations,  and  Huron  chiefs  from  the 
south  side  of  the  lakes  this  afternoon,  when  I  told  them  I  should 
speak  to  all  on  Wednesday,  when  I  desired  that  they  and  all  the 
other  nations  would  be  ready  to  attend.  Grave  them  pipes,  tobacco, 
and  rum,for  their  whole  number,  and  parted  very  friendly. 

"  Tuesday  8th,  1761. — Fine  morning.  This  day  am  about  finish- 
ing what  I  have  to  do  of  the  speech,  which  I  am  to  make  to-morrow 
to  all  the  nations  assembled  here.  Also  making  out  instructions  and 
orders  for  the  officers  going  to  command  at  Missillimackinac,  St. 
Joseph,  Miamis,  &c.  On  examining  the  goods  intended  for  the 
present,  many  are  found  to  be  rotten  and  ruined  by  badness  of  the 
boats,  for  want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  oil  cloths,  &c. ;  so  that  I 
shall  be  obliged  to  replace  them,  and  add  more  goods  to  the  present, 
the  number  of  Indians  being  very  great.  In  the  afternoon,  I  had 
the  two  interpreters  at  my  quarters,  when  I  got  Mr.  Williams,  of  the 
light  infantry,  to  tell  them  in  French  what  I  intended  to  say,  which 
he  did  very  distinctly. 

"  Wednesday  9th. — Fine  morning,  but  windy.  I  ordered  all  the 
seats  to  be  made  out  of  doors  for  the  meeting,  there  being  no  house 
here  half  large  enough  to  meet  in.  Received  an  account  this  morn- 
ing of  the  loss  of  one  of  my  store  boats,  which  Montour  was  in. 

"  I  ordered  two  cannon  to  be  fired  at  10  o'clock,  as  a  signal  foi 
them  all  to  assemble.  This  day,  the  Light  Infantry  and  Royal 
Americans,  which  are  to  garrison  the  forts  at  Missillimackinac,  La 
Bay  and  St.  Joseph,  set  off  with  ten  months'  provision.  I  gave  Mr. 
Lastly  for  Missillimackinac,  about  fifty  pounds  of  tobacco  out  of 
my  present.  Nickus,  of  Canajoharie,  arrived  this  morning,  and 
58 


460  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

left  Montour  and  Preston,  with  my  small  boat,  yesterday,  at  the  en- 
trance of  this  river.  What  they  had  of  my  stores  in  their  boat  is 
all  lost  and  ruined,  having  been,  he  says,  east  away.  About  10 
o'clock,  the  Indians  were  all  met,  when  I  went  there  with  Captain 
Campbell  and  all  his  officers,  the  officers  of  the  Light  Infantry,  all 
the  merchants  and  principal  people  of  the  town.  Mr.  Croghan, 
Lieut.  Johnson,  Mr.  Breme,  Mr.  Mya  from  Pittsborough,  Mr.  Bost- 
wick  from  Missillimackinac,  Mr.  Bute  and  St.  Martin,  Interpreters, 
the  former  to  the  Ottawas,  the  latter  to  the  Hurons,  Printup  only 
as  spectator.  After  the  speech  was  delivered,  I  arose,  and  with  the 
gentlemen  went  to  dinner  at  my  quarters,  where,  about  5  o'clock, 
the  Hurons,  Ottawas,  &c,  came  to  the  amount  of  thirty  chiefs,  to 
let  me  know  that  they  understood  the  Indians  from  the  south  side 
of  Lake  Erie  were  determined,  to  return,  having  heard  what  I  had 
to  say;  and  that,  therefore,  they  would  now,  while  said  Indians  were 
here,  let  me  know  how  that  war-belt  was  sent  here.  I  thanked  them 
for  their  honesty  and  readiness,  but  told  them  it  was  better  to  have 
it  mentioned  in  public,  when  I  received  an  answer  from  all  the 
nations.  To  this  they  agreed,  and  said  that  as  some  chiefs  of  each 
nation  might  take  to  drinking,  they  would  be  glad  to  answer  on  the 
morrow ;  and  desired  two  guns  might  be  fired,  as  on  this  day,  whereby 
they  might  all  assemble  and  finish; — to  which  I  readily  agreed,  and 
promised  them  it  should  be  done  accordingly.  Gave  them  pipes, 
tobacco  and  some  liquor, — then  parted. 

"  Thursday  10th. — Fine  weather.  My  quarters  full  of  Indians 
of  different  nations  about  little  affairs  of  their  own,  which  I  settled. 
After  that,  a  very  honest  Seneca  Indian  came  and  told  me  what  he 
had  heard  among  his  relations  living  here,  which  he  delivered  very 
ingenuously,  and  seemed  to  me  to  be  very  just.  No  account  yet  of 
Montour  or  the  boat's  crew.  This  day  I  wrote  by  Captain  McCloud 
to  Major  Walters  for  ammunition,  provisions,  and  an  officer,  sergeant 
and  ten  men  for  the  garrrsoning  one  of  the  posts,  viz :  Miamis  or 
Miamis  Wawiaghtanook.  Yesterday  Captain  Balfour  with  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  of  Gage's,  [Light  Infantry]  set  off  with  the  Koyal 
Americans  for  Missillimackinac,  &c.  I  wrote  the  general  this  day  by 
Captain  McCloud.  In  the  afternoon,  the  Indians  all  assembled,  and 
gave  their  answer  to  my  speech  made  the  day  before,  which  was  very 
satisfactory.  After  all  was  over,  the  White  Mingo  came  to  my  quar- 
ters where  all  the  gentlemen  were  with  me,  and  desired  I  would  return 
to  the  meeting,  as  he  and  the  Six  Nations  from  Ohio  had  something  to 


APPENDIX.  461 

say  in  answer  to  what  the  Hurons  had  charged  them  with.  We  all 
returned  to  the  council,  where  we  found  every  nation  by  themselves. 
Then  Kaiaghshota,  a  Seneca  chief,  and  one  who  accompanied  the  two 
messengers  who  came  here  with  the  war  axe  to  the  Hurons,  stood 
up,  and  with  great  oratory  and  resolution,  endeavored  to  clear  him- 
self of  the  imputations  laid  to  his  charge,  when  one  of  the  Hurons 
named  Adariaghta,  the  chief  warrior  of  the  nation,  confronted  him 
and  the  White  Mingo,  and  discovered  everything  which  had  passed. 
Upon  which,  the  White  Mingo  told  them  that  they  had  come  several 
times  to  him  at  Ohio,  and  pressed  him  and  others  living  there  to  fall 
upon  the  English,  which  he  as  often  refused.  After  a  great  deal  of 
altercation  I  got  up,  and  desired  that  they  would  not  go  to  too  great 
lengths,  being  now  joined  in  stricter  friendship  and  alliance  than 
ever.  Left  them  -liquor  and  broke  up  the  meeting,  telling  them  I 
intended  next  day  delivering  them  some  goods,  &c,  which  I  had 
brought  up  for  their  use,  and  desired  they  would  be  punctual  as 
soon  as  the  cannon  was  fired.  They  thanked  me,  and  promised 
they  would  be  ready  to  attend — parted.  Supped  with  Cole  and 
went  to  bed  early. 

"  Friday  Wth. — Fine  morning.  At  6  o'clock,  Mr.  Croghan  set 
about  cutting  up  the  present,  and  making  proper  divisions  thereof 
for  the  several  nations.  This  morning,  I  gave  Baby's  daughter  a 
present,  her  father  being  a  principal  sachem  of  the  Hurons.  Went 
to  the  meeting  about  12  o'clock,  where  the  Indians  were  all  assem- 
bled to  the  number  of  five  hundred  and  odd,  when  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanese  made  a  speech.  After  that,  I  made  a  reply  to  what  all  the 
nations  had  answered  yesterday,  as  [will  appear]  by  records.  Then 
gave  them  the  present,  divided  in  nine  parts.  After  that  went  to 
dinner;  and  after  dinner,  about  forty  of  the  Chippawas,  who  had 
just  arrived,  came  to  see  me,  and  made  a  friendly  speech  with  a 
string  of  wampum,  assuring  me  of  their  firm  resolution  of  abiding 
by  us,  and  complying  with  everything  proposed  by  me,  and  agreed 
to  by  the  rest.  Grave  them  pipes,  tobacco,  and  rum;  then  they 
departed.  This  day  I  ordered  to  be  laid  aside  a  good  many  things 
for  the  Huron  sachems,  Delawares,  Shawanese,  &c,  and  am  to 
speak  to  them  separately  my  opinion  and  advice. 

"  Saturday  12th. — Very  fine  weather  and  warm.  I  had  meetings 
with  the  several  nations  of  Ottawas,  Shaganoos,  Chippewas,  &c, 
who  made  many  demands  and  requests  for  their  several  nations, 
and  gave  the  strongest  assurances  of  being  happy  in  what  I  said, 


462  LIFE    OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART 


and  of  their  adhering  inviolably  to  the  promises  and  engagements 
entered  into  here,  as  did  the  Delawares,  Shawanese,  &c,  by  belts 
and  strings.  I  then  sent  for  the  White  Mingo  alias  Kanaghragait, 
and  the  Seneca  who  accompanied  Tahaiadoris  here  with  the  Seneca's 
message,  named  Kaiaghshota,  to  whom  I  said  a  great  deal  concern- 
ing the  late  design  of  the  Indians  in  their  quarter ;  set  forth  the 
madness  of  it,  and  desired  them,  by  a  large  string  of  wampum,  to 
reform  and  repent,  which  they  assured  me  they  and  all  their  people, 
would  pay  the  strictest  observance  to;  then  condoled  the  Seneca 
who  was  killed  by  our  troops  stealing  horses,  with  two  black  strouds, 
two  shirts,  and  two  pair  of  stockings  J  gave  them  their  liquor,  I 
promised,  and  parted.  This  morning  four  of  the  principal  ladies 
of  the  town  came  to  wait  on  me.  I  treated  them  with  rusk  and 
cordial.  After  sitting  an  hour,  they  went  away.  This  day,  I  gave 
private  presents  to  chiefs  of  sundry  nations.  At  9  o'clock  at  night 
a  York  officer  arrived  at  my  quarters,  express  from  Niagara  in  six- 
teen days,  with  letters  from  General  Amherst,  and  the  belt,  which 
the  Senecas  sent  here,  to  desire  the  Hurons,  &c,  to  join  against  the 
English. 

"  Sunday  13th. — Very  fine  weather.  I  had  a  meeting  with  the 
Chippawa  nation  at  my  quarters,  who  spoke  with  two  large  bunches 
of  wampum,  giving  me  the  strongest  assurances  imaginable  of  their 
resolution  to  live  in  the  strictest  friendship,  and  that  the  speeches  I 
had  made  to  them,  and  the  manner  I  had  treated  them  and  all  the 
nations  here,  convinced  them  that  I  was  their  friend.  They  then 
said  my  presence  had  made  the  sun  and  sky  bright  and  clear,  the 
earth  smooth  and  level,  the  roads  all  pleasant,  and  the  lakes  placid, 
and  begged  I  would  continue  in  the  same  friendly  disposition  toward 
them,  and  they  would  be  a  happy  people.  They  then  prayed  to 
have  a  plentiful  and  fair  trade,  which  I  promised  them;  gave  them 
a  beef,  liquor,  &c,  and  parted  very  happy  and  well  pleased.  At  10 
o'clock,  Captain  Campbell  came  to  introduce  some  of  the  town  ladies 
to  me  at  my  quarters,  whom  I  received  and  treated  with  cakes,  wine 
and  cordial.  Dined  at  Campbell's.  In  the  evening,  several  Indians 
came  to  my  quarters  to  bid  me  farewell. 

"  Monday  \Mh. — Fine  weather.  This  day  I  am  to  have  all  the 
principal  inhabitants  to  dine  with  me;  also  Captain  Campbell  to 
have  a  meeting  with  the  Hurons,  and  give  their  chiefs  a  private 
present;  also  to  settle  with  the  two  French  interpreters  and  pay 
them.     I  took  a  ride  before  dinner  up  toward  the  Lake  St.  Clair. 


APPENDIX.  463 

The  road  runs  along  the  river  side,  which  is  all  settled  thickly  nine 
miles.  A  very  pleasant  place  in  summer,  but  at  other  seasons  too 
low  and  marshy.  The  French  gentlemen  and  the  two  priests  who 
dined  with  us  got  very  merry.  Invited  them  all  to  a  ball  to-morrow 
night,  which  I  am  to  give  to  the  ladies. 

"  Tuesday  lbth. — Fine  weather.  This  day  settled  all  accounts. 
Paid  La  Bute  one  hundred  dollars  for  interpreting  all  the  time 
for    Captain    Campbell;  to    St.    Martin   one    hundred    dollars   for 

the  same;    to  Doctor   Anthony -1     I  had  the  three  Huron 

interpreters  here  at  my  lodging,  and  Aaron,  also  St.  Martin,  when  I 
thanked  them  kindly  for  their  conduct  in  the  affair  of  the  war-belt 
offered  by  the  Six  Nations'  deputies  this  summer;  strongly  recom- 
mended to  them  a  steady  and  uniform  adherence  to  all  the  advice  I 
had  given  them,  and  told  them  I  looked  upon  them  as  the  head 
of  the  Ottawa  Confederacy.  Having  lighted  up  a  council-fire, 
I  desired  they  would  take  care  to  keep  it  in  good  order,  and  not 
neglect  their  friends  and  allies,  as  the  Six  Nations  have  done,  not- 
withstanding all  my  admonitions.  Cautioned  them  against  evil 
minded  people  or  their  wicked  schemes ;  laid  before  them  the  danger 
of  quarreling  with  the  English;  all  which  they  thanked  me  for, 
and  promised  to  pay  the  strictest  attention  to  all  I  said.  They  then 
let  me  know  that  the  Senecas  had  given  another  war-belt  to  the 
Shawanese,  who  told  them  that  they  would  act  as  the  Hurons  had 
done.  They  then  let  me  know  tha  t  they  would,  on  the  morrow,  return 
an  answer  to  the  speech  of  the  Mohawks,  and  for  that  end,  desired 
a  gun  to  be  fired  in  order  to  assemble  the  Ottawas,  Pottawattamies, 
&c,  to  the  meeting.  Then  ordered  up  a  very  good  private  present, 
and  dismissed  them.  In  the  evening,  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  all 
assembled  at  my  quarters,  danced  the  whole  night  until  7  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  when  all  parted  very  much  pleased  and  happy, 
promised  to  write  Mademoiselle  Curie  as  soon  as  possible  my  sen- 
timents ;  there  never  was  so  brilliant  an  assembly  here  before. 

"  Wednesday  \§th. — Still  fair  weather,  wind  contrary  for  us.  I 
ordered  all  the  baggage  to  be  packed  up,  and  every  thing  ready  to 
embark  to-morrow.  About  eleven,  the  Huron  chiefs  arrived,  and 
acquainted  me  that  they  waited  for  the  other  nations,  who,  when  assem- 
bled, would  acquaint  me,  and  come  to  my  quarters.  I  am  to  dine 
this  day  with  Captain  Campbell.     About  one  o'cleck,  the  Hurons, 


Illegible. 


464  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

Ottawas,  Pottawattamies,  Chippawas,  &c,  met  at  my  quarters,  and 
made  several  speeches,  large  and  full  of  gratitude,  as  by  the  minutes 
of  this  day's  conference  will  appear.  They  also  answered  to  the 
Mohawk  belts,  with  which  they  had  spoken  to  all  the  nations  the 
tenth  inst ;  and  delivered  them  a  calumet  to  be  kept  and  smoked 
out  of  at  our  council  at  the  Mohawk's ; —  the  smoke  of  which  will 
reach  the  most  distant  nations.  This  calumet  was  delivered  by  the 
Chippawas,  and  a  bunch  of  green  painted  wampum  to  me,  where- 
with to  dispel  all  clouds,  and  to  clear  all  about  us.  I  gave  out  pri- 
vate presents  to  the  four  chiefs  of  the  Hurons,  which  were  very 
considerable,  and  pleased  them  much.  Nickus,  the  Mohawk,  desired 
I  would  take  home  the  pipe,  belts,  and  strings,  and  deliver  them  to 
the  sachems  of  the  two  Mohawk  castles. 

"  Thursday  17th. — I  counted  out,  and  delivered  to  Mr.  Croghan 
some  silver  works,  viz  ;  one  hundred  and  fifty  ear-bobs,  two  hundred 
brooches  or  breast  buckles,  and  ninety  large  crosses  all  of  silver,  to 
send  to  Ensign  G-orrel  of  the  Royal  Americans,  posted  at  La  Bay  on 
Lake  Michigan,  in  order  to  purchase  therewith  some  curious  skins 
and  furs  for  General  Amherst  and  myself.  Also  gave  Mr.  Croghan 
some  silver  works  as  a  present  for  himself  to  the  amount  of  about 
forty  pounds, —  he  having  given  me  many  presents  of  Indian  kind. 
This  day  I  am  to  give  an  answer  to  what  the  Indians  said  yesterday, 
and  to  set  off,  if  I  can,  after  visiting  Major  Gladwin,  Irwin,  &c. 

"  I  set  off  about  4  o'clock  in  my  boat,  when  the  guns  of  the  fort 
were  fired.  Arrived  at  the  Huron  castle  soon,  where  the  Indians 
were  drawn  up  and  saluted.  Encamped  here ;  visited  the  Priest 
Pierre  Pottie  j  took  a  ride  with  Captain  Jarvis  in  his  chair ;  supped 
with  St.  Martin,  the  Jesuit,  La  Bute,  &c,  and  went  to  the  Huron's 
council  room,  where  they  had  every  thing  in  good  order  and  three 
fires  burning.  I  here  delivered  them  an  answer  to  what  they  had 
said  the  day  before,  as  will  appear  by  the  minutes  of  this  day. 
Then  broke  up. 

"  Friday  \%th. — Fine  cool  morning.  As  my  store  boat  did  not 
come  up  last  night,  I  dispatched  my  own  battoe  to  Detroit  in  order 
to  help  and  hurry  them  down  here,  so  as  to  set  off,  having  finished 
everything.  Captain  Jarvis  is  to  have  three  chairs  here  this  morn- 
ing, for  us  to  ride  to  the  end  of  the  settlement,  being  about  six 
miles.  This  is  a  beautiful  situation,  and  a  dry,  healthy  place.  At 
9  o'clock,  the  chiefs  of  the  Hurons  met  at  my  tent  and  returned  an 
answer  to  all  I  said  last  night,  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  as  will 


APPENDIX.  465 

appear  by  the  minutes  of  this  day  in  the  records.  I  then  gave 
them  twenty  kettles  full  of  tobacco,  about  fifty  damaged  blankets, 
twenty  pounds  of  powder  and  silver  works,  which  greatly  pleased 
them  all.  Captain  Campbell,  several  officers  of  the  Light  Infantry, 
French  and  traders,  came  over  to  take  leave  of  me  and  were  pres- 
ent at  the  meeting;  also  the  priest.  Treated  them  and  the  Indians; 
set  off  my  boats;  and  went  with  three  chairs  to  Captain  Jarvis' 
where  we  took  breakfast.  Madame  Jarvis  accompanied  us  to  our 
boats.  In  our  way,  called  in  at  several  houses  to  see  some  of  the 
principal  inhabitants.  Dined  with  the  company  out  of  doors.     Paited 

[from]  them  all  at  this  place,  which  is  called  Isle  de .     Set  off 

at  one,  and  encamped.  At  the  west  end  of  the  lake,  about  two  miles 
into  the  lake  is  the  large  island ;  nine  leagues  long  and  two  miles 
broad ;  in  several  places  very  rocky ;  worth  taking  up,  and  also  Isle 
Bois  with  one  thousand  acres  of  land  on  the  east  shore,  where  the 
Hurons  formerly  lived.  The  Indians  and  inhabitants  were  all  very 
kind,  and  extremely  pleased  with  all  that  was  done  at  this  meeting. 
We  left  their  country  with  the  greatest  credit. 

"  Saturday  VSth. — Fine  morning.  I  took  my  first  dose  of  elec- 
tuary. Embarked  at  6  o'clock,  and  went  about  five  miles,  where  we 
were  obliged  to  put  ashore  for  a  head  wind,  having  taken  in  some 
water.  Where  we  encamped  is  a  drowned,  swampy  country,  as  is 
the  west  end  of  the  lake  for  the  most  part.  The  lake  runs  generally 
S.  S.  W.,  at  the  end.  Embarked  at  1  o'clock,  the  wind  being  a 
little  abated.  Got  to  Stony  Point.  There  the  wind  sprung  up  very 
fresh,  and  the  waves  ran  very  high,  so  that  we  took  in  water  sev- 
eral times.  Encamped  at  the  next  point  from  the  Stony  points 
which  is  about  nine  miles  distant.  The  wind  still  very  high,  and 
some  of  my  boats  not  able  to  come  up  to  me. 

"  Sunday  20tf/L — Fine  weather,  but  wind  contrary  till  12  o'clock; 
then  embarked,  and  crossed  a  great  bay  to  Cedar  Point.  About 
the  middle  of  the  bay,  almost  opposite  the  Miami  river,1  is  a  small 
island,  and  about  five  leagues  to  the  E.  of  said  island,  is  another 
larger  in  sight.  This  is  the  largest  or  deepest  bay  I  have  seen ;  and 
the  end  of  the  lake,  near  the  Miami  river,  is  about  five  leagues  or 
more  across.  We  crossed  it  with  fine  moderate  weather,  and  en- 
camped on  Cedar  Point,  where  I  cut  some  cedar  sticks  to  bring  home. 
It  is  a  pleasant  encampment,  and  plenty  of  game.     I  gathered  sand 

*Now  known  as  the  Maumee  —  corruption  of  Miami. 
59 


466  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

and  shells  here.  It  is  about  twenty-four  miles  from  here  to  the 
camping  place  of  Sandusky,  which  is  a  mile  and  a  half  across; 
from  thence  six  miles  to  the  Indian  village. 

"  Monday  2lst.-~~  Set  off  from  Cedar  Point  at  6  o'clock.  Rowed 
till  three  [against]  a  contrary  wind,  along  a  narrow,  low,  sand  beach, 
with  drowned  land  and  meadows  within  side — full  of  ducks  and 
geese.  Arrived  at  the  carrying-place  of  Sandusky,  which  is  on 
the  east  side  of  a  fine  river;  which  river  runs  S.  W.,  and  is  pretty 
large.  Encamped  here,  as  none  of  my  boats  are  in  sight.  It  is  a 
pleasant  place,  and  full  of  game.  There  is  an  island  about  ten 
miles  off  bearing  about  N.  E.,  near  the  end  of  the  point  of  land, 
which  makes  the  carrying-place.  A  Tawa1  canoe  came  to  us  here, 
and  gave  me  two  wild  geese.  He  had  a  scalp  and  belt  hoisted  in 
his  canoe,  which  he  took  this  last  spring  from  the  Cherokees. 
About  six  and  seven  o'clock  my  boats  all  arrived.  I  gave  orders  to 
set  off  early  the  next  morning,  so  as  to  get  round. 

"  Tuesday  22d. — I  sent  my  boats  round  the  point,  and  ordered 
them  encamped  at  the  east  side  of  the  entrance  of  Lake  Sandusky 
into  Lake  Erie,  which  is  about  a  mile  across  —  there  to  wait  my 
coming.  Then  I  crossed  the  carrying-place  which  is  almost  oppo- 
site one  of  the  Wyandot  towns,  about  six  miles  across  the  lake  here. 
I  sent  Mr.  Croghan  to  the  Indian  iown,  and  went  down  the  lake  in 
a  little  birch  canoe  to  the  place  where  the  block  house  is  to  be  built 
by  Mr.  Myer.  This  place  is  about  three  leagues  from  the  mouth 
of  Lake  Sandusky,  where  it  disembogues  itself  into  Lake  Erie. 
They  have  a  view  of  all  boats  which  may  pass  or  come  in  from  said 
post.  It  is  about  three  miles  from  another  village  of  Hurons,  and 
fifteen  by  water  from  the  one  opposite  to  the  carrying-place,  and 
nine  by  land.  The  Pennsylvania  road  comes  by  this  post.  This 
is  one  hundred  and  seventy  miles  from  Presque  Isle,  and  forty  miles 
from  Detroit.  In  the  afternoon,  set  off  from  the  post  in  the  little 
canoe,  and  desired  Mr.  Croghan  to  follow  me  directly  in  order  to 
give  him  what  things  I  reserved  for  some  Tawas,  who  received 
nothing  at  Detroit.  I  arrived  at  the  encampment  at  sunset,  when  I 
ordered  all  the  things  to  be  left  out  and  ready  for  morning. 

"  Wednesday  23c?. — Stormy  weather;  wind  N.  W.  Very  rough 
sea;  we  cannot  move.  Last  evening  Mr.  Croghan  and  Mr.  Myer 
came  to  our  camp  and  brought  me  a  birch  canoe.     I  gave  Mr.  Cro- 

1  Contraction  for  Ottawa. 


APPENDIX.  467 

ghan  his  instructions,  a  memorandum  for  some  things,  and  a  letter 
for  Colonel  Bouquet  with  the  regulations  for  trade  for  Pittsborough. 
This  morning  delivered  Mr.  Croghan  all  the  silver  works  for  Sir  Wil- 
liam, *  Killbuck,  and  Jacob,  three  Delaware  chiefs.  Also  what  goods 
I  have  for  about  thirty  Tawas.  I  sent  my  watch  by  Mr.  Croghan 
to  have  it  mended  at  Philadelphia.  Then  he  parted  [from]  me  about 
9  o'clock,  as  did  Mr.  Myer.  I  gave  the  Tawas'  two  sons  two  silver 
gorgets  which  pleased  them  much.  The  wind  very  high  all  the 
day  and  rises  toward  night.  No  stirring  with  my  craft.  In  the 
night  the  wind  blew  so  hard  that  we  were  all  afloat  in  our  encamp- 
ment and  beds,  and  could  not  move  anywhere  else,  being  on  a  sandy 
beech  between  two  waters. 

"  Thursday  21st. — A  very  stormy  morning.  Wind  hard  at  N.  E. 
No  possibility  of  stirring.  I  was  obliged  to  move  my  camp  into 
the  woods  about  two  hundred  yards  back,  being  all  in  the  water. 
When  first  encamped,  the  sea  washed  over  us.  Everything  quite 
wet.  Last  night  a  Tawa  squaw  came  into  my  tent,  quite  wet,  having 
fallen  into  the  lake  at  11  o'clock  at  night.'  About  2  o'clock  P.  M. 
began  to  rain  very  hard,  which  I  hope  will  lower  the  wind. 

"  Friday  25th. — The  weather  cleared  up  a  little,  and  the  wind 
lulled  a  good  deal,  but  a  great  gust  yet  remaining  and  swell. 
Embarked  at  11  o'clock.  The  swell  yet  very  great.  One  of  my 
boats  wrecked,  but  fitted  her  up  in  a  manner  so  as  to  get  her  along. 
At  a  river  within  fifteen  miles  of  Sandusky  Lake,  I  saw  three  wolves 
on  shore  who  had  driven  a  fine  buck  into  the  lake,  which  I  shot 
through  the  head;  and  in  the  evening,  I  divided  it  among  the  party 
and  Indians;  it  was  enough  for  them  all.  The  horns,  skin  and 
sinews  I  took  with  me  as  a  trophy.  Encamped  about  6  o'clock;  my 
boats  all  behind.  The  last  or  broken  boat  came  up  about  8  o'clock 
at  night. 

"  Saturday  26th. — Fine,  mild  morning;  not  the  least  wind. 
Embarked  at  six  of  the  clock  and  intend  to  beach  near  to  Cayahoga 
this  day.  The  Seneca  tells  me  there  is  a  good  deal  of  high  or  steep 
banks  to  pass  by  this  day,  where  there  is  no  getting  on  shore.  I 
found  it  so  for  the  most  part  of  this  day's  journey.  Very  bad  banks, 
indeed,  of  rock  and  some  places  clay;  very  steep  and  high.  The 
wind  turned  fair  about  11  o'clock,  and  blew  steady  all  the  remain- 
der of  this  day,  which  made  this  day's  journey  nearly  forty  miles. 

Encamped  before  six  o'clock,  on  a  beach.     Pleasant  enough.     One 

1 . —     i    .    i  i ■ 

1  Probably  named  after  Sir  William. 


168 

boat  behind  a  great  way.  "We  have  a  long  point  to  turn  to-morrow 
morning.  This  side  of  the  lake  from  Sandusky  is  very  full  of  turns 
and  points  running  northward  or  rather  N.  Easterly.  We  came 
about  thirty-six  miles. 

"  Sunday  27th. — A  fine  morning.  I  got  up  at  4  o'clock,  and 
made  ready  to  embark,  so  as  to  get  as  far  as  possible  this  fine  weather. 
We  rowed  all  day,  the  wind  ahead.  We  passed  two  little  rivers  and 
some  beaches  for  bdats  to  go  in;  but  the  bank  in  general  is  steep. 
Arrived  a  little  before  sunset  at  a  river,  the  entrance  of  which  is 
very  shallow  and  rapid,  but  deep  fourteen  or  fifteen  feet  when  you 
get  in,  and  about  one  hundred  yards  wide.  We  came  this  day 
nearly  thirty  miles.     My  baggage-boats  behind  a  considerable  way. 

"Monday  2Sth. — About  6  o'clock,  my  two  boats  came  up  and  set 
off.  We  embarked  immediately,  the  weather  very  good,  but  no 
wind;  the  day  very  warm.  Passed  three  or  four  creeks  and  other 
good  harbors  for  boats  in  case  of  bad  weather.  At  6  o'clock, 
encamped  in  a  very  good  creek  and  safe  harbor.  The  creek  about 
fifty  yards  wide,  and  pretty  deep;  two  very  steep  hills  at  the  entrance 
thereof;  and  the  water  of  it  of  a  very  brown  color.  We  came  this 
day  about  thirty  miles  by  our  reckoning.  The  banks,  this  day's 
journey,  are  not  quite  so  steep  as  those  we  passed  these  two  days. 

*  Tuesday  29th. — At  6  o'clock  embarked,  and  found  the  channel 
into  this  creek,  but  shallow.  Sailed  the  greatest  part  of  the  day, 
with  a  good  westerly  wind ;  passed  two  or  three  creeks  and  some 
good  beaches  for  landing.  About  two  o'clock,  appeared  in  sight  the 
point  near  Presque  Isle,  which  we  did  not  expect  was  so  near. 
About  half  after  four  arrived  at  the  landing  place,  where  we  had  a 
good  deal  of  difficulty  in  landing  on  account  of  the  great  swell  and 
surf  which  beat  upon  the  beach.  Got  the  boats  and  everything 
over  this  evening,  but  in  a  very  wet  condition.  The  fort  of  Presque 
Isle  is  about  eight  miles  from  here.  This  carrying-place  is  a  sandy 
beach  about  one  hundred  yards  across  into  a  rushy  bay.  The  neck 
or  peninsula  is  eight  miles  long  or  thereabouts,  and  a  mile  over 
from  the  fort;  the  entrance  is  not  the  best. 

"  Wednesday  SOth.— Wind  ahead  or  N.  East.  Setoff  at  7  o'clock, 
and  arrived  at  Presque  Isle  block  house  about  9  o'clock.  Captain 
Cockran,  who  commanded  here,  went  yesterday  for  his  health  to 
Niagara,  Met  Mr.  Jenkins  of  the  Royal  Americans  here  from 
Niagara,  going  to  Detroit,  in  order  to  command  at  Wawiaghtenhook. 
He  delivered  me  some  letters  and  newspapers,  but  nothing  very  mate- 


APPENDIX.  469 

rial.  I  gave  some  Chippawas  some  ammunition,  tobacco,  &c,  who 
were  in  fact  in  great  want  of  them.  Dined  with  the  officers,  and  after 
dinner  intended  to  have  set  off,  but  the  wind  blew  too  hard  ahead, 
so  encamped  here.  Swapped  my  gun  with  a  Chippewa  Indian  for 
a  French  gun.  Gave  the  Indians  a  keg  of  rum  to  drink  the  king's 
health. 

"  Thursday  October  1st. — Embarked  at  7  o'clock,  with  the  wind 
strong  ahead.  Continued  so  all  the  day;  notwithstanding  improved 
all  day  and  got  to  Jadaghque  creek  and  carrying  place,  which  is  a 
fine  harbor  and  encampment.  It  is  very  dangerous  from  Presque 
Isle  here,  being  a  prodigious  steep,  rocky  bank  all  the  way,  except 
two  or  three  creeks  and  small  beaches,  where  a  few  boats  may  run 
into.  There  are  several  very  beautiful  streams  of  water  or  springs, 
which  tumble  down  the  rocks.  We  came  about  forty  miles  this 
day.  The  fire  was  burning  yet  where  Captain  Cockran,  I  suppose, 
encamped  at  last  night.  Here  the  French  had  a  baking-place,  and 
here  they  had  meetings,  and  assembled  the  Indians  when  first  going 
to  Ohio,  and  bought  this  place  of  them.  Toonadawanuslcy ,  the 
river  we  stopped  yesterday  at,  is  so  called. 

"Friday  2d. — A  very  stormy  morning;  wind  not  fair;  however, 
sent  off  my  two  baggage-boats,  and  ordered  them  to  stop  about  thirty 
miles  off  in  a  river.  The  Seneca  Indian  tells  me,  we  may  get  this 
day  to  the  end  of  the  lake.  I  embarked  at  8  o'clock  with  all  the 
rest,  and  got  about  thirty  miles,  when  a  very  great  storm  of  wind 
and  rain  arose,  and  obliged  us  to  put  into  a  little  creek  between  the 
high,  rocky  banks.  The  wind  turned  N.  W.,  and  rained  very  hard 
We  passed  the  Mohawks  in  a  bay  about  four  miles  from  here. 
Some  of  our  boats  are  put  into  other  places  as  well  as  they  can. 
My  bedding  is  on  board  the  birch  canoe  of  mine  with  the  Indians 
somewhere  ahead.  The  lake  turns  away  greatly  to  the  north-east 
and  looks  like  low  land.  From  Presque  Isle  here,  is  all  high  bank 
except  a  very  few  spots  where  boats  may  land.  In  the  evening, 
sent  the  Oneida  to  the  Mohawks'  encampment  to  learn  what  news 
below. 

"  Saturday  3d. — A  very  stormy  morning;  rained  and  blew  all 
the  night  prodigious  hard.  About  8  o'clock  this  morning  the 
Mohawks  came  to  my  tent,  and  told  me  what  news  they  had.  They 
desired  me  to  acquaint  their  people  that  they  intend  to  hunt  this 
winter  at  Cherage  creek  and  return  early  in  the  spring.  Aaron  says 
he  may  go  to  Sandusky.     Hance  will  not  go  farther  but  return  to 


470  LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

Niagara,  and  will  wait  there  for  the  other.  I  met  them  at  Kanan- 
daweron.  They  were  all  well  and  out  about  forty-eight  days  to  this 
time.  They  parted  from  me  about  12  o'clock,  when  the  wind  began 
to  abate.  At  two,  ordered  my  boats  to  be  made  ready  in  order  to 
set  off  as  soon  as  the  weather  and  roughness  of  the  lake  may  allow. 
We  are  now  about  thirty  miles  from  the  entrance  of  the  river,  where 
the  vessel  lies.  Set  off  at  3  o'clock  with  all  the  boats  except  two, 
which  separated  yesterday  in  the  storm.  We  rowed  and  sailed  till 
night,  and  could  find  no  harbor;  so  continued  rowing  till  eight  at 

night,  when  we  got   into  a  bay   within miles  of    the   river's 

mouth.  We  very  narrowly  escaped  a  parcel  of  breakers  after  night, 
about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  shore,  which  was  near  demolishing 
us.     Neither  of  my  two  baggage-boats  seen  or  heard  of  yesterday. 

"  Sunday  4Ah. — Yery  fine  morning.  The  land  on  the  other  side 
of  the  lake  in  view.  Embarked  at  7  o'clock,  and  rowed  near  shore 
about  six  miles.  Then  set  off  across  for  the  river,  where  we  met 
Captain  Robinson  sounding.  It  is  three,  four,  and  five  fathoms 
water  near  the  mouth  of  the  river.  We  went  on  board  the  schooner 
which  lay  about  a  mile  from  the  entrance  of  the  lake  in  the  river, 
where  the  current  runs  six  knots  an  hour.  She  has  about  ninety 
barrels  of  provisions  on  board,  and  twenty-four  barrels  for  Gage's 
sutler.  Captain  Robinson  told  us  that  the  garrison  of  Niagara, 
himself  and  crew,  were  lately  within  a  day  or  two  of  abandoning 
the  fort,  vessel,  &c,  when  provisions  arrived  from  Oswego.  Dined 
on  board,  and  left  the  vessel  about  5  o'clock,  and  encamped  about 
ten  miles  down  the  river.     One  boat  yet  behind  since  the  storm. 

"Monday  5th. — Embarked,  and  called  to  see  Jno.  Dies  on  the 
island,  where  he  is  building  a  sloop,  which  will  not  be  finished  this 
season,  he  says,  as  he  goes  down  in  a  fortnight,  his  men  being  sickly. 
Arrived  at  Little  Niagara  about  10  o'clock,  and  got  over  on  horse- 
back myself,  and  got  waggons  to  carry  over  as  many  of  my  boats,  bag- 
gage, &c,  as  I  could.  Then  set  off  in  an  old  boat  for  Niagara, 
where  I  was  met  at  8  o'clock  at  night  by  the  water-side,  by  Major 
Walters  and  all  the  officers.  Supped  with  the  Major,  and  took  up 
my  old  lodgings. 

"  Tuesday  6th. — I  wrote  Ferrall  Wade  by  a  trader.  Heard  the 
state  of  the  garrison  here,  which  is  very  bad  for  want  of  provisions, 
having  but  six  days'  flour.  The  Major,  De  Couagne,  &c,  complain 
of  Sterling  monopolizing  the  trade  by  keeping  a  great  store  of  goods 
at  Little  Niagara,  which  will  prevent  any   Indians  coming  to  the 


APPENDIX.  471 

fort,  or  under  the  eye  of  the  garrison,  so  that  they  [i.  e.  Stirling  and 
others]  may  cheat  the  Indians  as  much  as  they  please,  in  spite  of  all 
regulations. 

"  Wednesday  7  th. — Fine  warm  weather.  Doctor  Stevenson  visited 
me  yesterday,  and  gave  me  some  bottles  of  curious  liquor  for  my 
own  use.  I  returned  the  compliment.  My  boats  are  not  yet  arrived, 
which  will  detain  me  this  day.  Captain  Cockran  desires  to  go  in 
company  with  me  to  Oswego,  which  I  agreed  to.  He  is  going  to  the 
doctor  or  surgeon  of  the  hospital  there.  This  day  I  clothed  and 
discharged  the  Seneca  Indian  who  accompanied  me  to  Detroit. 
Ordered  my  party  to  be  ready  to  set  off  to-morrow.  This  day  the 
little  schooner  appeared  in  sight,  and  with  a  contrary  wind  was 
obliged  to  work  in  by  tripping.  She  brought  forty  barrels  of  flour 
but  no  news  or  letters  for  me.  The  garrison  of  Oswego,  Major 
Duncan  writes,  has  but  nine  days  flour.  This  evening,  the  Seneca 
who  accompanied  me  to  Detroit,  came  and  received  his  present,  when 
he  told  me  that  the  Coghnawageys,  Ottawas,  &c,  had  a  council  at 
Onondaga  in  the  spring,  at  which  they  entreated  the  Six  Nations  to 
rise  and  join  them  against  the  English,  who  were  now  overrunning 
the  country  and  oppressing  them  everywhere  where  there  was  a 
garrison ;  that  it  was  easy  now  to  do  it  in  Canada,  being  thin  and 
dispersed.  The  Six  Nations,  he  says,  refused,  and  told  them  that 
as  the  English  had  conquered  their  Father  the  French,  they  must 
be  content  and  bear  it.  Besides  they,  the  Six  Nations,  had  no  rea- 
son to  regard  anything  the  Coghnawageys  said,  as  they  of  late  acted 
independent  of  them.  He  says  that  the  Coghnawageys  and  four 
other  nations  came  and  called  a  council  a  second  time  at  Onondaga, 
at  which  they  begged  that  all  the  warriors  would  be  present.  He 
says,  they  did  accordingly  attend,  but  does  not  know  the  result,  as 
it  was  about  the  time  he  went  with  me  to  Detroit,  but  assures  me 
"hat  if  his  father,  the  Old  Belt,  desires  him,  he  will  bring  me  all  the 
mws,  and  what  the  result  of  the  council  was. 

•  Thursday  Sth. — Fine  morning,  but  windy.  Settled  everything 
hert  Dined  with  Major  Walters,  and  at  5  o'clock  embarked.  Sea 
very  ugh,  and  wind  still  rising.  About  half  after  six,  put  ashore 
at  Pette  Marie  with  difficulty,  and  encamped  here.  My  birch  canoe 
not  com  up  •  a  very  stormy  night;  wind  at  N.  N.  W.  The  schooner 
was  to  h^e  sailed  at  4  o'clock,  but  could  not  get  out  for  the  wind 
and  swell. 

"  Friday^ th. — Wind  at  N.  E.;  very  strong;  no  stirring  with  the 


472  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

boats.  This  is  a  fair  wind  to  carry  the  vessel  into  Lake  Erie,  if 
ever  she  can  get  in.  I  gave  Collin  Andrews  and  Barret  Visger  a 
pass  for  three  canoes  to  La  Bay,  which  Captain  Campbell  is  to  pay 
me  £5  for.  My  birch  canoe  is  jnst  come  up  with  difficulty.  Lieu- 
tenant Hay  and  De  Couagne  came  to  see  me,  and  wentbaek  at  sunset. 

"  Saturday  1<M. — Still  blustering  weather;  wind  contrary.  The 
vessel  came  out,  and  makes  but  little  way.  I  never  passed  so  bad 
a  night  with  a  pain  in  my  right  thigh,  and  cold  night.  This  day 
shall  set  off  if  possible.  The  wind  increased  to  a  degree  that  the 
vessel  was  obliged  to  put  back  to  Niagara.  Mr.  Johnson  gone  to 
Niagara  for  half  a  dozen  pounds  of  powder,  ours  being  wet.  I  took 
physic  this  morning  which  purged  me  tolerably.  Major  Walters 
came  to  see  me,  and  spent  the  afternoon.  I  never  had  a  worse  night 
than  this  in  my  life. 

"  Sunday  Wth. — A  fine  morning;  wind  ahead.  Major  "Walters 
came  to  see  me,  but  I  was  ill  abed,  so  he  went  away.  At  half  after 
nine  set  off.  Sea  rough  and  wind  ahead.  Put  into  a  creek  about 
two  miles  from  hence,  a  very  fine  harbor.  About  twelve,  a  birch 
canoe  came  to  us  from  Oswego.  They  were  from  Cayuga,  and  were 
going  a  hunting  to  Sandusky.  I  gave  them  some  tobacco  and 
pipes,  which  they  were  much  pleased  with.  One  of  them  is  a  Sap- 
pony,  and  was  at  the  East  town  meeting.  He  could  tell  me  nothing 
except  that  it  was  about  land  affairs.  Last  night  three  Senecas 
came  to  me  for  powder,  having  got  none  at  Niagara;  gave  them 
also  pipes  and  tobacco.  I  was  very  bad  all  this  day  and  night  with 
pains  in  my  thigh  and  downwards,  so  that  I  could  not  walk  or  stand 
up  without  help,  nor  sleep  a  wink. 

"Monday  12th. — A  fine  morning,  but  cold  and  contrary  wind; 
the  sea  too  rough  to  move,  and  our  provisions  growing  very  short. 
A  Seneca  chief  came  to  my  encampment,  and    was,  on  my  desire 
and  using  him  kindly,  very  open  and  candid  with  regard  to  the  lat? 
conspiracy  of  the  Senecas,  which  I  got  Lieutenant  Johnson  to  taJfe 
down  in  writing.     Gave  him  some  powder,  clothing,  and  a  lette/ to 
Major  Walters  to  use  him  kindly.     He,  with  some  others  o/  his 
nation,  have  with  them  several  horses,  in  order  to  deliver/them 
agreeably  to  my  desire,  on  my  way  to  Detroit.     About  one^clock 
embarked,  and  got  to  a  large  creek  and  harbor  for  any  ni&ber  of 
boats,  about  fourteen  miles  from  Niagara  Fort.     We  es/ied  a  sail 
from  Oswego,  and  sent  Lieutenant  Johnson  on  board  to/sk  for  let- 
ters and  some  provisions  for  my  party,  having  but  fou/days  [pro- 


APPENDIX.  473 

visions].  He  returned  at  nine  at  night;  found  it  to  be  a  sloop 
loaded  chiefly  with  provisions  for  Niagara  from  La  Gallete,  viz :  three 
hundred  and  ninety  barrels  of  pork  and  flour,  some  live  stock,  &c. 
No  letter  for  me,  but  brought  a  barrel  of  pork  and  one  of  flour  for 
the  men.     I  had  a  very  bad  night  of  it,  with  a  pain  of  my  thighs. 

"  Tuesday  \%th. — A  fine  morning,  but  the  wind  still  ahead,  and  a 
great  swell  and  surf,  so  that  there  is  no  stirring  early.  Wherefore 
ordered  my  boat,  which  is  become  very  leaky  by  carrying  over  at 
Niagara,  to  be  corked  and  pitched  as  well  as  they  can.  The  master 
of  the  sloop  says  that  there  is  a  considerable  quantity  of  provisions 
at  Fort  William  Augustus ;  and  that  the  Provincials  are  all  to  leave 
Oswegotties  creek  and  go  home,  their  time  having  almost  expired. 
I  took  physic  this  day,  which  worked  pretty  well.  My  pain  ceased 
a  good  deal  this  night. 

"  Wednesday  l^th. — A  fine  morning,  with  a  smart  white  frost. 
I  ordered  the  boats  to  be  loaded,  and  set  off  at  6  o'clock;  the  wind 
yet  pretty  contrary.  I  saw  a  good  many  geese  this  morning. 
Passed  by  several  good  harbors  and  creeks.  The  wind  lulled,  and 
we  rowed  about  thirty  miles  to  a  small  creek,  where  I  encamped  on 
the  bank,  in  the  woods.  This  day  met  a  trader's  boat.  They  had 
been  twelve  days  from  Oswego;  and  said  the  news  of  a  peace  had 
reached  Oswego.  My  pains  have  abated  a  good  deal  since  yester- 
day, but  my  cough  continues  as  bad  as  usual. 

"  Thursday  \hth. — A  fine  frosty  morning  as  yesterday;  little  or 
no  wind.  The  schooner  from  Niagara  passed  by  for  Oswego. 
Embarked  at  7  o'clock.  About  ten  the  wind  turned  in  our  favor, 
but  it  was  a  very  small  breeze.  About  one  o'clock,  passed  Johnson's 
Harbor,  and  several  good  creeks  for  boats.  At  four,  arrived  at 
Prideaux's  Bay,  which  we  found  shut  up.  Nevertheless  encamped 
here  on  the  beach.  The  pain  of  my  thigh  is  very  much  abated,  but 
my  cough  as  usual,  having  nothing  to  take  for  it. 

"  Friday  \§th. — Fine  morning;  not  cold.  I  got  up  at  3  o'clock, 
in  order  to  set  off  early,  the  wind  being  tolerably  fair  and  fresh. 
Embarked  at  6  o'clock,  and  got  to  Irondequot  at  a  half  an  hour 
after  nine.  It  is  about  fifteen  miles  distant;  the  Seneca  river  about 
midway.  I  stopped  at  Irondequot,  and  Went  shooting  for  about  an 
hour  and  a  half.  Then  embarked,  and  with  a  fair  wind  got  within 
six  or  eight  miles  of  Sodus  about  7  o'clock,  where  I  had  my  boats 
drawn  up  and  encamped  in  an  Indian  encampment.  Bourke  kept 
on  with  my  baggage -boats  to  Sodus. 


474  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

"Saturday  17th. — Very  fine  weather;  wind  pretty  fair.  We 
embarked  at  7  o'clock,  after  having  refreshed  the  men  and  given 
them  two  days  provision,  and  set  off  for  Sodus.  which  is  in  sight 
and  in  appearance  not  above  six  miles  off.  This  is  the  only  iiarbor 
along  the  south  side  of  the  lake  for  vessels.  It  is  thirteen  feet  deep 
over  the  bar.  From  Sodus  to  Oswego,  very  steep  banks  and  few 
good  harbors  for  boats.  This  was  a  very  warm  day,  as  was  yester- 
day. We  arrived  within  two  miles  of  Oswego  about  sundown,  and 
encamped  on  the  gravelly  beach.  About  twelve  at  night,  began  to 
rain;  surf  abated. 

"  Sunday  18th. — A  fine  warm  day.  Embarked  at  7  o'clock,  and 
arrived  at  Oswego  about  eight.  Found  all  well  there,  and  the  works 
in  a  good  deal  of  forwardness.  Dined  at  Major  Duncan's,  who 
complained  greatly  at  the  scarcity  of  flour,  and  the  slowness  of  its 
being  sent  up.  Walked  round  the  fort  and  gardens.  The  former 
is  very  neat  as  far  as  finished.  It  will  take  another  season  to  finish 
it.  Supped  with  Major  Duncan,  Captain  Cockran,  &c.  The  latter 
is  to  take  his  passage  with  me  to-morrow  morning  at  8  o'clock.  Doc- 
tor Barr  is  to  make  up  some  things  for  me  to  take  along.  I  crossed 
the  river  at  eleven  at  night  and  went  to  my  tent,  where  I  found  all 
my  boats'  crew  drunk. 

"  Monday  19th. — A  fine,  pleasant  morning.  I  setoff  at  9  o'clock 
and  arrived  at  half  way  creek  at  twelve,  where  I  found  several  huts 
and  a  house,  which  were  built  for  parties  who  cut  timber  here.  I 
was  obliged  to  wait  here  all  the  day,  without  victuals  or  drink,  my 
boats  not  having  come  up.  An  Indian  of  Cayuga  told  me  that  the 
Chenusios  has  pressed  the  other  nations  to  join  them  in  a  war  against 
the  English,  which  they  all  refused,  and  advised  the  Chenusios  to 
defer  doing  anything  until  I  returned,  and  they  knew  what  was  done 
among  the  western  and  Ottawa  nations  by  me.  He  said  the  Eng- 
lishman was  speaker,  and  that  the  Six  Nations  expect  that  I  will 
call  them  all  down  to  my  house,  as  soon  as  I  get  home.  Their 
being  debarred  the  use  of  powder,  or  liberty  of  purchasing  it  by 
General  Amherst,  is  the  chief  cause  of  their  discontent,  as  they  are 
perishing  for  the  want  of  it.  I  have  seen  a  Cayuga  Indian  pay  at 
Oswego  yesterday  four  salmon  (which  they  sell  for  a  dollar  apiece) 
for  about  half  a  pound  of  powder,  which  is  thirty-two  shillings,  or 
three  pounds  four  shillings  for  a  pound.  My  boats  came  up  at  11 
o'clock  in  the  night,  with  all  my  baggage  wet. 

"  Tuesday  20th. — A  fine  morning.     Embarked  at  8  o'clock,  and 


APPENDIX.  475 

arrived  at'  the  Falls  at  11  o'clock.  Got  over  everything.  At  five 
P.  M.,  dined  with  Ensign  Meut,  and  embarked  at  6  P.  M.,  and 
encamped  on  the  little  island.  I  walked  from  the  half  way  creek 
to  the  Falls,  which  increased  the  pain  of  my  thigh  greatly. 

"  Wednesday  2\st. — A  fine  morning,  and  warm  day.  Embarked 
at  8  o'clock.  At  the  Three  River  Rift,  met  Sir  Robert  Davis  and 
Captain  Etherington,  who  gave  me  a  packet  of  letters  from  General 
Amherst,  and  a  copy  of  a  treaty  held  at  Easton,  in  August,  by  Mr. 
Hamilton  of  Philadelphia,  and  some  scattering  Indians  about  that 
part  of  the  country;  all  of  little  or  no  consequence.  Encamped 
about  three  miles  above  the  Three  Rivers.  Captain  Etherington 
told  me  Molly  was  delivered  of  a  girl ;  that  all  were  well  at  my 
house,  where  they  stayed  two  days. 

"  Thursday  22d. — Very  wet  morning.  Rained  almost  all  the 
night  pretty  hard,  and  all  the  day  incessantly,  so  that  we  could  not 
move.  There  is  some  very  good  land  about  the  Three  Rivers  on 
both  sides. 

"Friday  2Sd. — A  raw,  cold  morning  after  the  rain.  Ordered 
my  boats  to  be  made  ready,  and  embarked  at  8  of  the  clock.  Rained 
a  little  all  day.  Met  several  sutlers'  and  traders'  boats  going  to 
Oswego.  Arrived  at  Fort  Brewerton  at  5  o'clock.  Supped  with 
Lieutenant  Brown,  who  told  us  General  Amherst  was  to  go  home, 
and  the  army  to  go  to  Mississippi ;  by  whom  commanded  he  did  not 
know.  Yesterday  at  12  o'clock,  there  was  such  a  storm  as  emptied 
the  river  by  this  post  of  water,  so  that  several  salmon  and  other 
fish  were  left  dry  for  a  while. 

"  Saturday  24th. — Rained  this  morning,  and  from  12  o'clock  last 
night,  so  that  I  hope  the  water  will  be  good  in  Wood  creek.  The 
wind  fair  for  crossing  the  lake.  Ordered  the  boats  ready  to  embark. 
Very  raw,  cold,  and  wet  weather.  I  was  very  full  of  pain  all  night 
with  my  old  wound.  Embarked  at  9  o'clock.  Wind  turned  ahead 
after  we  got  about  eight  miles  into  the  lake,  and  continued  so  all 
the  day.  Arrived  at  the  royal  block  house  at  the  E.  end  of  Oneida 
lake  after  sunset.  Went  to  the  fort  and  supped  with  Captain  Baw, 
Gray  and  Mr.  Burns.  At  8  o'clock  went  to  camp  and  drank  a  few 
glasses  of  Maderia  with  Mr.  Burns,  &c,  and  went  to  bed  early  as 
usual. 

"  Sunday  25th. — A  wet  morning;  rained  almost  all  the  night. 
Drew  two  days  provision  for  the  party,  ordered  my  boats  ready,  and 
embarked  at  10  o'clock.     Very  wet,  disagreeable  day,  but  very  good 


476 

water.  Encamped  near  the  Oak  Field  about  5  o'clock.  Rained 
very  hard,  and  little  or  no  fire.  Some  of  the  Oneida  chiefs  came 
and  told  me  how  the  affair,  which  Captain  Baw  complained  of,  hap- 
pened. As  they  relate  it  I  don't  think  they  were  to  blame,  having 
only  desired  a  little  provision  as  usual,  and  that  the  garrison  would 
not  fish  in  the  creek  which  comes  by  their  village,  but  leave  that  to 
them,  and  they  might  fish  anywhere  else  they  pleased.  I  gave 
them  a  long  lesson  and  desired  they  would  behave  well,  and  live  in 
friendship  with  their  brethren  everywhere,  which  they  promised  to 
do.     I  gave  them  some  tobacco  and  pipes,  and  so  parted. 

"  Monday  26th.— A  dark,  gloomy  morning,  after  a  very  wet  night. 
Rains  still  a  little.  The  Wood  creek  very  high,  so  that  I  expect  to 
reach  Fort  Stanwix  this  day.  Embarked  at  8  o'clock.  Reached 
the  Oak  Field  by  half  after  nine  o'clock;  got  up  to  Canada  creek 
about  twelve.  From  thence  to  the  sluice  at  Fort  Bull,  where  we 
met  with  great  difficulty  getting  up  and  through,  the  sluice  being 
out  of  order.  Set  off  for  New-Post,  where  we  arrived  about  eight 
at  night.  Were  obliged  to  have  candles  lighted  in  our  boats  to 
drag  and  get  up  as  well  as  we  could.  Lieutenant  Johnson  and 
myself  walked  through  the  woods  with  the  light  of  a  candle  to 
Fort  New-Post,  where  I  found  a  party  of  the  Yorkers  lying  ready 
to  carry  provisions  to  Oswego.  From  thence  walked  with  Doctor 
Peters  to  the  fort,  after  ordering  the  sluice  open  to  carry  up  the 
boats.  Supped  with  Captain  Ogilvie,  Mr.  Fister,  and  Doctor  Peters, 
and  at  10  o'clock  went  to  bed. 

"  Friday  27th. — A  fine  morning.  I  got  up  early,  and  ordered 
my  boats  and  baggage  over  the  camping  place.  I  yesterday  stopped 
and  took  their  passport  from  Messrs.  Fonda  and  Neukirk,  which 
was  for  the  Senecas,  &c,  and  gave  them  one  for  Oswego,  Niagara, 
Oneida  Lake,  &c.  I  took  another  pass  from  one  Knox,  which  was 
for  La  Galette,  and  gave  him  a  proper  one.  Dined  and  supped 
with  Captain  Ogilvie,  and  after  dinner  walked  down  to  see  my  boats 
come  over,  and  gave  orders  for  embarking  early  to-morrow  morning. 
The  fort  here,  as  far  as  finished,  is  very  neat,  but  will  require 
another  summer  to  finish  it,  as  will  Oswego  also. 

"  Wednesday  28th. — A  fine,  frosty  morning.  All  things  ready. 
Embarked  at  10  o'clock.  The  water  in  the  river  very  good  though 
falling.  Yesterday  Colonel  Whiting  and  Captain  Ogilvie  told  me 
the  Provincials  who  were  sent  to  fetch  provisions  up  from  the  little 
falls,  were  just  returned  without  provisions,  there  being  no  battoes 


APPENDIX.  477 

at  the  falls.  They  all  cry  out  against,  and  greatly  blame  the  quar- 
termaster generals  for  the  scarcity  at  all  the  garrisons,  some  of  whom 
were  lately  within  a  very  little  of  abandoning  their  posts.  Arrived 
at  Fort  Schuyler  at  4  o'clock.  Drank  some  punch  with  Lieutenant 
Smith,  who  made  me  a  present  of  a  fine  pointer,  which  he  had  of 
Sir  Robert  Davis.  He  told  me  he  wrote  the  general  for  the  land 
round  that  fort.  I  promised  him  a  farm  there  in  case  I  succeeded 
in  the  purchase  I  was  about  of  all  the  lands  which  belonged  to 
Governor  Cosby' s  heirs,  which  I  shall  do.  I  set  off  and  encamped 
about  three  miles  below  the  fort.  Fine,  pleasant  day,  but  cool  in 
the  evening. 

"  Thursday  29^. — A  fine  morning,  but  cold  and  frosty.  Em- 
barked at  8  o'clock,  and  arrived  at  Conradt  Frank's  by  12  o'clock. 
Dined  there,  and  set  off  for  Canajoharie;  where  I  arrived  at  7  o'clock 
at  night.     Lodged  at  Brant's. 

"Friday  oOth. — Fine  morning,  but  smart  white  frost.  Set  off 
at  8  o'clock  Dined  at  Hannis  Eil's,  and  arrived  at  my  house  about 
half  after  seven  at  night,  where  I  found  all  my  family  well;  so  ended 
my  tour —  Gloria  Deo  Soli. 

"WM.  JOHNSON." 


In  the  fly-leaf  of  the  above  diary,  I  find  the  following  carefully 
noted  down : 

Garrisons  in  Time  of  Peace,  1761. 

Quebec 1800 

Trois  Riviere 100 

Montreal 200 

Fort  Wm.  Augustus 50 

Oswego 100    • 

Niagara 200 

Little  Niagara 12 

Presque  Isle...., ,,, 30 

Sandusky ., 12 

Detroit 150 

Missillimackinac 30 

Miamis  20,  St.  Joseph  30 50 

Port  in  the  Bay  20,  Warriaghta  30 50 

Fort  Pitt 150 

Venango  30,  La  Boeuf  20 50 

Bedford  12,  Legonier  12 24 


J& 


478  LIFE   OP  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

Oswego  Falls 12 

Fort  Brewerton 6 

East  End  Block-House 8 

Fort  Stanwix 50 

Schenectady 25 

Chamble 30 

Crown  Point 400 

Fort  G-eorge 25 

Fort  Edward 25 

Still  Water 12 

Albany 50 

3676 

Halifax,  Annapolis  Boyal,  &c 1200 

Newfoundland,  &c, 200 

Carolina,  &c 600 

Total 5676 

4324  men 

For  a  Belief. 10,000  men 

No.  V. 
I 

Johnson  Mall. 
Johnson  Hall  still  stands  upon  a  slight  elevation  half  a  mile 
northward  of  the  village  of  Johnstown,  a  little  off  from  the  plank 
road  leading  to  Black  river.  It  was,  without  doubt,  in  its  day,  the 
most  spacious  and  elegant  mansion  in  the  province  out  of  New  York 
city.  The  timbers  in  its  frame  are  positively  massive,  and  are  as 
sound  at  the  present  day  as  when  first  put  in.  The  building  is  of 
wood,  clapboarded  to  resemble  blocks  of  stone,  having  on  each  side 
detached  wings  of  stone,  pierced  at  the  top  for  musquetry,  and 
designed  as  block-houses  in  case  of  attack  from  hostile  Indian  tribes. 
Although  it  never  experienced  a  siege,  yet  it  was  twice  fortified, 
once  by  a  strong  rampart,  in  1763,  by  Sir  William  Johnson, 
during  the  revolt  of  the  western  tribes  j  and  again  in  1776  by  Sir 
John  Johnson  previous  to  his  flight  into  Canada.  Upon  first 
entering  the  house,  the  visitor  is  impressed  with  the  feeling  of 
vastness  —  on  such  a  large  scale  is  everything  planned  inside. 
The  hall,  which  runs  through  the  entire  building,  is  fifteen  feet 
wide,  and  the  rooms  in  both  stories  are  large  and  lofty;  the  sides 


*¥< 


APPENDIX.  -181 

being  wainscotted  with  pine  panels  and  heavy  carved  work. 
A  broad  staircase,  leading  from  the  lower  to  the  upper  hall, 
is  protected  by  massive  mahogany  balustrades,  which  still  bear  the 
marks  of  the  hacking  of  a  hatchet, —  said  by  tradition  to  have  been 
done  by  Brant  when  he  fled  with  Sir  John  in  1776,  "to  protect  the 
house  from  the  torch  of  savages  who  would  understand  and  respect 
these  signs/'  Tradition,  however,  is  a  very  poor  guide  to  follow ; 
and  it  is  far  more  probable  that  it  was  done  by  some  vandal  soldier 
in  the  colonial  service,  who,  not  being  allowed  by  his  superior  officer 
to  burn  the  building,  vented  his  malice  in  the  above  manner.  When 
I  last  visited  the  Hall  in  the  summer  of  1862,  the  main  building  was 
in  perfect  preservation,  although  the  two  block-houses  we're  sadly  out 
of  repair.  Of  the  garden  and  nursery,  formerly  on  the  south  of 
the  Hall,  which  was  the  delight  of  the  Baronet  and  the  pride  of  the 
surrounding  country,  not  a  vestige  remains. 

No.  VI. 

Letter  from  Sir    William    Johnson  to  Arthur   Lee,  Esq.,    of  the 

Philosophical  Society,  upon  the  Language,    Customs,  &c,  of  the 

Six  Nations. 

Johnson  Hall,  Feb.  28th,  1771. 
"Sir: 

u  I  should  be  wanting  in  duty  to  the  public  if  I  withheld  from  a 
gentleman  of  Dr.  Lee's  character  any  information  I  am  capable  of 
affording,  the  subject  of  your  letter,  which,  through  my  absence 
from  home,  having  been  for  some  time  in  the  Indian  country,  and 
since  entirely  occupied  with  affairs  of  a  public  nature,  it  was  not  in 
my  power  to  answer  till  now. 

"I  am  only  apprehensive  that  any  account  in  my  power  respects 
ing  such  inquiries  amongst  the  unlettered  Indians  will  prove  inade- 
quate to  the  expectation  formed  in  your  letter;  for,  notwithstanding 
my  long  residence  in  this  country,  the  nature  of  my  office  and  the  most 
diligent  inquiries  into  these  various  particulars,  I  find  all  researches 
of  that  sort,  for  reasons  which  I  shall  give  presently,  involved  in 
such  difficulty  and  uncertainty,  as  to  afford  but  slender  satisfaction  — 
at  least  far  short  of  my  inclination  to  gratify  your  desires  thereon. 
However,  I  shall  endeavor  to  make  some  atonement  by  giving  you 
some  account  of  these  difficulties,  together  with  such  other  hints  as 
from  the  motives  of  enquiry  suggested  in  your  letter,  may,  I  flatter 
myself,  be  of  some  use  or  amusement  to  you. 

"  It  will  be  unnecessary  to  enlarge  on  the  want  of  laws,  govern- 
61 


482  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

ment,  letters,  or  such  other  particulars  as  are  to  be  found  in  most 
authors  who  have  treated  of  the  American  Indians.  These  are 
general  observations  as  generally  known.  To  show  wherein  they 
are  defective,  and  to  account  for  it  by  putting  forth  the  present  state 
of  the  several  Indian  Nations  is  a  subject  of  greater  importance,  as  it 
will  lead  to  other  matters  more  interesting. 

"  I  must  therefore  observe  that  the  customs  and  manners  of  the 
Indians  are  in  several  cases  liable  to  changes  which  have  not  been 
thoroughly  considered  by  authors,  and  therefore  the  description  of 
them  (as  is  usual)  at  our  particular  period,  must  be  insufficient;  and 
I  must  further  premise,  that  I  mean  to  confine  my  observations  to 
those  of  the  Northern  Nations,  with  whom  I  have  the  most  acquaint- 
ance and  intercourse.  In  all  inquiries  of  this  sort,  we  should  dis- 
tinguish between  the  most  remote  tribes  and  those  Indians  who, 
from  their  having  been  next  to  our  settlements  several  years,  and 
relying  solely  on  oral  tradition  for  the  support  of  their  ancient 
usages,  have  lost  a  great  part  of  them,  and  have  blended  some  cus- 
toms amongst  ourselves,  so  as  to  render  it  extremely  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  to  trace  these  customs  to  their  origin,  or  to  discover 
their  application.  Again,  those  Indians  who  are  a  degree  farther 
removed,  have  still  a  good  deal  of  intercourse  with  our  traders,  and 
having  altered  their  system  of  politics,  though  they  still  retain  many 
ancient  customs,  they  are  much  at  a  loss  to  account  for  them,  whilst 
those  who  are  far  removed  from  any  intercourse  with  the  whites,  (a 
few  traders  excepted),  are  still  in  possession  of  the  greater  part  of 
their  primitive  usages,  although  they  cannot  give  a  satisfactory 
account  of  their  original  signification,  and  having  blended  the  whole 
with  fables,  as  to  render  it  matter  of  great  difficulty  to  separate 
truth  from  it;  add  to  this,  that  above  a  century  ago,  they  had  French 
Jesuits  among  them,  who  partly  for  religious  purposes,  but  chiefly 
to  secure  particular  ends  in  the  wars  they  often  fomented,  introduced 
some  of  their  own  inventions,  which  the  present  generation  confound 
with  their  ancient  ceremonies. 

"  If  these  remarks  are  confined  to  the  Confederacy  of  the  Six 
Nations,  the  Mohawks,  who  have  long  lived  within  our  settlements, 
and  come  under  the  first  predicament,  though  greatly  reduced  in 
number,  are  still  the  acknowledged  head  of  that  alliance,  but  in 
their  present  state,  they  have  less  intercourse  with  the  Indians  and 
more  with  us  than  formerly,  besides  which,  they  are  at  present  mem- 
bers of  the  church  of  England.     Most  of  them  read,  and  several 


APPENDIX.  483 

write  very  well.  When,  therefore,  they  subscribe  an  ordinary  deed, 
they  frequently  make  use  of  a  cross  after  the  example  of  the  illiter- 
ate amongst  us,  and  sometimes  write  their  names ;  but  in  things  of 
much  consequence,  they  usually  delineate  a  steel,  such  as  is  used  to 
strike  fire  out  of  a  flint,  being  the  symbol  of  their  nation.  This 
steel  which  is  their  language,  they  call  Canniah,  themselves  Can- 
mugaes,  but  from  hence  little  can  be  deduced,  as  they  had  not  the 
use  of  any  instrument  in  that  form  before  their  commerce  with  the 
whites.  The  Tuscaroras  I  omit,  as  they  are  a  southern  people,  not 
long  introduced  into  the  alliance,  making  the  Sixth  Nation. 

"The  Oneidaswho  inhabit  the  country  a  little  beyond  our  settle- 
ments, are  in  the  next  class,  for  although  some  efforts  have  been 
made  to  civilize  and  Christianize  them,  a  great  part  are  still  in  the 
primitive  way;  but  being  also  reduced  in  numbers,  and  their  politi- 
cal system  much  changed,  their  intercourse  with  the  more  remote 
Indians  is  lessened,  and  their  knowledge  of  ancient  usages  decayed. 
They  have  in  use  symbols,  a  tree,  by  which  they  would  express 
stability.  But  their  true  symbol  is  a  stone  called  Onoyat,  and  they 
call  themselves  Onoynts,  a  particular  instance  of  which  I  can  give 
from  an  expedition  I  went  on  to  lake  St.  Sacrament,  in  1746,  when 
to  show  the  enemy  the  strength  of  our  Indian  alliances,  I  desired 
each  nation  to  affix  their  symbol  to  a  tree.  The  Oneidas  put  up  a 
stone  which  they  painted  red.  The  Onondagas,  whose  residence  is 
40  miles  farther,  are  somewhat  better  versed  in  the  customs  of 
their  ancestors.  They  call  themselves  a  people  of  the  Great  Moun- 
tain. The  Cayugas,  who  are  about  the  same  distance  beyond  them, 
have  for  their  symbol  a  pipe. 

"  The  Senecas  are  the  most  numerous  and  most  distant  of  the 
Six  Nations ;  have  several  towns  and  symbols,  from  which,  however, 
little  can  be  understood  j  and  leaving  this  Confederacy,  we  shall 
find  that  the  nations  to  the  north-west,  though  they  have  their  sym- 
bols, are  not  able  to  explain  them  to  any  degree  of  satisfaction ;  for 
as  they  scatter  more  in  quest  of  a  livelihood,  they  have  not  the  same 
opportunity  or  inclination  to  cultivate  and  explain  oral  tradition. 

"To  the  south-west,  the  Indians  are  better  versed  in  these  matters; 
but  this  is  a  field  too  large  for  what  I  now  propose,  though  by 
another  opportunity  I  shall  most  willingly  assist  your  inquiry  therein, 
returning  now  to  other  observations.  The  Indians,  taken  collectively, 
did  certainly  a  few  centuries  ago  live  under  some  more  order  and 
government  than  they  do  at  present.     This,  I  know,  is  not  a  natural 


484  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

position  in  ordinary  speculation,  because  the  Romans  found  the 
nations  of  the  north   little   better  than  barbarians,  but  left  them 
vastly  improved,  and  not  only  capable  of  relishing  the  sweets  of  civil 
society,  but  actually  enjoying  a  species  of  order  and  government  to 
which  in  their  rude  state  they  were  strangers ;  and  therefore  it  would 
appear  an  apt  conclusion  that  the  Indians  must,  from  similar  circum- 
stances, be  likewise  improved.     But,  that  the  reverse  is  the  truth  may 
seem  odd,  but  it  is  the  truth;  for  their  intercourse  in, general  being 
with  the  lower  class  of  our  traders,  they  learn  little  from  us  but 
our  vices  j  and  the  long  wars  they  have  sustained,  together  with 
the  immoderate  use  of  spirituous  liquors,  have  so  reduced  them,  as 
to  render  that  order   which  was   first  instituted  unnecessary   and 
impracticable.     Since  the   reduction  of    Canada,    their  system  of 
politics  is  changed.     Their  eyes  are  upon  us,  whom  they  consider 
too  formidable,  and  much  of  their  time  is  much  spent  in  intrigues  of 
state,  to  which  other  matters  have  given  place.     But  though  it  does 
not  appear  that  they  had  the  use  of  letters,  yet  the  traces  of  govern- 
ment may  still  be  seen,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  they  made 
use  of  hieroglyphics,  understood  to  be  figures,  intended  to  conceal 
somewhat  from  the  vulgar.     But  they  are  drawn  to  the  utmost  of 
their  skill  to  represent  the  thing  intended,  for  instance  :  when  they 
go  to  war,  they  paint  some  trees  with  the  figures  of  men,  often  the 
exact  number  of  the  parties,  and  if  they  go  by  water,  they  delineate 
a  canoe.     When  they  make  any  achievement,  they  mark  the  handle 
of  their  tomahawks  with  human  figures  to   signify  prisoners,  but 
bodies  without  heads  to  express  scalps.     The  figures  which  they  affix 
to  deeds,  have  led  some  to  imagine  that  they  had  characters  or  an 
alphabet.     The  case  is  this  :  every  nation  is  divided  into  a  certain 
number  of  tribes,  of  which  some  have  three,  as  the  turtle,  bear  and 
wolf,  to  which  others  add  the  snake,  deer,  &c.     Each  of  these  tribes 
form  a  little  community  within  the  nation,  and  either  nation  has  its 
peculiar  symbol,  (as  the  flint  for   the    Mohawks,  the   stone  for  the 
Oneidas,  and  the  pipe  for  the  Cayugas),  so   each   tribe   has   the 
peculiar  badge  from  whence  it  is  denominated,  and  a  sachem  of  each 
tribe  being  a  necessary  party  to  a  fair  conveyance,  such  sachem  affixes 
the  mark  of  the  tribe  thereto,  which   is   not  that  of  a  particular 
family  (unless  the  whole  tribe  is  so  deemed)  but  rather  as  a  public 
seal  of  a  corporation. 

"  As  this  letter  is  already  of  an  immoderate  length,  I  shall  only 
at  present,  add  that,  with  respect  to  the  deed  of  1726,  of  which  you 


APPENDIX.  485 

sent  me  the  signature,  the  transaction  was  in  some  measure  of  a 
partial  nature,  which  I  can  at  another  time  explain.  All  the  nations 
of  the  Confederacy  did  not  subscribe  it,  and  those  chiefs  that  did, 
neglected  to  pay  due  regard  to  the  proper  symbols,  but  signed  agree- 
ably to  fancy,  of  which  I  have  seen  other  instances,  although  the 
manner  I  have  mentioned  is  the  most  authentic  and  agreeable  to 
their  original  practice. 

"  As  to  the  information  which  you  observe  I  formerly  transmitted 
to  the- governor  of  New  York  concerning  the  belt  and  15  bloody 
sticks  sent  by  the  Mississageys,  the  like  is  very  common,  and  the 
Indians  use  sticks,  as  well  to  express  the  alliance  of  castles,  as  the 
number  of  individuals  in  a  party.  These  sticks  are  generally  six 
inches  in  length,  very  slender,  and  painted  red,  if  the  subject  is 
war,  but  without  any  peculiarity  of  shape.  Their  belts  are  mostly 
black  wampum,  painted  red  when  they  denote  war.  They  describe 
castles  sometimes  upon  them  as  square  figures  of  white  wampum, 
and  in  alliance,  human  figures  holding  a  chain  of  friendship,  each 
figure  representing  a  nation.  An  axe  is  also  sometimes  described, 
which  is  always  an  emblem  of  war.  The  taking  it  up  is  a  declara- 
tion, and  the  burying  it  a  token  of  peace. 

With  respect  to  your  questions  concerning  the  chief  magistrate, 
or  sachem,  and  how  he  acquires  his  authority,  &c,  I  am  to  acquaint 
you  that  there  is,  in  every  nation,  a  sachem  or  chief,  who  appears 
to  have  some  authority  over  the  rest,  and  is  it  the  greatest  amongst 
the  most  distant  nations.  But  in  most  of  those  bordering  on  our 
settlements,  his  authority  is  scarcely  discernible,  he  seldom  assuming 
any  power  before  his  people.  And,  indeed,  this  humility  is  judged 
the  best  policy ;  for,  wanting  coercive  power,  their  commands  would 
perhaps  occasion  assassination,  which  sometimes  happens. 

The  sachems  of  each  tribe  are  usually  chosen  in  a  public  assem- 
bly of  the  chiefs  and  warriors,  when  a  vacancy  happens  by  death 
or  otherwise.  They  are  generally  chosen  for  their  sense  and  bravery 
from  among  the  oldest  warriors,  and  approved  of  by  all  the  tribe, 
on  which  they  are  saluted  sachems.  There  are,  however,  several 
exceptions,  for  some  families  have  a  kind  of  inheritance  in  the 
office,  and  are  called  to  this  station  in  their  infancy. 

The  chief  sachem,  by  some  called  the  king,  is  so  either  by  inher- 
itance or  by  a  kind  of  tacit  consent,  the  consequence  of  his  superior 
abilities  and  influence.  The  duration  of  his  authority  depends 
much  on  his  own  wisdom,  the  number  and  consequence  of  his  rela- 


486  LIFE    OF    SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

tions,  and  the  strength  of  his  particular  tribe.  But  even  in  those 
cases  where  it  descends,  should  the  successor  appear  unequal  to  the 
task,  some  other  sachem  is  sure  to  possess  himself  of  the  power  and 
the  duties  of  the  office.  I  should  have  observed,  that  military  ser- 
vices are  the  chief  recommendations  to  this  rank.  And  it  appears 
pretty  clearly  that  heretofore  the  chief  of  a  nation  had,  in  some 
small  degree,  the  authority  of  a  sovereign  This  is  now  the  fact 
among  the  most  remote  Indians.  But  as,  since  the  introduction  of 
fire-arms,  they  no  longer  fight  in  close  bodies,  but  every  man  is  his 
own  general,  I  am  inclined  to  think  this  has  constituted  to  lessen 
the  power  of  a  chief.  This  chief  of  a  whole  nation  has  the  custody 
of  the  belts  of  wampum,  &c,  which  are  as  records  of  public  trans- 
actions ;  he  prompts  the  speakers  at  all  treaties,  and  proposes  affairs 
of  consequence.  The  chief  sachems  form  the  grand  council,  and 
those  of  each  tribe  often  deliberate  apart  on  the  affairs  of  their  par- 
ticular tribes.  All  their  deliberations  are  conducted  with  extraor- 
dinary regularity  and  decorum.  They  never  interrupt  him  who  is 
speaking,  nor  use  harsh  language,  whatever  may  be  their  thoughts. 
The  chiefs  assume  most  authority  in  the  field;  but  this  must  be 
done  even  there  with  great  caution,  as  ahead  warrior  thinks  Tiiinself 
of  most  consequence  in  that  place.  The  Indians  believe  in,  and  are 
much  afraid  of  witchcraft;  those  suspected  of  it  are  therefore  often 
punished  with  death.  Several  nations  are  equally  severe  on  those 
guilty  of  theft  (a  crime  indeed  uncommon  among  them);  but  in 
cases  of  murder,  the  relatives  are  left  to  take  what  revenge  they 
please.  In  general,  they  are  unwilling  to  inflict  capital  punishments, 
as  these  defeat  their  grand  political  object,  which  is  to  increase  their 
numbers  by  all  possible  means. 

On  their  hunts,  as  upon  all  other  occasions,  they  are  strict 
observers  of  meum  and  tuumy  and  this  pure  principle,  holding  theft 
in  contempt,  so  that  they  are  rarely  guilty  of  it,  though  tempted  by 
articles  of  much  value.  Neither  do  the  strong  attempt  to  sieze  the 
prey  of  the  weak;  and  I  must  do  them  the  justice  to  say  that  unless 
heated  by  liquor  or  inflamed  by  revenge,  their  ideas  of  right  and 
wrong,  and  their  practices  in  consequence  of  them,  would,  if  more 
known,  do  them  much  honor.  It  is  true,  that,  having  been  often 
deceived  by  us  in  the  purchase  of  lands,  in  trade,  and  other  trans- 
actions, many  of  them  begin  now  to  act  the  same  part.  But  this 
reflects  most  on  those  who  set  them  the  example. 

As  to  your  remark  on  their  apparent  repugnance  to  civilization, 


APPENDIX.  487 

I  must  observe,  that  this  is  not  owing  to  any  viciousness  of  their 
nature,  or  want  of  capacity,  as  they  have  a  strong  genius  for  arts, 
and  uncommon  patience.  I  believe  they  are  put  to  the  English 
schools  too  late,  and  sent  back  too  soon  to  their  people,  whose  polit- 
ical maxim,  Spartan-like,  is  to  discountenance  all  pursuits  but  war, 
holding  all  other  knowledge  as  unworthy  the  dignity  of  man,  and 
tending  to  enervate  and  divert  them  from  that  warfare  on  which  they 
conceive  their  liberty  and  happiness  depend.  These  sentiments, 
constantly  instilled  into  the  minds  of  youth,  and  illustrated  by 
examples  drawn  from  the  contemptible  state  of  the  domesticated 
tribes,  leave  lasting  impressions,  and  can  hardly  be  defeated  by  an 
ordinary  school  education. 

I  wish  my  present  leisure  would  allow  me  to  give  you  as  many 
specimens  of  their  language  as  would  show  that  (though  not  very 
wordy),  it  is  extremely  emphatical;  and  that  their  style  abounds  with 
noble  images,  strong  metaphors,  and  equal  in  allegory  to  many  of 
the  eastern  nations.  The  article  is  contained  in  the  noun,  by  varying 
the  termination;  and  the  adjective  is  combined  into  one  word. 
Thus  of  echin,  a  man,  and  gowana,  great,  is  formed  echmgouana, 
a  great  man.  Cahyunghaw  is  a  creek,  caghyunga,  a  river ;  caghy- 
unghaoioana,  a  great  river ;  caghyungheeo,  a  fine  river.  JETaga,  the 
inhabitants  of  any  place,  and  tierham  the  morning;  so,  if  they 
speak  of  eastern  people,  they  say  tierhans — aga,  or  people  of  the 
morning.  Eso  is  expressive  of  a  great  quantity,  and  esogee  is  the 
superlative.  The  words  goronta  and  golota,  which  you  mention, 
are  not  of  the  Six  Nations,  but  a  southern  language.  It  is  curious 
to  observe  that  they  have  various  modes  of  speech  and  phrazes 
peculiar  to  each  age  and  sex,  which  they  strictly  observe.  For 
instance,  a  man  says  when  he  is  hungry,  cadagcariax,  which  is 
expressive  both  of  his  want  and  of  the  animal  food  he  requires  to 
supply  it ;  whilst  a  child  says,  in  the  same  circumstances,  caut/ore, 
that  is,  "I  require  spoon-meat." 

Indeed,  whatever  agreement  there  is  in  the  manners,  there  is  so 
remarkable  a  difference  in  the  language  of  the  Five  Nations  from 
all  the  rest,  as  affords  some  grounds  for  inquiry  into  their  distinct 
origin,  for  the  Indians  north  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  those  west  of  the 
great  lakes,  with  the  few  who  inhabit  the  sea  coasts  of  New  England, 
and  those  again  who  live  about  the  Ohio,  notwithstanding  the 
respective  differences  between  them,  speak  a  language  radically  the 
same,  and  can,  in  general,  communicate  their  wants  to  each  other, 


488  LIFE   OF   SIE  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

whilst  the  Five  nations  who  live  in  the  midst  of  them,  are  incapable 
of  conveying  a  single  idea  to  their  neighbors ;  neither  can  they  pro- 
nounce a  word  of  their  language  with  correctness.  There  is,  indeed, 
some  difference  of  dialect  amongst  the  Five  Nations  themselves, 
but  there  is  little  more  than  may  be  found  in  the  provinces  of  large 
states  in  Europe.  In  particular,  the  letters  M  and  P,  which  occur 
so  frequently  in  the  language  of  the  rest,  cannot  be  pronounced  by 
the  Five  Nations  without  the  utmost  difficulty,  and  are  not  in  this 
language. 

But  as  I  have  already  accounted  for  not  going  into  further  par- 
ticulars at  present,  I  shall  conclude  with  assuring  you  that  if  these 
remarks  prove  of  any  use  to   you,  I  shall  readily  descend  to  any 
other  matters  of  information  that  may  demonstrate  how  much 
I  am,  Sir, 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

WM,  JOHNSON." 
To  Authur  Lee,  Esq."1 

No.  VII. 

An   Account  of  the   Location  of  Indian    Tribes  by  Sir  William 

Johnson. 

SIX  NATION   CONFEDERACY,    COMPREHENDING    THAT    OF  CANADA, 

OHIO,   ETTC. 

NAMES.  NO.  OP  MEN.  SOITUATION. 

Two  villages  on  the  Mohawk  River, 

Mohocks 160     with  a  few  emigrants  at  Scohare  about 

16  miles  from  Fort  Hunter. 

Two  villages,  one  25  miles  from  Fort 

Oneidas2 250     Stanwix,  the   other  12  miles  west  of 

Oneida  Lake,  with  Emigrants  in  several 
places  towards  the  Susquehanna  River 

1  Manuscript  letter.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  other  letters  in 
this  series — if  this  one  was  followed  up  as  the  writer  intimates  it  would 
be  —  cannot  be  found. 

2  Of  the  Six  Nations,  the  Mohawks  or  Mohocks,  Onondagas  and  Senecas 
are  considered  as  the  chief  and  elder  branches — the  Oneidas,  Cayugas  and 
Tuscaroras  are  the  younger ;  the  last  mentioned  Nation  having  many  years 
ago  retired  from  the  southward,  were  admitted  into  the  Confederacy  with 
the  then  Five  Nations,  the  Oneidas  giving  them  land,  and  they  now  enjoy 
all  privileges  with  the  rest. 


APPENDIX. 


489 


NO.  OF  MEN. 


SCITUATION. 


Tuscaroras . 


140 


Onondagas 150 

Cayugas 200 

Senecas1 1050 


Oswegachys! 


Nanticokes3 ■ 

Conoys3. 

Tutecoes3 

Saponeys  ettc3 


80 


200 


One  village  6  miles  from  the  first 
Oneidas,  and  several  others  about  the 
Susquehanna. 

One  large  village,  6  m.  from  the  lake 
of  their  name  (which  is  the  place  of 
congress  for  the  Confederates)  with  a 
smaller  at  some  distance. 

One  large  village  near  the  lake  of 
their  name,  with  several  others  from 
thence  to  the  Susquehanna. 

Have  several  villages  beginning  about 
50  m,  from  Cayuga,  and  from  thence  to 
Chenussio,  the  largest  about  70  m.  from 
Niagara,  with  others  thence  to  the  Ohio. 

Emigrants  from  the  Six  Nations 
chiefly  Onondagas  settled  at  La  G-allette 
on  the  River  St.  Lawrence. 

A  people  removed  from  the  south- 
ward and  settled  on  and  about  the  Sus- 
quehanna on  lands  allotted  by  the  Six 
Nations. 


INDIANS    IN    ALLIANCE   WITH   THE   SIX   NATIONS. 

Emigrants  from  the  Mohocks  settled 
at  Sault  St.  Louis  near  Montreal,  with 

Caghnawagas4 300     Emigrants  at  Aghquissasne,  below  La 

Gallette,  which  is  the  seat  of  a  Mission. 
These  three  Nations  now  reside 
together  at  the  Lac  de  deux  Montagnes 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Ottawa  River  near 
Montreal. 


Canasadagas4...., 

Arundacs4 

Algonkins4 


} 


1  Of  the  Senecas,  two  villages  are  still  in  our  interest,  vizt :  Kanadasero 
and  Kanaderagey;  the  rest  have  joined  the  western  nations. 

2  These  are  at  peace  with  the  English. 

3  These  people  are  immediately  under  the  direction  of  the  Six  Nations, 
and  at  peace  with  the  English. 

4  All  these  nations  are  in  alliance  with  the  Six  Nations,  and  warmly 
attached  to  the  British  interest,  as  are  all  the  other  Indians  in  Canada — 
Caughnawaga  is  the  seat  of  a  mission,  as  is  the  village  of  Lac  du  deux 
Montagnes. 


490  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,   BART. 

NAMES.  NO.  OF  MEN.  SCITUATION. 

Their  village  having  been  burned  at 

Abenaquis1 100     St.  Francis,    below  Montreal,  during 

the  war,  they  have  since  lived  scattered 
except  a  few. 

Reside  at  Trois  Rivieres,    they  are 
Skaghquanoghronos2..     40     originally  Algonkins 

Reside  at  Loretto,  near  Quebec,   a 

Hurons2 40     very  civilized  people 

Removed  to  the   river   Scioto,    and 

Shawanese 300     other  branches. 

In  several  villages  on  and  about  the 

Delawares3 600     Susquehanna,  Muskingum,  ettc,    and 

thence  to  Lake  Erie. 

Wiandots,  ettc, 200         Some  villages  in  the  neighborhood  of 

Sandusky  fort,  near  Lake  Erie. 

Total* 3960 

OTTAWA  CONFEDERACY,  COMPREHENDING  THE  TWIGHTWEES,  ETTC. 

Reside  opposite  Detroit,  their  village 

is  the  seat  of  a  Jesuit  mission,    their 

Wiandots  or  Hurons5    250     language  bears    affinity   with  that  of 

the  Six  Nations. 
Powtewatamis :  in  the  Resided  about  a  mile  below  the  fort, 
neighborhood  of                  but  abandoned  their  village  on  the  corn- 
Detroit 150     mencement  of  hostilities. 

in  the  neighborhood 

of  St.  Joseph 200         A  little  below  the  fort. 


1  These  Indians  are  originally  from  New  England ;  if  they  were  all  col- 
lected, they  would  amount  to  more  than  is  represented.  They  have  like- 
wise a  missionary  who  is  a  Jesuit. 

2  There  are  several  other  nations  to  the  northward,  who  avoid  any  con- 
nection with  the  white  people ;  and  as  they  have  no  fixed  residence,  their 
numbers,  though  considerable,  can  not  be  ascertained. 

8  These  people  are  greatly  influenced  by  the  Senecas,  and  reside  on  lands 
allotted  them  by  the  permission  of  the  Six  Nations.  They  are  now  at  war 
with  the  English. 

4  There  are  also  in  the  Six  Nation  Confederacy,  many  Indians,  whose 
numbers  cannot  be  computed,  as  they  have  no  fixed  residence. 

5  This  nation  has  a  great  influence  over  the  rest,  and  has  been  greatly 
instigated  by  the  neighboring  French  to  commit  acts  of  hostility. 


APPENDIX. 


491 


NAMES.  NO.  OF  MEN.  SCITUATION. 

Ottawas,  residing  in  the  Resided  about  Detroit,  but  with  the 

neighborhood  of        200  former,  form  a  flying  camp. 
Detroit.1 

in  the  neighborhood  Resided  in  different  villages,  but  are 

of    Michillimaki-  now  probably  with  the  former.     Mich- 

nac2 250  illimakinac  is  the  seat  of  amission. 

in  the  neighborhood  Resided  at  a   small   distance,    after 

of  Fort  St.  Joseph  150  the   reduction  of    the   fort,    probably 
joined  the  rest. 

Chipeweighs,  or  Mis-  Resided     above    the    Detroit,    now 

sisagais  :  in  the  probably  in  arms  with  the  rest, 
neighborhood  of 

Detroit^ 320 

In  the  neighborhood  Had  several  different  villages  in  that 

of  Michillimacki-  country  and  the  environs  of  the  Lake 

nac3 400  Huron. 

Meynomenys l 110  All  these  nations  reside  on  the  west 

Folsavoins4 100  side  of  La  Baye,  at  Lake  Michigan,  and 

Puans4 360  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  fort  there. 

Sakis4 300 

Foxes4 320 

MIAMIS  OR  TWIGHTWEES. 

Twigh twees5 230         Near  the  fort,  on  the  Miamis  river. 

Kickapous6 180         These  nations  reside  in  the  neighbor- 

Mascoutens6 90     hood   of  the  fort  at  Wawiaghta,  and 

1  With  these  and  the  above  Indians  are  joined  several  others  who  form  a 
flying  camp  under  Pondiac,  an  Ottawa  chief. 

2  The  Ottawas  in  the  neighborhood  of  Michillimackinac  are  well  attached 
to  us  for  the  most  part. 

8  These  are  the  most  numerous  of  all  the  Ottawa  Confederacy,  and  have 
many  villages  about  lakes  Superior,  Huron,  Erie,  ettc,  whose  numbers  can 
not  at  present  be  ascertained  with  exactness. 

4  These  nations  are  at  present  in  alliance  with  the  Ottawa  Confederacy, 
but  appear  inclined  to  our  interest ;  nor  did  they  take  the  fort  at  La  Baye, 
the  officer  abandoning  it,  on  the  news  of  the  rupture,  as  he  could  make  no 
defence. 

5  The  Twightwees  were  originally  a  very  powerful  people,  who,  having 
been  subdued  by  the  Six  Nations,  were  permitted  to  enjoy  their  possessions. 
There  are  many  tribes  and  villages  of  them,  but  these  are  all  who  are 
perfectly  known. 


V 


rs- 


492  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

NAMES.  NO.  OF  MEN.  SCITUATION. 

Piankashaws 100     about  the  Wabache  river. 

"Wawiaghtonos 200 

Ottawas,  Residing  through  all  the  extent  of 

ChipeweighSjettc.1  4000     country,  from  the  lakes,  to  the  great  Ot- 
tawa river,  and  at  Lake  Superior,  ette. 
Illinois  number  Reside  about  the  Illinois  river,  and 

uncertain2 hence  to  the  Mississippi. 

Sioux  number  Reside  in  the  country  westward  of 

uncertain3 Mississippi,  they  are  much  addicted  to 

wandering,  and  live  mostly  in  camps. 

Total 8020 

WM.  JOHNSON. 

November  18th,  1763. 

No.  VIII. 
Will  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 

In  the  name  of  God,  amen  —  I,  Sir  William  Johnson,  of  John- 
son Hall,  in  the  county  of  Tryon  and  Province  of  New  York,  Bart., 
being  of  sound  and  disposing  mind,  memory  and  understanding,  do 
make,  publish  and  declare,  this  to  be  my  last  will  and  testament,  in 
manner  and  form  following : 

First  and  principally,  I  resign  my  soul  to  the  great  and  merciful 
God  who  made  it,  in  hopes,  through  the  merits  alone  of  my  blessed 
Lord  and  Saviour,  Jesus  Christ,  to  have  a  joyful  resurrection  to  life 
eternal;  and  my  body  I  direct  to  be  decently  interred  in  the  place 
which  I  intend  for  it ;  and  I  would  willingly  have  the  remains  of 
my  beloved  wife,  Catharine,  deposited  there,  if  not  done  before  my 
decease  j  and  I  direct  and  desire  my  hereinafter  mentioned  execu- 
tors to  provide  mourning  for  my  house-keeper,  Mary  Brant,  and 

1  This  is  the  most  exact,  computation  which  can  be  made  of  these  numerous 
people  who  are  scattered  throughout  the  northern  parts,  and  who  having 
few  places  affixed  residence,  subsisting  entirely  by  hunting,  cannot  be 
ascertained  as  those  of  their  Confederacy  residing  near  the  out  forts. 

2  We  have  hitherto  had  nothing  to  do  with  these  people,  who  are  numerous 
and  variously  computed.  The  Six  Nations  claim  their  country,  but  their 
right  of  conquest  thereto  does  not  appear  so  clear  as  to  the  rest,  as  repre- 
sented in  the  letter  herewith. 

3  The  Sioux,  who  are  the  most  numerous  of  the  northern  Indians,  are 
little  known  to  us,  they  not  appear  well  affected  to  the  western  Indians, 
and  promise  to  send  deputies  to  me  in  the  spring. 


APPENDIX.  493 

for  all  her  children ;  also  for  young  Brant  and  William,  both  half- 
breed  Mohawks,  likewise  for  my  servants  and  slaves ;  it  is  also  my 
desire  that  the  sachems  of  both  Mohawk  villages  be  invited  to  my 
funeral,  and  there  to  receive  each  a  black  stroud  blanket,  crape  and 
gloves,  which  they  are  to  wear,  and  follow  as  mourners,  next  after 
my  own  family  and  friends.  I  leave  it  to  the  discretion  of  my 
executors,  to  get  such  of  my  friends  and  acquaintances  for  bearers 
as  they  shall  judge  most  proper,  who  are  to  have  white  scarves, 
crapes  and  gloves,  the  whole  expense  not  to  exceed  three  hundred 
pounds  currency.  And  as  to  the  worldly  and  temporal  estate, 
which  Grod  was  pleased  to  endow  me  with,  I  devise,  bequeath  and 
dispose  of  in  the  following  manner :  Imprimis.  I  will,  order  and 
direct,  that  all  such  just  debts  as  I  may  owe,  at  the  time  of  my 
decease,  together  with  my  funeral  expenses  of  every  kind,  to  be 
paid  by  my  son,  Sir  Johnson,  Bart.  Item.  I  give  and  bequeath 
to  the  following  persons  the  sums  of  money  hereafter  mentioned, 
which  several  sums  of  money  are  to  be  paid  to  them,  by  my  execu- 
tors, out  of  the  money  I  may  have  in  the  three  per  cent  consolidated 
annuities,  of  which  the  heir  of  the  late  Sir  William  Baker,  has  the 
management,  and  that  in  six  months  after  my  decease.  And  first, 
to  the  children  of  my  present  housekeeper,  Mary  Brant,  the  sum 
of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling,  to  wit :  to  Peter,  my  natural  son 
by  said  Mary  Brant,  the  sum  of  three  hundred  pounds  sterling,  and 
to  each  of  the  rest,  being  seven  in  number,  one  hundred  pounds 
each;  the  interest  to  be  thereof  duly  received  and  laid  out  to  the 
best  advantage  by  their  guardians  or  trustees,  and  also  the  income 
of  whatever  other  legacies,  &c,  as  are  hereafter  to  be  mentioned, 
until  they  come  of  age  or  marry,  except  what  is  necessary  for  their 
maintenance  and  education.  Item.  To  young  Brant,  alias  Kegh- 
neghtaga,  and  William,  alias  Tagcheunto,  two  Mohawk  lads,  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  pounds  York  currency  to  each  or  the  survivor 
of  them. 

After  paying  the  before  mentioned  sums  of  money,  I  bequeath 
to  my  dearly  beloved  son,  Sir  John  Johnson,  the  remaining  part  of 
what  money  I  may  then  have  left  in  the  before  mentioned,  and  the 
other  half  to  be  equally  divided  between  my  two  sons-in-law,  Daniel 
Claus  and  Guy  Johnson,  for  the  use  of  their  heirs.  Item.  I 
bequeath  to  my  son,  Sir  John  Johnson,  my  library  and  household 
furniture  at  the  Hall,  except  what  is  in  my  bedroom  and  in  the  chil- 
dren's rooms  or  nursery,  which  is  to   be   equally  divided  among 


494  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

them )  I  also  bequeath  to  him  all  my  plate,  except  a  few  articles 
which  I  gave  to  the  children  of  my  housekeeper,  Mary  Brant  j  he 
is  also  to  have  one-fourth  part  of  all  my  slaves,  and  the  same  of  my 
stock  of  cattle  of  every  kind.  To  my  two  daughters,  Ann  Claus 
and  Mary  Johnson,  two-fourths  of  my  slaves  and  stock  of  cattle ; 
the  other  fourth  of  my  slaves  and  stock  of  cattle  of  every  kind,  I 
give  and  bequeath  to  the  children  of  Mary  Brant,  my  house-keeper, 
or  to  the  survivors  of  them,  to  be  equally  divided  amongst  them, 
except  two  horses,  two  cows,  two  breeding  cows,  and  four  sheep, 
which  I  would  have  given  before  any  division  is  made  to  young 
Brant  and  William  of  Canajoharie,  and  that  within  three  months 
after  my  decease.  I  also  give  and  devise  all  my  own  wearing  apparel, 
woolen  and  linen,  &c,  to  be  equally  divided  among  the  children  of 
my  said  housekeeper,  Mary  Brant,  share  and  share  alike. 

In  the  next  place,  I  dispose  of  my  real  estate,  all  of  my  own  ac- 
quiring, in  the  following  manner,  and  as  I  maturely  weighed  the  affair, 
and  made  the  most  equitable  division  which  my  conscience  directed,  I 
expect  all  who  share  of  it,  will  be  satisfied,  and  wish  they  may  make 
a  proper  use  of  it.  And  first,  to  my  son,  Sir  John  Johnson,  Bart., 
I  devise  and  bequeath  all  my  estate,  at  and  about  Fort  Johnson, 
with  all  the  buildings,  improvements  &c,  thereunto  belonging,  to 
be,  by  him  and  his  heirs,  forever  peaceably  possessed  and  enjoyed. 
Also  a  small  tract  of  land  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  opposite 
Fort  Johnson ;  fifty  thousand  acres  of  King's  land  or  Royal  Grant,  all 
in  one  body,  except  the  few  lots  which  I  have  otherwise  disposed  of; 
also  my  share  in  a  patent  called  Klock  &  Nellis,  jr.,  on  the  north 
side  of  the  Mohawk  river.  I  also  devise  and  bequeath  to  my  son, 
Sir  John  Johnson,  all  my  right  and  title  to  the  Salt  Lake,  Onondaga, 
and  the  lands  around  it,  two  miles  in  depth,  for  which  I  have  a 
firm  deed,  and  it  is  also  recorded  in  the  minutes  of  council  at  New 
York ;  I  likewise  devise  and  bequeath  to  my  said  son  lot  No.  10  in 
said  meadow,  or  patent  Sacondaga1  containing  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
three  acres,  to  be  by  him  and  his  heirs,  of  his  body  lawfully  begot- 
ten, forever  quietly  and  peaceably  possessed  and  enjoyed;  lastly,  I 
do  most  earnestly  recommend  it  to  my  son  to  show  lenity  to  such  of 
the  tenants  as  are  poor  and  of  upright  conduct  in  all  his  dealings 
with  mankind,  which  will,  upon  reflection,  afford  more  satisfaction 
and  heart-feeling  pleasure,  to  a  noble  and  generous  mind,  than  the 
greatest  opulency. 

1  Spelled  so  in  the  will. 


APPENDIX.  495 

In  the  next  place,  I  devise  and  bequeath  to  my  son-in-law,  Colonel 
Daniel  Claus,  and  to  his  heirs,  the  tract  of  land  whereon  he  lives, 
to  wit:  from  Dove  Kill  to  the  creek  which  lies  about  four  hundred 
yards  to  the  northward  of  the  new  dwelling  house  of  Colonel  Guy 
Johnson,  together  with  all  the  islands  thereto  belonging;  also  the 
house  and  lots  in  Albany  which  I  purchased  of  Henry  Holland, 
together  with  the  water  lot  adjoining  thereto,  which  I  purchased  of 
the  corporation  of  Albany,  together  with  all  the  buildings  and  other 
improvements  thereon. 

I  further  devise  and  bequeath  unto  the  said  Daniel  Claus  and  the 
heirs  of  his  body,  all  my  right  in  the  patent  adjoining  the  German 
Flatts,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Mohawk  river,  containing  about  six- 
teen hundred  acres;  also  three  lots  in  the  patent  of  Kingsborough, 
to  wit :  No.  thirteen,  fourteen  and  fifty-seven,  in  the  western  allot- 
ment of  three  lots  in  Sacondaga  patent,  to  wit :  No.  29,  sixty-six, 
and  twenty-seven,  containing  each  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres;  a 
third  part  of  a  lot  in  Schenectady,  which  exchanged  with  Daniel 
Campbell,  Esq. ;  also  ten  thousand  acres  of  land  in  the  Royal  Grant, 
next  to  that  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  which  is  never  to  be  sold  or 
alienated.  And  lastly,  I  devise  and  bequeath  unto  the  said  Daniel 
Claus  and  the  heirs  of  his  body,  nine  hundred  acres,  the  half  of 
that  land  that  was  Gilbert  Tices,  in  the  nine  partners  patent, 
between  Schoharie  and  the  Mohawk;  the  whole  of  the  several  tracts, 
lots  and  houses  and  before  mentioned,  to  be  by  him  and  his  heirs, 
of  his  body  lawfully  begotten,  forever  quietly  and  peaceably  pos- 
sessed and  enjoyed.  Item.  I  devise  and  bequeath  to  my  son-in-law, 
Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  and  the  heirs  of  his  body  lawfully  begotten, 
the  farm  and  tract  of  land  whereon  he  now  lives,  together  with  all 
the  islands,  buildings,  and  other  improvements  thereon;  also  the 
house  and  lot  of  land  on  Schenectady,  purchased  by  me  of  Paul 
Cowes,  and  now  in  the  possession  of  the  said  Guy  Johnson,  all  my 
right  in  the  Northampton  patent,  which  I  purchased  of  one  Dewey; 
two  lots  in  Sacondaga  patent  containing  one  thousand  acres,  to  wit : 
lot  No.  1  and  two,  near  to  the  river  and  on  both  sides  of  Sacondaga 
creek;  three  lots  of  land  in  Kingsborough,  No.  eighty-seven,  eighty- 
eight  and  eighty-nine,  containing  each  one  hundred  acres  of  land, 
and  one  in  the  eastern  allotment;  ten  thousand  acres  of  land  in  the 
Royal  Grant,  now  called  Kingsland,  adjoining  to  the  ten  thousand 
acres  given  to  Colonel  Daniel  Claus,  which  is  never  to  be  sold  nor 
alienated  on  any  account;  and  lastly,  nine  hundred  acres  in  the  half 


496  LIFE    OP   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

of  that  land  which  was  Gilbert  Tice's  in  the  nine  partners  patent 
between  Schoharie  and  the  Mohawk  village;  all  the  above-mentioned 
farms,  tracts  of  land  and  houses  with  their  appurtenances,  to  be  by 
him  and  his  heirs,  of  his  body  lawfully  begotten,  forever  peaceably 
and  quietly  possessed  and  enjoyed.  I  devise  and  bequeath  unto 
Peter  Johnson,  my  natural  son  by  Mary  Brant,  my  present  house- 
keeper, the  farm  and  lot  of  land  which  I  purchased  from  the  Snells 
in  the  Stoneraby  patent,  with  all  the  buildings,  mill  and  other  im- 
provements thereon  j  also  two  hundred  acres  of  land  adjoining  thereto, 
being  part  of  Kingsborough  patent,  to  be  laid  out  in  a  compact 
body,  between  the  G-aroge  and  Caniadutta  Creeks;  also  four  thousand 
acres  in  the  Royal  Grant,  now  called  Kingsland,  next  to  the  Mohawk 
river,  and  another  strip  or  piece  of  land  in  the  Royal  Grant,  from  the 
Little  Falls  or  carrying-place  to  lot  No.  one,  almost  opposite  the 
house  of  Hannicol  Herkimer,  and  includes  two  lots,  No.  three  and  No. 
two,  along  the  river  side,  and  which  are  now  occupied  by  Ury 
House,  &c.  I  devise  and  bequeath  unto  Elizabeth,  sister  of  the 
aforesaid  Peter,  and  daughter  of  Mary  Brant,  all  that  farm  and  lot 
of  land  in  Harrison's  patent,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Mohawk  river, 
at  No.  nineteen,  containing  near  seven  hundred  acres,  bought  by  me 
several  years  ago  of  Mr.  Brown,  of  Salem,  with  all  the  buildings 
and  appurtenances  thereunto  belonging;  also  two  thousand  acres 
of  land  in  the  Royal  Grant,  now  called  Kingsland,  and  that  to  be 
laid  out  joining  to  that  of  her  brother  Peter,  both  which  she  and  the 
heirs  of  her  body,  lawfully  begotten,  are  to  enjoy  peaceably  forever. 

To  Magdalene,  sister  of  the  two  former,  and  daughter  of 
Mary  Brant,  I  devise  and  bequeath  that  farm  near  to  Anthony's 
Nose,  No.  eight,  containing  about  nine  hundred  acres  of  land,  and 
on  which  Mr.  Broat  now  lives,  with  all  the  buildings  and  improve- 
ments and  other  appurtenances  thereunto  belonging ;  also  two  thou- 
sand acres  of  land  in  the  Royal  Grant  now  called  Kingsland,  adjoin- 
ing to  that  tract  of  her  sister  Elizabeth. 

To  Margaret,  sister  of  the  above  named  Magdalene,  and  daughter 
of  Mary  Brant,  I  devise  and  bequeath  two  lots  of  land,  part  of 
Stoneraby  patent,  the  one  to  wit :  No.  twenty-five,  which  I  bought 
of  William  Marshall,  contains  one  hundred  acres,  the  other,  No. 
twelve,  contains  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  acres  and  a  half,  or 
thereabouts,  which  I  purchased  of  Peter  Weaver;  also  two  thousand 
acres  in  the  Royal  Grant  now  called  Kingsland,  to  be  laid  out  next 
to  her  sister  Magdalene. 


APPENDIX.  497 

To  George,  my  natural  son  by  Mary  Brant,  and  brother  to  the  four 
before-mentioned  children,  I  devise  and  bequeath  two  lots  of  land, 
part  of  Sacondaga  patent,  known  by  Nos.  forty-three  and  forty-four, 
and  called  New  Philadelphia,  containing  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres 
each ;  also  a  small  patent  or  tract  of  land  called  John  Braekans, 
lying  on  the  north  side  of  the  Mohawk  river,  almost  opposite  to  the 
Canajoharie  castle,  and  contains  two  hundred  and  eighty  acres  or 
thereabouts;  and  lastly,  three  thousand  acres  in  the  Royal  Grant  now 
called  Kingsland,  next  to  the  two  thousand  acres  given  to  his  sister 
Margaret.  The  said  farms  or  tracts  of  land  with  all  the  buildings 
and  other  appurtenances  belonging  to  them,  are  to  be  by  him,  and 
the  heirs  of  his  body  lawfully  begotten,  forever  quietly  and  peace- 
ably possessed  and  enjoyed. 

To  Mary,  daughter  of  Mary  Brant,  and  sister  of  the  before- 
mentioned  five  children,  I  devise  and  bequeath  two  thousand  acres 
in  the  Royal  Grant,  now  called  Kingsland,  adjoining  those  of  her 
brother  George;  also  two  lots  in  Stoneraby  patent,  No.  thirty-six 
and  thirty-eight,  containing  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  acres, 
which  I  bought  of  Peter  Davis  and  Hannes  Kilts. 

To  Susannah,  daughter  of  Mary  Brant,  and  sister  of  the  foregoing 
six  children,  I  devise  and  bequeath  three  thousand  acres  of  the 
Royal  Grant  now  called  Kingsland,  laid  out  adjoining  to  them  of  her 
sister  Mary. 

To  Anne,  sister  of  the  foregoing  seven  children  by  Mary  Brant,  I 
devise  and  bequeath  three  thousand  acres  of  the  Royal  Grant  now 
called  Kingsland,  to  be  laid  out  next  to  that  of  her  sister  Susannah, 
and  to  be  by  her,  and  the  heirs  of  her  body  lawfully  begotten,  for- 
ever quietly  and  peaceably  possessed  and  enjoyed. 

To  young  Brant  alias  Kaghneghtaga  of  Canajoharie,  I  give  and 
bequeath  one  thousand  acres  of  land  in  the  Royal  Grant,  now  called 
Kingsland,  to  be  laid  out  next  to  and  adjoining  the  before-mentioned 
land  of  Anne,  daughter  of  Mary  Brant.  Also  to  William,  alias 
Tagawirunte,  of  Canajoharie,  one  thousand  acres  of  land  in  said  Royal 
Grant,  alias  Kingsland,  adjoining  that  of  Brant,  to  be  by  them  and 
the  heirs  of  their  body,  lawfully  begotten,  forever  quietly  and 
peaceably  possessed  and  enjoyed. 

It  is  also  my  will  and  desire,  that  in  case  any  of  the  before  men- 
tioned eight  children  of  mine  by  Mary  Brant  should  die  without 
issue,  their  share  or  shares,  as  well  of  my  personal  as  real  estate, 
be  equally  divided  amongst  the  survivors  of  them  by  their  guar- 
dians. 

63 


498  LIFE   OJ?   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

To  my  prudent  and  faithful  housekeeper,  Mary  Brant,  mother  of 
the  before-mentioned  eight  children,  I  will  and  bequeath  the  lot 
No.  one,  being  part  of  the  Royal  Grant  now  called  Kingsland, 
and  is  opposite  to  the  land  whereon  Honnicol  Herkimer  now 
lives,  which  she  is  to  enjoy  peaceably  during  her  natural  life; 
after  which  it  is  to  be  possessed  by  her  son  Peter,  and  his  heirs  for- 
ever ;  I  also  give  and  bequeath  to  my  said  housekeeper  one  negro 
wench  named  Jenny,  the  sister  of  Juba ;  also  the  sum  of  two 
hundred  pounds,  current  money  of  New  York,  to  be  paid  to  her  by 
my  executors  within  three  months  after  my  decease ;  I  also  devise 
and  bequeath  to  Mary  McGrah,  daughter  of  Christopher  McG-rah, 
of  the  Mohawk  country,  two  hundred  acres  of  land  in  the  patent 
of  Adageghteinge,  now  called  Charlotte  river,  to  be  by  her  and  her 
heirs  forever  peaceably  possessed  and  enjoyed. 

I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  brothers,  John  and  Warren  Johnson, 
to  my  sisters  Dease,  Sterling,  Plunkent,  and  Fitzsimons,  the  fol- 
lowing tracts  of  land,  which  I  would  have  sold  by  my  executors 
to  the  best  advantage,  and  moneys  arising  therefrom  to  be  equally 
divided  among  them  and  their  heirs,  to  wit :  whatever  part  of  the 
patent  called  Byrnes  at  Schoharie,  may  remain  unsold  at  my  de- 
cease; also  my  fourth  part  of  another  patent  at  Schoharie  called 
Lawyer  &  Zimmer's  patent;  also  that  of  Adageghteinge  or  Char- 
lotte river;  and  lastly,  the  five  thousand  acres  which  I  have  in 
Glen  and  Vrooman's  patent;  also  the  thirteen  thousand  acres  which 
I  have  in  the  patent  called  Peter  Servis  near  General  Gage's  or 
whatever  part  of  the  aforesaid  tracts  may  be  unsold  at  the  time 
of  my  decease ;  this,  (from  the  many  losses  which  I  have  sustained, 
and  the  several  sums  expended  by  me  during  the  war  which  were 
never  paid),  is  all  I  can  possibly  do  for  them  without  injuring 
others,  which  my  honor  and  conscience  will  not  admit  of.  As  his 
present  majesty,  George  the  third,  was  graciously  pleased  as  a  mark 
of  his  favor  and  regard,  to  give  me  a  patent  under  the  great  seal  for 
the  tract  of  land  now  called  Kingsland,  and  that  without  quit  rent, 
except  a  trifling  acknowldgment  to  be  paid  yearly,  it  is  my  will  and 
desire  that  no  part  of  it  be  ever  sold  by  those  to  whom  I  have  de- 
vised it,  as  that  would  be  acting  contrary  to  my  intentions  and 
determined  resolution. 

I  devise  and  bequeath  to  my  much  esteemed  nephew,  Doctor 
John  Dease,  the  sum  of  five  hundred  pounds  current  money  of 
New  York,  to  be  paid  to  him  within  six  months  after  my  decease 


APPENDIX.  499 

by  my  executors  out  of  such  moneys  as  I  may  have  in  this  country 
at  that  time,  or  by  my  son,  Sir  John,  for  which  he,  my  said  son  Sir 
John  Johnson,  shall  have  and  forever  enjoy  that  lot  of  land  in 
Sacondaga  Patent,  whereon  Martin  Laffler  and  two  more  tenants 
now  live,  viz :  No.  eighty-four,  containing  two  hundred  and  fifty 
acres.  I  also  devise  and  bequeath  unto  my  said  nephew,  John 
Dease,  Esq.,  two  thousand  acres  of  land  lying  near  to  South  Bay, 
or  Lake  Champlain,  which  tract  was  purchased  by  me  of  Lt.  Augus- 
tine Prevost,  and  which  was  formerly  the  location  of  Ensign  or  Lt. 
Gorvel,  with  all  the  advantages  thereunto  belonging;  or  should  he, 
my  said  nephew,  prefer  or  rather  choose  to  have  the  value  of  it 
in  money,  in  that  case  it  is  my  will  and  desire,  that  my  executors 
dispose  of  said  land  to  the  best  advantage,  and  pay  the  amount  of  it 
to  my  said  nephew. 

To  my  faithful  friend,  Robert  Adams,  Esq.,  of  Johnstown,  the 
dwelling  house,  other  buildings,  and  the  lot  and  one  acre  whereon 
he  now  lives,  the  Potash  laboratory,  and  one  acre  of  land  with  it; 
also  the  farm  which  he  holds  by  deed  from  me,  all  free  from  rent 
during  his  natural  life,  except  the  quit  rent. 

To  Mr.  William  Byrne,  of  Kingsborough,  I  give  the  lot  of  land 
whereon  he  now  lives  and  improvements;  also  that  part  of  the 
stock  of  cattle  which  was  mine,  free  of  rent  or  demand,  as  long  as 
he  lives,  the  quit  rent  excepted. 

I  also  will  and  bequeath  to  Mr.  Patrick  Daly,  now  living  with 
me,  for  whom  I  have  a  particular  regard,  the  sum  of  one  hundred 
pounds  current  money  of  New  York,  to  be  paid  unto  him  within 
three  months  after  my  decease,  by  my  executors.  It  is  also  my  will 
and  desire  that  all  the  white  servants  I  may  have  at  the  time  of  my 
death,  be  made  free  and  receive  from  my  son  ten  pounds  each. 

I  also  devise  and  bequeath  unto  my  much  esteemed  friend  and  old 
acquaintance,  Joseph  Chew,  Esq.,  now  of  Kingsborough,  in  the 
county  of  Tryon,  during  his  natural  life,  fifty  acres  of  land,  which  I 
purchased  from  Matthias  Link,  with  all  the  buildings  and  other 
improvements  thereon  belonging ;  and  after  his  decease,  to  his  son 
William,  my  god-child,  and  to  his  heirs  forever.  In  case  of  the 
death  of  my  said  god-son  William  without  issue,  then  to  be  possessed 
and  enjoyed  by  Joseph  Chew,  junr.,  elder  brother  of  my  said  god-son 
William,  and  his  heirs  forever.  I  also  devise  and  bequeath  unto 
the  said  Joseph  Chew,  Esq.,  two  hundred  acres  of  land  in  the  patent 
called  Preston's,  now  Mayfield,  to  be  laid  out  in  one  piece  next  to  the 


• 


500  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

lots  already  laid  out  by  John  Collins,  Esq.,  for  the  township;  the 
same  two  hundred  acres  with  all  the  appurtenances  thereto  belong- 
ing, to  be  by  him,  the  said  Joseph  Chew  and  his  heirs,  forever 
peaceably  and  quietly  possessed  and  enjoyed. 

It  is  also  my  will  and  desire,  that  in  case  my  son  Sir  John  Johnson 
should  (which  God  avert)  die  without  issue,  the  following  disposition 
be  made  of  the  personal  and  real  estate,  which  is  by  the  foregoing  part 
of  this  will  bequeathed  to  him,  to  wit :  all  the  lands  of  Kingsborough 
containing  above  fifty  thousand  acres,  the  few  lots  excepted  which  I 
have  otherwise  disposed  of,  to  be  by  my  grandson  William  Claus, 
and  the  heirs  of  his  body,  quietly  and  peaceably  possessed  and 
enjoyed;  also  twenty  thousand  acres  of  the  Royal  Grant,  now  called 
Kingsland,  which  is  never  to  be  sold  or  alienated  from  my  family. 

It  is  likewise  my  will  and  desire,  that  in  the  above  case,  viz.,  of  my 
son's  death  without  issue,  that  the  lands,  house,  &c,  at  Fort  Johnson, 
and  a  small  tract  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Mohawk  river,  called  Bab- 
ington's,  together  with  twenty  thousand  acres  of  the  Royal  Grant 
now  called  Kingsland,  be  possessed  and  enjoyed  by  the  first  male 
heir  which  my  daughter  Mary  Johnson  may  have  by  Guy  Johnson, 
and  by  his  heirs  lawfully  begotten  forever  j  and  in  case  of  her 
having  no  male  heir  to  possess  it,  then  it  is  my  will  that  the  before- 
mentioned  lands  be  equally  divided  between  her  daughters  and  their 
heirs,  in  consideration  of  which  my  two  sons-in-law,  Daniel  Claus 
and  Guy  Johnson  shall  (within  a  year)  pay  unto  my  executors  and 
trustees  for  the  use  of  my  children  by  Mary  Brant,  my  housekeeper, 
the  sum  of  eight  hundred  pounds  current  money  of  New  York : 
that  is  to  say,  Colonel  Daniel  Claus  shall  pay  the  sum  of  five  hun- 
dred pounds,  and  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  the  sum  of  three  hundred 
pounds,  which  sums  are  to  be  (as  well  as  the  rest  devised  and 
bequeathed  to  them),  put  out  to  interest  for  their  support  and  emol- 
ument until  they  come  of  age  or  marry,  when  equal  division  is  to 
be  made  by  their  guardians  or  trustees.  All  the  remainder  of  my 
son's  estate,  except  what  remains  of  his  share  in  the  Royal  Grant  alias 
Kingsland,  shall  be  sold  by  my  executors  to  the  best  advantage,  and 
the  monies  arising  from  the  sale  thereof  to  be  equally  divided 
between  my  brothers  and  sisters  as  before  named,  the  remainder  of 
his  share  in  Kingsland  to  be  equally  divided  between  his  two  sister's 
children,  who  are  never  to  dispose  of  it. 

Lastly,  I  do  hereby  make,  constitute  and  appoint  my  beloved 
son  Sir  John  Johnson,  Kt.,  my  two  sons-in-law,  Daniel  Claus  and 


APPENDIX.  601 

Guy  Johnson,  Esqs.,  my  two  brothers  John  and  Warren  John- 
son, Esqs.,  Daniel  Campbell,  of  Schenectady,  John  Butler,  Nelles 
Fonda,  Captain  James  Stevenson,  of  Albany,  Robert  Adams,  Samuel 
Stringer  of  Albany,  Doctor  John  Dease,  Henry  Frey  and  Joseph 
Chew,  Esqs.,  or  any  six  of  them,  executors  of  this,  my  last  Will 
and  testament.  And  it  is  also  my  will  and  desire  that  John  Dease, 
Nelles  Fonda,  John  Butler,  James  Stevenson,  Henry  Frey  and 
Joseph  Chew,  Esqs.,  be,  and  act  as  guardians  and  trustees  of  my 
before-mentioned  eight  children  by  Mary  Brant,  my  present  house- 
keeper, in  full  confidence  that  from  the  close  connection  of  the 
former,  and  the  long  uninterrupted  friendship  subsisting  between 
me  and  the  latter,  they  will  strictly  act  as  brothers,  and  inviolably 
observe  and  execute  this  my  last  charge  to  them )  the  strong  depend- 
ance  on,  and  expectation  of  which  unburthens  my  mind,  allays  my 
cares,  and  makes  a  change  the  less  alarming.  And  as  I  would  wil- 
lingly, in  some  measure,  (although  trifling,)  testify  my  regard  and 
friendship  for  the  above-mentioned  gentlemen,  I  must  request  their 
acceptance  of  three  hundred  pounds  currency  to  purchase  rings  as  a 
memento  for  their  once  sincere  friend,  which  sum  is  to  be  imme- 
diately paid  to  them  by  my  son,  Sir  John  Johnson.  And  I  do  hereby 
revoke,  disannul  and  make  void  all  former  wills,  bequests  and  legacies 
by  me  heretofore  at  any  time  made,  bequeathed,  or  given;  and  I  do 
hereby  make  and  declare  this  only  to  be  my  last  will  and  testament. 
In  witness  whereof  I  have  (with  a  perfect  mind  and  memory),  here- 
unto set  my  hand  and  seal  this  27th  day  of  January,  1774,  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  and  my  name  at  the  bottom 
of  each  page,  being  thirteen. 

W.  JOHNSON,  (L.  S.) 

Signed,  sealed,  published  and  declared  by  the  testator  as  and  for 
his  last  will  and  testament,  in  the  presence  of  us,  who,  by  the  desire 
and  in  the  presence  of  the  said  testator  and  of  each  other,  have 
hereunto  subscribed  our  names. 

William  Adems, 

Gilbert  Tice, 

Moses  Ibbitt, 

Samuel  Sutton. 
Tryon  Co.,  ss. 

Be  it  remembered  that  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  July,  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  personally  came  and  appeared 
before  me,  Bryan  Lefferty,  Surrogate  of  the  said  county,  Sir  John 


.    ( 

502  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

Johnson,  Bart.,  Guy  Johnson,  Daniel  Claus,  John  Dease,  John 
Butler,  Robert  Adems  and  Joseph  Chew,  executors  of  the  within 
written  will  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  Bart.,  and  were  duly  sworn  to 
the  true  execution  and  performance  of  the  said  will,  by  severally 
taking  the  oath  of  an  executor  as  by  law  appointed  before  me  Bryan 
Lefferty,  Surrogate. 

Tryon  Co.  ,ss. 

Be  it  also  remembered  that  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  July,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  William  Adems,  Gilbert 
Tice,  Moses  Ibbitt  and  Samuel  Sutton,  all  of  Johnstown  and  county 
aforesaid,  and  being  duly  sworn  on  their  oaths,  declared  :  That  they 
and  each  of  them  did  see  Sir  William  Johnson,  Bart.,  sign  and  seal 
the  within  written  instrument,  purporting  to  be  the  will  of  the  said 
Sir  William  Johnson,  bearing  date  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  Jan- 
uary, one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  and  heard  him 
publish  and  declare  the  same  as  and  for  his  last  will  and  testament. 
That  at  the  time  thereof  he,  the  said  Sir  William  Johnson,  was  of 
sound,  disposing  mind  and  memory,  to,  the  best  of  the  knowledge 
and  belief  of  them  the  deponents.  And  that  their  names,  subscribed 
to  the  said  will,  are  of  their  respective  proper  hand-writing,  which 
they  subscribed  as  witnesses  to  the  said  will  in  the  testator's  presence. 

BRYAN  LEFFERTY, 

Surrogate.1 

No  IX 

- 

JSir  John  Johnson. 

Sir  John  Johnson  was  born  in  1742 ;  and  married,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1773,  Miss  Mary  Watts,  daughter  of  John  Watts  of  New 
York  city.  Of  his  early  life  not  much  is  known.  He  was  not  as 
popular  as  his  father,  being  less  social,  and  less  acquainted  with 
human  nature  and  the  springs  of  human  action.  He  accompanied 
his  father  on  several  of  his  warlike  expeditions,  however,  and 
probably  saw  considerable  service.  Soon  after  the  termination  of 
the  seven  years'  war  he  was  sent  by  his  father  (as  related  in  the  text) 
at  the  head  of  a  small  body  of  militia  and  Indians,  to  arrest  Cap- 
tain Bull,  who  was  charged  with  stirring  up  a  war  among  the 
Indian  tribes, —  in  which  enterprise  he  was  entirely  successful. 

On  the  death  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  Sir  John  succeeded  to  his 

iFrom  Book  of  Record  of  Wills  A.  p.  p.  35*48,  in  office  of  Clerk  of  the 
Court  of  Appeals,  Albany,  N.  Y. 


APPENDIX.  503 

title  and  estates  as  well  as  to  his  post  of  major  general  of  the 
militia )  but  as  the  successor  of  his  father  he  did  not  possess  the 
same  degree  of  moral  power  over  the  population  of  Tryon  county, 
Indian  or  white,  as  had  been  exercised  by  him.  They  nevertheless 
derived  essential  aid  from  "  Miss  Molly/'  who  was  a  woman  of  tal- 
ents as  well  as  tact,  and  possessing  great  influence  among  the  Indians, 
who  were  her  own  people.  Molly  was  in  turn  aided  by  the  counsels 
and  exertions  of  her  brother,  Joseph  Thayendanegea,  who  had  been 
much  in  the  service  of  Sir  William  during  the  latter  years  of  his 
life,  and  who,  on  the  death  of  the  Baronet,  was  advanced  to  the 
post  of  secretary  of  Guy  Johnson.  These  gentlemen,  however, 
(Sir  John  Johnson,  Guy  Johnson,  and  Colonel  Claus)  living  in 
great  splendor,  at,  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Johnstown,  and 
thus  allied  with  the  family  of  a  Mohawk  sachem,  were  still  enabled 
to  exert  a  decided  influence,  especially  among  the  Indians.  They 
were  likewise  in  close  official  and  political  alliance  with  Colonel 
John  Butler,  an  opulent  and  influential  gentleman  of  that  county 
and  his  son  Walter  N.  Butler  —  names  rendered  memorable,  if 
nothing  more,  by  association  with  certain  bloody  transactions  during 
the  revolutionary  war. 

But  notwithstanding  all  their  influence  —  and  no  family  had  ever 
been  regarded  with  greater  deference  by  the  surrounding  popula- 
tion than  that  of  the  Johnsons — they  were  not  long  in  discover- 
ing that  the  principles  now  openly  avowed  in  Massachusetts,  could 
not  be  confined  within  the  limits  of  that  colony,  or  even  of  New- 
foundland ;  and  Sir  John  now  discovered,  that  although  he  could 
still  count  among  his  relations  a  large  number  of  adherents,  the 
leaven  of  civil  liberty  had  nevertheless  been  more  deeply  at  work 
than  he  had  desired,  or  probably  supposed.  He  therefore  quietly 
began  to  make  preparations  for  espousing  actively — when  the  proper 
time  should  arrive — the  cause  of  the  crown.  Accordingly  he  forti- 
fied Johnson  Hall,  and  secure  in  the  support  of  a  large  body  of 
retainers,  of  the  same  political  complexion  as  himself,  watched  his 
opportunity.  Guy  Johnson,  however,  was  more  open  in  his  demon- 
strations; and  it  was  not  long  before  the  patriots  of  Tryon  county 
began  to  look  more  closely,  and  with  greater  assurance,  to  the 
deportment  of  Sir  John,  of  whose  designs  they  had  from  the  first 
entertained  strong  suspicions  On  the  seventh  of  September,  1775, 
the  whig  committee  of  Tryon  county  wrote  to  the  Provincial  con- 
gress in  New  York,  denouncing  bis  conduct  and  that  of  his  associ- 


504  .     LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 

ates — particularly  the  Highlanders,  who,  to  the  number  of  two 
hundred,  were  said  to  be  gathered  about  him,  and  by  whom  the 
Whigs  were  daily  scandalized,  provoked  and  threatened."  They 
added — "We  have  great  suspicions,  and  are  almost  assured,  that 
Sir  John  has  a  continual  correspondence  with  Col.  Gruy  Johnson  and 
his  party." 

But  the  Try  on  county  committee  were  not  satisfied  with  merely 
writing  to  the  Provincial  congress.  They  at  once  determined  to 
probe  the  intentions  of  Sir  John  to  the  bottom.  For  this  purpose, 
on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October,  they  addressed  him  the  following 
letter : 

"Tryon  County  Committee  Chamber,  Oct.  26,  1775. 
"  Honorable  Sir : 

"As  we  find  particular  reason  to  be  convinced  of  your  opinion  in 
the  questions  hereafter  expressed,  we  require  you,  that  you'll  please 
to  oblige  us  with  your  sentiments  thereupon  in  a  few  lines  by  our 
messengers,  the  bearers  hereof,  Messrs.  Ebenezer  Cox,  James  McMas- 
ter,  and  John  James  Klock,  members  of  our  committee. 

"  We  want  to  know  whether  you  will  allow  that  the  inhabitants 
of  Johnstown  and  Kingsborough,  may  form  themselves  into  com- 
panies, according  to  the  regulations  of  our  Continental  congress, 
for  the  defence  of  our  country's  cause;  and  whether  your  honor 
would  be  ready  himself  to  give  his  personal  assistance  to  the  same 
purpose. 

"  Also,  whether  you  pretend  a  prerogative  to  our  county  court- 
house and  gaol,  and  would  hinder  or  interrupt  the  committee,  to 
make  use  of  the  same  public  houses,  to  our  want  and  service  in  the 
common  cause." 

"We  don't  doubt  you  will  comply  with  our  reasonable  requests, 
and  therefore  oblige, 

"  Honorable  Sir, 

"  Your  obedient  and  humble  servants, 
"By  order  of  the  committee, 

"NICHOLAS  HERKIMER, 

"  Chairman. 
"  To  the  Honorable  Sir  John  Johnson,  Johnson  Hall." 

To  this  letter  Sir  John  replied  that  he  had  never  refused  to  allow 
the  goal  to  be  used  for  any  lawful  purpose ;  and  that  concerning 
himself,  before  he  would  sign  any  association,  or  lift  his  hand  up 
against  the  king,  he  would  rather  his  head  should  be  cut  off.     He, 


APPENDIX.  505 

however,  would  not  allow  the  committee  to  take  possession  of  the 
goal,  and  they  were  obliged  to  fit  up  a  private  house  as  a  temporary 
prison;  while  some  of  their  prisoners  were  sent  to  Albany,  and 
others  as  far  as  Hartford,  for  safe  keeping. 

Meanwhile  Sir  John  continued  his  defensive  operations,  with  a 
view,  as  it  was  believed,  of  throwing  up  strong  fortifications  around 
the  baronial  hall.  His  adherents  were  numerous,  particularly  among 
the  Scotch  Highlanders,  by  several  hundred  of  whom  he  was  sur- 
rounded; and  reports  became  rife,  that,  in  addition  to  these,  the 
works  he  was  erecting  were  to  be  garrisoned  by  three  hundred 
Indians,  to  be  let  loose  upon  the  settlements  as  opportunities  might 
occur. 

Convinced  at  last  of  his  hostile  intentions,  General  Schuyler,  who 
with  Montgomery,  had  charge  of  the  northern  department  wrote 
to  him  in  January,  1776,  a  letter  in  which  he  stated,  that  having 
been  informed  that  "  designs  of  the  most  dangerous  tendency  to  the 
lives  and  liberties  of  those  who  are  opposed  to  the  unconstitutional 
measures  of  the  ministry,  have  been  formed  in  a  part  of  the  county 
of  Tryon,  he  was  ordered  to  march  a  body  of  men  into  that  county 
to  contravene  those  dangerous  designs."  ';  Influenced,  moreover ," 
the  letter  added,  "  by  motives  of  humanity,  I  wish  to  comply  with 
my  orders  in  a  manner  the  most  peaceable,  that  no  blood  may 
be  shed.  I  therefore  request  that  you  will  please  to  meet  me 
to-morrow,  at  any  place  on  my  way  to  Johnstown,  to  which  I  pro- 
pose then  to  march."  To  this  letter  Sir  John  returned  an  unsatis- 
factory reply,  and  a  correspondence  ensued  between  himself  and 
General  Schuyler,  which  resulted  in  his  giving  his  parole  of  honor  not 
to  take  up  arms  against  America,  and  agreeing  not  to  go  to  the  west- 
ward of  the  German  Flatts  and  Kingsland  districts. 

For  some  unexplained  reason,  however,  Sir  John  did  not  observe 
the  compact  of  neutrality,  nor  the  obligations  of  his  parole.  Or  if 
he  kept  himself  within  the  letter,  his  conduct  was  such  as  to 
reawaken  the  suspicions  of  the  people,  and  was  considered  by  Gen- 
eral Schuyler  a  virtual  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  parole  he  had 
given,  to  take  no  part  against  the  colonies.  In  fact,  the  information 
received  by  General  Schuyler  convinced  him  that  he  was  secretly 
instigating  the  Indians  to  hostilities,  and  was  thus  likely  to  produce 
much  mischief  on  the  frontiers.  To  prevent  such  a  calamity,  it 
was  thought  advisable  by  Schuyler  to  secure  the  person  of  Sir  John, 
and  once  more  to  quell  the  rising  spirit  of  disaffection  in  the  neigh- 
64 


506  LIFE    OF    SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

borhood  of  Johnstown,  especially  among  the  Highlanders.  For 
this  purpose,  in  the  month  of  May,  1776,  Colonel  Dayton,  with  a 
part  of  his  regiment,  then  on  its  way  to  Canada,  was  dispatched  by 
General  Schuyler  to  prosecute  this  enterprise.  There  were,  how- 
ever, large  numbers  of  loyalists  in  Albany,  with  whom  Sir  John  was 
then  and  subsequently  in  close  correspondence.  It  is  therefore 
not  surprising  that  he  received  timely  notice  of  these  preparations 
for  his  arrest,  in  anticipation  of  Dayton's  arrival.  Such  was  the 
fact;  and,  hastily  collecting  a  large  number  of  his  tenants  and 
others,  disaffected  towards  the  cause  of  the  colonists,  the  Baronet 
was  prepared  for  instant  flight  on  the  approach  of  the  Continen- 
tals. This  purpose  was  successfully  executed.  Colonel  Dayton 
arrived  at  Johnstown  in  the  evening,  whereupon  Sir  John  and  his 
retainers  immediately  took  to  the  woods  by  the  way  of  the  Sacon- 
daga.  Not  knowing  whether  his  loyalist  friends  were  in  possession 
of  Lake  Champlain  or  not,  the  fugitives  dared  not  venture  upon 
that  route  to  Montreal ;  and  Sir  John  was  accordingly  obliged  to 
strike  deeper  into  the  forests  between  the  head  waters  of  the  Hud- 
son and  the  St.  Lawrence.  Having  but  a  brief  period  of  prepara- 
tion for  their  flight,  the  party  were  but  ill  supplied  for  such  a  cam- 
paign. Their  provisions  were  soon  exhausted,  their  feet  became 
sore  from  travelling,  and  several  of  their  number  were  left  from 
time  to  time  in  the  wilderness,  to  be  picked  up  and  brought  in  after- 
ward by  the  Indians  sent  out  for  that  purpose. 

After  nineteen  days  of  severe  hardship,  the  Baronet  and  his  par- 
tizans  arrived  in  Montreal  in  a  pitiable  condition  —  having  encoun- 
tered all  of  suffering  that  it  seemed  possible  for  man  to  endure. 
Such  was  the  precipitation  of  his  departure  from  the  parental  hall, 
and  such  the  deficiency  of  his  means  of  transportation,  that  an  iron 
chest,  containing  the  most  valuable  of  his  family  papers,  was  hastily 
buried  in  the  garden. 1     The  family  Bible,  containing  the  only  record 

1  Numerous  are  the  traditions  afloat  in  the  Mohawk  valley  concerning 
the  recovery  of  this  iron  chest.  The  main  facts,  however,  divested  of  their 
romance,  appear  to  be  these :  Late  in  the  autumn  of  1778,  General  Haldi- 
mand,  at  the  request  of  Sir  John,  sent  a  party  of  between  forty  and  fifty 
men  privately  to  Johnstown  to  dig  up  and  carry  the  chest  away.  The 
expedition  was  successful ;  but  the  chest  not  being  sufficiently  tight  to  pre- 
vent the  influence  of  dampness  from  the  earth,  the  papers  had,  many  of 
them,  become  mouldy,  rotten  and  illegible,  when  taken  up.  The  informa- 
tion respecting  this  expedition  was  derived  in  the  spring  following  from  a 
man  named  Helmer,  who  composed  one  of  the  party,  and  assisted  in  dis- 


APPENDIX.  507 

of  the  marriage  of  his  father  and  mother,  and  of  course  the  only 
written  evidence  of  his  own  legitimacy,  was  also  left  behind.1  Such 
of  the  papers  as  were  found,  were  examined  by  Colonel  Dayton,  in 
compliance  with  his  orders;  "and  Lady  Johnson  was  removed  to 
Albany,  where  she  was  retained  as  a  kind  of  hostage  for  the  peace- 
able conduct  of  her  husband.  She  wrote  to  General  Washington 
complaining  of  this  detention,  and  asking  his  interference  for  her 
release;  but  the  commander-in-chief  left  the  matter  with  General 
Schuyler  and  the  Albany  committee."2 

interring  the  chest.  Helmer  had  fled  to  Canada  with  Sir  John.  While 
retiring  from  Johnstown  with  the  chest,  he  injured  his  ancle ;  and  by  rea- 
son of  his  lameness,  went  back  to  his  father's  house,  where  he  remained 
concealed  until  spring,  when  he  was  arrested,  tried  as  a  spy,  and  sentenced 
to  death  —  chiefly  on  his  own  admissions  to  the  court.  This  information  in 
regard  to  the  recovery  of  the  iron  chest,  is  derived  from  the  minutes  of  the  court- 
martial,  among  the  papers  of  General  Clinton. 

1  After  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  Sir  John,  the  furniture  of  the 
Hall  was  sold  at  auction  at  Fort  Hunter.  The  late  lieutenant  governor  of 
New  York,  John  Tayler,  purchased  several  articles  of  furniture,  and  among 
other  things  the  Bible  mentioned  in  the  text.  Perceiving  that  it  contained 
the  family  record,  which  might  be  of  great  value  to  Sir  John,  Mr.  Tayler 
wrote  a  civil  note  to  Sir  John,  offering  its  restoration.  Some  time  after- 
ward a  messenger  from  the  Baronet  called  for  the  Bible,  whose  conduct 
was  so  rude  as  to  give  offence.  "I  have  come  for  Sir  "William's  Bible," 
said  he,  "  and  there  are  the  four  guineas  which  it  cost."  The  Bible  was 
delivered,  and  the  runner  was  asked  what  message  Sir  John  had  sent.  The 
reply  was  —  "Pay  four  guineas,  and  take  the  book!" — Letter  of  John  Tay- 
ler Cooper  [grandson  of  the  lieutenant  governor)  to  the  late  William  L.  Stone. 

2  In  the  course  of  the  next  year  (1777),  it  was  discovered  that  Lady  John- 
son was  in  active  and  frequent  communication  with  her  husband,  and  that 
the  facilities  derived  from  confidential  agents  and  her  powerful  connections, 
enabled  her  to  keep  the  enemy  on  either  side  —  in  New  York  and  Canada  — 
correctly  advised,  not  only  of  the  movements  and  designs  of  each  other 
but  likewise  of  the  situation  of  American  affairs.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, the  council,  by  a  formal  resolution,  ordered  and  enforced  her 
removal  from  that  part  of  the  country.  Sir  John,  greatly  exasperated  at 
the  measure,  availed  himself  of  a  flag  to  admonish  the  mover  of  the  reso- 
lution, Mr.  John  Tayler,  that  should  the  chances  of  war  throw  that  gentle- 
man into  his  possession,  he  should  be  instantly  delivered  over  to  the  fury 
of  the  savages.  Tho  reply  of  the  councillor  was  characteristic  of  the  man : 
"If  Mr.  Tayler  should  be  so  fortunate  as  to  have  Sir  John  Johnson  in  his 
power,  he  should  most  assuredly  be  treated  as  a  gentleman."  Several 
attempts  were  subsequently  made  by  the  enemy,  probably  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Sir  John,  to  make  a  captive  of  that  gentleman,  but  they  were  all 
unsuccessful. 


508 

Sir  John  was  immediately  commissioned  a  colonel  in  the  British 
service,  and  raised  a  command  of  two  battalions,  composed  of  those 
who  accompanied  him  in  his  flight,  and  other  American    loyalists 
who  subsequently  followed  their  example.     They  were  called  the 
Royal  Greens.     In  the  month  of  January,  1777,  he  found  his  way 
into  New  York,  then  in  possession  of  the  British  forces.     From  that 
period  he  became  not  only  one  of  the  most  active,  but  one  of  the 
bitterest  foes  of  his  own  countrymen  of  any  who  were  engaged  in 
that  contest  —  and  repeatedly  the  scourge  of  his  own  former  neigh- 
bors.    He  was  unquestionably  a  loyalist   from  principle,    else   he 
would  scarcely  have  hazarded,  as  he  did,  and  ultimately  lost,  domains 
larger  and  fairer  than  probably  ever  belonged  to  a  single  proprietor 
in  America,  William  Penn   only   excepted.     But   the   immediate 
cause  of  his  breaking  his  pledge  of  honor  is  not  known.     Perhaps 
he  never  intended  to  keep  it;  but  unexplained  as  it  ever  has  been, 
the  act  has  always  been  regarded  as  a  stain  upon    the  Baronet's 
character.     It  was  held  as  such  by  the  Provincial  congress  of  New 
York,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  annexed  extract  from  a  letter  addressed 
by  that  body  to  General  Washington  immediately  after  his  flight : 
"We  apprehend  no  doubt  can  exist  whether  the  affair  of  Sir  John 
Johnson  is  within  your  immediate  cognizance.     He  held  a  commis- 
sion as  brigadier  general  of  the  militia  and,  it  is  said,  another  com- 
mission as  major  general.     That  he    hath  shamefully  broken  his 
parole  is  evident,  but  whether  it  would  be  more  proper  to  have  him 
returned  or  exchanged,  is  entirely  in  your  excellency's  prudence/' 
Anxious  to  serve  the  cause  which  he  had    espoused,   Sir  John, 
with  his  regiment  of  Royal  Greens  joined,  in  the  summer  of  1777, 
the  expedition  of    Lieutenant  Colonel    St.    Ledger,    against   Fort 
Schuyler,  and  was  present  at  the   memorable    siege  of  that  post. 
The  successful  defence  of  the  fort  by  Colonel  Gansevoort,  and  the 
defeat  of  the  royal  forces  at  Oriskany  by  General  Herkimer,  need 
not  here  be  detailed.     It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  Sir  John's  first 
attempt  to  serve  the  cause  of  the  crown  in  a  military  capacity  was 
a  failure,  and  on  the  appearance  of  Arnold  to  the  relief  of  the 
besieged,  St.  Ledger  and  Sir  John,   with   their  shattered  forces, 
retreated  into  Canada,  the  laughing-stock  of  their  Indian  allies.1 

Mortified  at  his  failure,  and  burning  with  hatred  against  those  of 
his  former  neighbors  who  espoused  the  side  of  the  colonies,   Sir 


1  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  siege  of  Fort  Schuyler,  and  the  battle  of 
Oriskany,  see  Stone's  Life  of  Brant,  Vol.  I. 


APPENDIX.  509 

John  made  two  incursions  upon  the  Mohawk  valley  during  the 
remainder  of  the  war.  His  first  blow  was  as  sudden  as  it  was  unex- 
pected. On  Sunday,  the  21st  of  May,  1780,  he  entered  the  north 
part  of  Johnstown  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  men,  composed  of 
some  British  troops,  a  detachment  of  his  own  regiment  of  Royal 
Greens,  and  about  two  hundred  Indians  and  Tories.  Sir  John  had 
penetrated  the  country  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain  to  Crown  Point, 
and  thence  through  the  woods  by  way  of  Crane  mountain  (in  the 
present  town  of  Thurman,  in  Warren  county),  to  the  Sacandaga 
river;  and  so  entirely  unawares  had  he  stolen  upon  the  sleeping 
inhabitants,  that  he  arrived  in  the  heart  of  the  country  undiscov- 
ered, except  by  the  resident  loyalists,  who  were  probably  in  the 
secret.  Before  he  reached  the  old  baronial  hall  at  Johnstown — the 
home  of  his  youth,  and  for  the  recovery  of  which  he  made  every 
exertion  that  courage  and  enterprise  could  put  forth  —  Sir  John 
divided  his  forces  into  two  detachments,  leading  one  in  person,  in 
the  first  instance,  directly  to  the  Hall,  and  thence  through  the-vil- 
lage  of  Johnstown,  while  the  other  was  sent  through  a  more  eastern 
settlement  to  strike  the  Mohawk  river  at  or  below  Tribe's  Hill, 
whence  it  was  directed  to  sweep  up  the  river  through  the  ancient 
Dutch  village  of  Caughnawaga  to  the  Cayadutta  creek  — at  which 
place  a  junction  was  to  be  formed  with  Sir  John  himself.  This 
disposition  of  his  forces  was  made  at  the  still  hour  of  midnight  — 
a  time  when  the  inhabitants  were  not  only  buried  in  slumber,  but 
wholly  unsuspicious  of  approaching  danger.  What  officer  was  in 
command  of  the  eastern  division  is  not  known,  but  it  was  one  of 
the  most  stealthy  and  murderous  expeditions  —  murderous  in  its 
character,  though  but  few  were  killed  —  and  the  most  disgraceful, 
too,  that  marked  the  progress  of  the  war  in  that  region.  During 
the  night-march  of  this  division,  and  before  reaching  the  river,  they 
attacked  the  house  of  Mr.  Lodowick  Putnam,  who,  together  with 
his  son,  was  killed  and  scalped.  The  house  of  a  Mr.  Stevens  was 
then  assailed  and  burnt,  and  its  owner  killed.  Arriving  at  Tribe's 
Hill,  they  murdered  three  men  by  the  names  of  Hansen,  Platts, 
and  Aldridge.  Hansen,  who  was  a  captain  of  militia,  was  killed  by 
an  Indian  to  whom  he  had  formerly  shown  great  kindness,  and  who 
had  in  return  expressed  much  gratitude.  The  houses  of  all,  it  is 
believed,  were  plundered  before  the  application  of  the  torch. 
Proceeding  toward  Caughnawaga,  about  dawn,  they  arrived  at  the 
house  of  Colonel  Yisscher  —  occupied  at  the    time  by  himself,  his 


510  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

mother,  and  his  two  brothers.  It  was  immediately  assailed.  Alarmed 
at  the  sounds  without,  the  colonel  instantly  surmised  the  cause,  and 
being  armed,  determined,  with  his  brothers,  to  defend  the  house  to 
the  last.  They  fought  bravely  for  a  time,  but  the  odds  were  so 
fearfully  against  them  that  the  house  was  soon  carried  by  storm. 
The  three  brothers  were  instantly  stricken  down  and  scalped,  and  the 
torch  applied  to  the  house.  Having  thus  completed  their  work,  the 
enemy  proceeded  on  their  way  up  the  river.  Fortunately,  however, 
the  colonel  himself  was  only  wounded.  But  grievously  wounded  as 
he  was,  he  succeeded  in  removing  the  mangled  bodies  of  his  two 
brothers  from  the  house  before  the  burning  timbers  fell  in.  His 
own  wounds  were  dressed,  and  he  lived  many  years  afterward. 
Mrs.  Visscher,  his  aged  mother,  was  also  severely  wounded  by  being 
knocked  on  the  head  by  the  hatchet  of  an  Indian,  but  she  also  sur- 
vived. The  slaughter  along  the  Mohawk,  to  the  village  of  Caugh- 
nawaga,  would  have  been  greater,  but  for  the  alertness  of  Major 
Yan  Vrank,  who,  eluding  the  enemy,  ran  ahead  and  gave  the  alarm, 
thus  enabling  many  of  the  inhabitants  to  fly  across  the  river. 

Meantime  Sir  John  proceeded  with  his  division  through  the  vil- 
lage of  Johnstown,  stopping  before  it  was  yet  light  at  what  was 
once  his  own  hall,  where  he  made  two  prisoners.  Directing  his 
course  for  the  confluence  of  the  Cayadutta  with  the  Mohawk,  Sir 
John  arrived  at  the  residence  of  Sampson  Sammons,  a  staunch 
whig.  The  eldest  of  Mr.  Sammons's  sons  was  then  the  lessee  of  the 
Johnson  farm  at  the  Hall,  which  had  been  sold  by  the  committee 
of  sequestrations,  and  which  he  was  then  cultivating;  and  Thomas, 
the  youngest,  had  risen  at  an  unwonted  hour  in  order  to  feed  his 
horses,  and  go  over  to  the  Hall  to  work  with  his  brother.  As  he 
passed  out  of  the  house  a  hand  was  laid  upon  his  shoulder,  with  the 
WOrds —  "You  are  my  prisoner!"  In  such  perfect  stillness  had 
the  enemy  approached,  that  not  a  sound  of  a  footstep  was  heard, 
until  the  younger  Sammons  was  thus  arrested,  and  the  house 
immediately  surrounded.  One  of  the  officers,  with  several  soldiers, 
instantly  entered  the  house,  and  ordered  the  family  to  get  up,  and 
surrender  themselves  as  prisoners.  Two  other  sons,  Jacob  and 
Frederick,  who  were  in  bed  in  the  second  story,  sprang  upon  their 
feet  immediately,  and  seized  thei*  arms.  The  officer,  who  was  a 
Tory,  and  acquainted  with  the  family,  called  to  them  by  name,  and 
promised  quarter  on  condition  of  their  surrender.  Jacob  inquired 
whether  there  were    Indians  with  them,  adding,  that  if  there  were, 


APPENDIX.  511 

he  and  his  brother  would  not  be  taken  alive.  On  being  assured  to 
the  contrary,  the  brothers  descended  the  stairs  and  surrendered. 
The  females  were  not  taken  as  prisoners,  but  the  father  and  sons 
were  directed  to  make  ready  to  march  forthwith;  and  the  house 
having  been  thoroughly  ransacked  for  plunder,  Sir  John,  with  his 
troops  and  prisoners,  proceeded  to  the  river  at  Caughnawaga.  The 
whole  army  now  set  their  faces  westward,  traversing  the  Mohawk 
valley  several  miles,  burning  every  building  not  owned  by  a  loyalist, 
killing  sheep  and  black  cattle,  and  taking  all  the  horses  that  could 
be  found  for  their  own  use.  Returning  again  to  Caughnawaga,  the 
torch  was  applied  to  every  building,  excepting  the  church;  a  number 
of  prisoners  were  made,  and  several  persons  killed.  -  Nine  aged 
men  were  slain  in  the  course  of  this  march,  of  whom  four  were 
upwards  of  eighty.  From  Caughnawaga  Sir  John  retraced  his 
steps  to  Johnstown,  passing  the  premises  of  Mr.  Sammons,  where 
the  work  of  destruction  was  completed  by  firing  all  the  buildings, 
leaving  the  females  of  the  family  houseless,  and  taking  away  the 
seven  horses  which  were  in  the  stables. 

On  the  arrival  of  Sir  John  back  to  the  homestead,  in  the  after- 
noon, he  halted  upon  the  adjacent  grounds  for  several  hours, — 
establishing  his  own  quarters  in  the  hall  of  his  father.  The  prison- 
ers were  collected  in  an  open  field,  strongly  guarded,  but  not  in  a 
confined  space ;  and  while  reposing  thus,  the  Tory  families  of  the 
town  came  in  large  numbers  to  see  their  friends  and  relatives,  who 
for  the  most  part  constituted  the  white  troops  of  the  invading  army. 

The  immediate  object  of  this  raid  by  Sir  John  was  to  procure 
his  plate,  which  had  been  buried  at  the  time  of  his  flight  from  the 
Hall,  and  not  recovered  with  the  iron  chest.  The  treasure  was  not 
indeed  buried  with  the  chest,  (as  many  have  believed)  but  in  the 
cellar,  and  the  place  of  deposit  was  confided  to  a  faithful  slave. 
While  Sir  John  was  in  the  Hall,  in  the  afternoon,  the  slave,  assisted 
by  four  soldiers,  disinterred  the  silver,  which  filled  two  barrels, 
brought  it  to  the  Baronet  and  laid  it  down  at  his  feet.1  It  was 
then  distributed  among  about  forty  soldiers,  who  placed  it  in  their 

1  This  faithful  domestic  had  lived  long  with  Sir  William  Johnson,  who 
was  so  much  attached  to  him  that  he  caused  him  to  be  baptized  by  his  own 
name,  William.  When  the  estate  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Sammons  by 
the  committee,  William  was  sold,  and  Sammons  was  the  purchaser.  He 
lived  with  him  until  retaken  by  Sir  John,  but  never  gave  the  least  hint 
either  as  to  the  burial  of  the  iron  chest,  or  the  plate,  although  both  had 
been  hidden  in  the  earth  by  him. 


512  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

knapsacks — a  quarter-master    taking  an  account  of  the  names  of 
the   soldiers,  and  the  articles  confided  to  each — by   whom  it  was 
carried  to  Montreal.     Pie  ra^j  however,  was  one  of  the  most  inde- 
fensible aggressions  upon  an  unarmed  and  slumbering  people,  which 
stain  the  annals  of  the  British  arms.     As  the  commanding  officer, 
Sir  John  is  himself  to  be  held  responsible  in  a  general  sense.     How 
far  he  was  directly  and  specially  responsible  for  the  midnight  mur- 
ders committed  by  his  barbarians,  red  and  white,  is  a  question  which 
may,  perhaps,  bear  a  somewhat  different   shade.     Still,    from    the 
success   which  attended  the    expedition,  and  the    unaccountable 
inaction  of  the  people  against  him,  it  is  sufficiently  obvious  that  he 
might  have  recovered  his  plate  without  lighting  up  his  path  by  the 
conflagration  of  his  neighbors'  houses,  or  without  staining  his  skirts 
with   innocent   blood.     But   the   most   remarkable    circumstances 
attending  this  expedition  are,  that  the  inhabitants  were  so  completely 
taken  by  surprise,  and  that  Sir  John  was  so  entirely  unopposed  in 
his  advance  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-second,  and  altogether 
unmolested   on    his  retreat.     The  inhabitants   who  had    so   often 
proved  themselves  brave,  appear  to  have  been  not  only  surprised, 
but  panic-stricken.     True,   as  already  observed,   before  Sir  John 
began  his  return  march,  the  militia  had  begun  to  gather  at  the  vil- 
lage, a  mile  distant  from  the  Hall.     They  were  led  by  Colonel  John 
Harper,  who  was  beyond  doubt  a  very  brave  man.     With  him  was 
also  Colonel  Volkert  Veeder.     But  they  were  not  strong  enough  to 
engage   the    enemy;    and    when  a   rumor    came    that   the    enemy 
exceeded  seven  hundred  men,  Colonels  B[arper  and  Veeder  marched 
back  to  the  river,  and    Sir  John  with  many  prisoners  and  much 
booty,  together  with  twenty  of  his  negro  slaves,  retired  unmolested. 
On  the  first   rumor  of  this  raid,  Governor  Clinton   hastened  with 
some  militia  to  Lake  George  and  Ticonderoga,  with  a  view  of  inter- 
cepting Sir  John.     But  his  efforts  were  of  no  avail  j  the  invaders 
escaped — taking  to  their  bateaux,  probably  at  Crown  Point,  whence 
they  proceeded  down  the  lake  to  St.  John's.     The  captives  were- 
thence  transferred  to  the  fortress  of  Chamblee. 

But  the  desire  of  Sir  John  for  vengeance  was  not  yet  satiated. 
Accordingly,  late  in  the  same  year  (1780),  another  and  yet  more 
extensive  expedition,  both  as  to  the  numbers  engaged  and  the 
object  to  be  accomplished,  was  planned  and  carried  into  execution 
The  Indian  portion  of  this  expedition  was  chiefly  collected  at 
under  his  auspices,  and  that  of  Joseph  Brant,  and  the  famous  Seneca 
warrior,  the  Corn  Planter. 


APPENDIX.  513 

Tioga  Point,  whence  they  ascended  the  Susquehanna,  where  a  junc- 
tion was  formed  with  Sir  John,  whose  forces  consisted,  besides 
Mohawks,  of  three  companies  of  his  own  regiment  of  Greens,  one 
company  of  German  jagers,  a  detachment  of  two  hundred  men 
from  Butler's  rangers,  and  one  company  of  British  regulars,  under 
the  immediate  command  of  Captain  Richard  Duncan,  the  son  of  an 
opulent  gentleman  residing,  previous  to  the  war,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Schenectady.  The  troops  of  Sir  John  were  collected  at 
Lachine,  near  Montreal,  whence  they  ascended  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
Lake  Ontario  and  Oswego.  From  this  point  they  crossed  the 
country  to  the  Susquehanna,  where  they  were  joined  by  the  Indians 
and  Tories  from  Tioga.  Sir  John  had  with  him  two  small  mortars 
and  a  brass  three-pounder,  called  a  grass-hopper,  from  the  circum- 
stance of  its  being  mounted  upon  iron  legs  instead  of  wheels. 
These  pieces  of  ordnance  were  carried  through  the  woods  upon 
pack  horses.  Every  soldier  and  every  Indian  was  provided  with 
eighty  rounds  of  cartridges. 

The  course  of  the  invaders  —  in  number  about  two  thousand 
men  —  was  along  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Susquehanna  to  its 
source,  and  thence  across  to  the  head  of  the  Schoharie-kill,  for  the 
purpose  of  making  thorough  work  in  the  destruction  of  the  contin- 
uous chain  of  settlements  through  that  beautiful  valley  to  its  junc- 
tion with  the  Mohawk.  The  enemy  had  designed  to  keep  the 
movement  a  profound  secret,  until  proclaimed  by  his  actual  presence. 
Two  of  the  Oneidas  in  their  service,  however,  having  deserted, 
frustrated  'that  design  by  giving  information  of  their  approach  to 
the  settlements.  Whether  from  weariness  of  continual  alarms,  or 
from  ignorance  or  doubt  as  to  the  quarter  where  the  blow  was  to  be 
struck,  or  from  criminal  negligence,  cannot  be  told  ;  but  it  is  certain 
that  the  surprise  was  as  complete  as  the  success  of  the  campaign  was 
discreditable  to  those  who  did  not  prevent  it. 

The  plan  of  Sir  John  and  Captain  Brant  was  to  enter  the  valley 
by  night,  pass,  if  possible,  the  upper  fort  unobserved,  and  then,  by 
silently  destroying  the  intervening  settlements,  attack  the  middle 
fort,  at  Middleburgh,  early  in  the  morning.  This  fort  was  garrisoned 
by  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  state  troops,  called  three  months 
men,  exclusive  of  some  fifty  militia-men  —  the  whole  under  the 
command  of  Major  Woolsey,1  who,  from  all  accounts,  appears  to 
have  been  an  inefiicient  officer,  and  by  some  writers  has  been  repre- 

1  Manuscript  statement  of  Phillip  Graft,  in  the  author's  possession. 
65 


514  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

sented  as  the  most  miserable  of  poltroons.1  The  design  of  passing 
the  upper  fort  unperceived  was,  in  part,  successful  j  nor  was  the 
enemy's  approach  to  the  middle  fortress  discovered  until  just  at  break 
of  day,  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  October,  when  a  sentinel, 
named  Philip  Graft,  standing  upon  the  parapet  of  a  mud  wall,  dis- 
covered a  fire  kindling  in  some  buildings  not  more  than  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  distant.  Calling  to  the  sergeant  of  the  guard,  he  communi- 
cated the  discovery  through  him  to  the  commanding  officer.  The 
drums  at  once  beat  to  arms,  and  Major  Woolsey  requested  forty 
volunteers  to  sally  forth  and  discover  the  cause  of  the  alarm.  Every 
man  on  duty  promptly  responded  to  the  invitation,  and  the  comple- 
ment was  thereupon  counted  off  from  the  right,  and  sent  out  in 
charge  of  Lieutenant  Spencer.  The  little  band  proceeded  with 
alacrity  in  the  direction  of  the  burning  buildings,  until  they  sud- 
denly encountered  the  enemy's  advance.  Three  shots  were  ex- 
changed, when  Spencer  retreated,  and  brought  his  detachment  back 
into  the  fort  without  the  loss  of  a  man.2  At  this  moment  the  con- 
certed signal  of  three  guns  from  the  upper  fort  came  rolling  down 
the  gorge  of  the  mountain,  from  which  it  was  evident  that  the 
enemy  had  passed  that  fortress  without  molesting  it.  A  proper 
degree  of  vigilance,  however,  ought  certainly  to  have  enabled  the 
sentinels  of  that  garrison  to  observe  the  advance  of  the  invading 
army,  instead  of  merely  catching  a  glimpse  of  its  rear.  The 
moment  the  enemy  had  thus  been  discovered,  front  and  rear,  con- 
cealment of  his  approach  being  no  longer  possible,  the  torch  was 
indiscriminately  applied  to  such  houses  and  barns  as  came  in  his 
way.  The  season  had  been  bountiful,  the  rich  alluvial  bottoms  of 
the  Schohariekili  producing  an  unusually  abundant  harvest  that 
year.  The  barns  were  therefore  well  stored  with  the  earlier  grains, 
while  the  fields  were  yet  heavily  burdened  with  the  autumnal  crops. 
But  the  husbandmen  in  the  neighborhood,  or  those  lodging  for 
greater  security  in  the  little  apology  for  a  fortress,  looked  abroad  at 
sunrise  to  heboid  the  produce  of  their  industry  in  flames. 

Soon  after  sunrise  the  main  forces  of  the  enemy  had  arrived,  and 

1  "Woolsey's  presence  of  mind  forsook  him  in  the  hour  of  danger.  He 
concealed  .himself  at  first  with  the  women  and  children  in  the  house,  and 
when  driven  out  by  the  ridicule  of  his  new  associates,  he  crawled  round 
theintrenchments  onhds  hands  and  knees,  amid  the  jeers  and  bravos  of  the 
militia,  who  felt  their  courage  revive  as  their  daughter  was  excited  by  the 
cowardice  of  their  major."— Campbell's  Annals. 

3  Manuscript  statement  of  Phillip  Graft. 


APPENDIX.  515 

the  fort  was  completely  invested.  A  column  of  troops,  with  the 
pieces  of  light  artillery  heretofore  mentioned,  passed  round  the 
north-east  side  of  the  fort,  and  planted  their  guns  upon  an  eminence 
commanding  the  American  works.  An  officer  with  a  flag  was  now 
despatched  toward  the  garrison,  and  from  the  moment  he  was  seen, 
an  order  was  given  to  cease  firing.  All  was  silent  until  he  had 
approached  to  within  the  distance  of  a  fair  rifle  shot,  when  the 
reader's  old  acquaintance,  Murphy,  recently  of  Morgan's  rifle  corps, 
but  now  making  war  on  his  own  responsibility,  expressed  a  deter- 
mination to  shoot  down  the  officer  by  whom  the  flag  was  borne.  He 
was  instantly  ordered  by  the  officers  of  the  regular  troops  to  for- 
bear. But  the  militia  irregulars  encouraged  him  to  persist  in  his 
mutinuous  determination.  He  did  so;  but  for  once  his  rifle  was 
untrue,  and  the  flag-officer  immediately  faced  about  and  retired  to 
his  own  ranks. 

Sir  John  thereupon  opened  his  artillery  upon  the  fort,  while  the 
Indians  and  rangers  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  of  musketry  —  both  with- 
out much  effect.  The  enemy's  field  pieces  were  probably  of  too 
small  calibre  for  the  distance,  and  the  shells  were  thrown  with  so 
little  skill,  for  the  most  part,  as  either  to  fall  short,  or  fly  over  the 
works,  or  to  explode  in  the  air.  Two  shells,  however,  fell  upon  the 
roof  of  the  house  within  the  fort,  one  of  which  was  precipitated 
down  into  a  room  occupied  by  two  sick  women.  It  sank  into  a 
feather  bed,  and  exploded  —  but  without  inflicting  farther  injury. 
Fire  was  communicated  to  the  roof  of  the  building  by  the  other 
shell,  and  was  extinguished  with  a  single  pail  of  water  carried  up 
and  applied  by  Philip  Graft.  Unfortunately  the  garrison  was  unable 
to  return  the  fire  with  spirit,  for  the  want  of  powder.  The  regular 
troops  had  only  a  few  rounds  each,  and  the  militia  were  but  little 
better  provided  in  that  respect.  Messengers  had  been  dispatched 
to  Albany  on  the  preceding  day  fqr  ammunition,  and  also  for  rein- 
forcements; but  neither  had  yet  been  received,  so  that  the  fort  was 
but  ill  prepared  for  protracted  or  efficient  resistance.  But  of  this 
destitution  the  enemy  was  of  course  ignorant;  and  the  shooting  at 
his  flag-officer  may  have  been,  and  probably  was,  construed  by  Sir 
John  as  evidence  of  a  determination  to  make  no  terms.  Expecting 
a  desperate  resistance,  therefore,  the  Baronet  may,  from  that  cir- 
cumstance, have  proceeded  with  greater  caution. 

It  was  indeed  a  singular  siege.  The  enemy,  spreading  over  the 
whole  of  the  little  plain,  were  now  occupied  in  feeble  attacks  upon 
the  fort,  and  now  dispersing  in  small  detachments  to  plunder  another 


516  LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 

farm  house  and  burn  another  corn  stack.  There  was  one  large  barn, 
situated  near  the  fort,  and  around  which  stood  a  circle  of  stacks  of 
wheat.  These  the  enemy  attempted  several  times  to  fire,  but  Lieu- 
tenant Spencer  sallied  forth  with  his  little  band  of  forty,  and  so  gal- 
lantly protected  the  property,  that  the  enemy  reluctantly  abandoned 
his  design  upon  that  point.  Spencer  was  fired  upon  briskly  in  this 
sortie,  but  lost  only  one  of  his  men. 

In  the  course  of  the  forenoon,  another  flag  was  despatched  toward 
the  fort  by  Sir  John,  which  Murphy  again  determined  to  shoot  down 
the  moment  the  officer  came  within  range  of  his  trusty  rifle.  Major 
Woolsey  and  the  officers  interposed,  but  the  militia  again  rallied 
round  Murphy;  and  although  one  of  the  officers  drew  his  sword, 
and  threatened  to  run  the  offender  through  if  he  persisted,  yet  the 
rifleman  coolly  replied  that  he  had  no  confidence  in  the  com- 
manding officer,  who  he  believed  intended  to  surrender  the  fort; 
that,  if  taken,  he  knew  well  what  his  own  fate  would  be,  and  he 
would  not  be  taken  alive.  As  the  flag  approached,  therefore,  he 
fired  again,  but  happily  without  effect;  and  the  flag  officer  once 
more  returned  to  the  headquarters  of  Sir  John.1  When  the  officers 
of  the  regular  troops  remonstrated  against  such  a  barbarous  viola- 
tion of  the  usages  of  honorable  war,  the  militia  soldiers  replied 
they  were  dealing  with  a  foe  who  paid  no  regard  to  such  usages; 
and,  however  strictly  they  might  observe  the  rules  of  war  and  of 
etiquette  themselves,  the  besiegers  would  be  the  last  men  to  exhibit 
a  corresponding  course  of  conduct  in  the  event  of  their  success. 
The  wailings  of  plundered  and  murdered  families  without  the  fort, 
and  the  columns  of  smoke  and  flame  then  ascending  to  the  heavens, 
afforded  ample  testimony  of  the  truth  of  their  position.  "  The 
savages,  and  their  companions,  the  Tories,  still  more  savage  than  they, 
had  shown  no  respect  to  age,  sex,  or  condition ;  and  it  was  not  with- 
out force  that  the  question  was  repeated,  are  we  bound  to  exercise  a 
forbearance  totally  unreciprocated  by  the  enemy  W  "  Besides,"  it 
was  added,  "let  us  show  that  we  will  neither  take  nor  give  quarters; 
and  the  enemy,  discovering  our  desperation,  will  most  likely  with- 
draw."* 

The  desultory  battle  was  again  renewed  —  small  parties  of  the 
garrison  occasionally  watching  opportunities  to  sally  forth  and  do 
what  mischief  they  could  to  the  enemy,  retreating  within  the  gates 

1  Statement  of  Philip  Graft. 

2  The  Sexagenary. 


APPENDIX.  517 

again  when  likely  to  be  borne  down  by  superior  numbers.  Sir  John 
perceiving  at  length  that  neither  shot  nor  shells  made  any  impression 
upon  the  garrison,  formed  his  disciplined  troops  under  shelter  of  a 
small  building  more  immediately  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  fort, 
and  prepared  for  an  attempt  to  carry  it  by  assault.  A  flag  again 
approached,  and  Murphy  brought  up  his  rifle  to  fire  upon  it  the  third 
time.  He  was  admonished,  as  before,  to  desist,  and  an  effort  was 
made  to  arrest  him.  But  he  was  a  universal  favorite,  and  the  soldiers 
would  not  allow  the  proceedure.  A  white  flag  was  then  ordered  to 
be  raised  from  the  fort,  but  Murphy  threatened  instant  death  to  any 
one  who  obeyed  the  direction;  and  as  the  enemy's  flag  continued  to 
approach,  he  was  again  preparing  his  piece,  when  an-  officer  once 
more  interposed.  Captain  Reghtmeyer,  of  the  militia,  standing  by 
the  side  of  Murphy,  gave  him  the  order  to  fire.  The  continental 
officer  made  a  demonstration  toward  Reghtmeyer,  by  attempting  to 
draw  his  sword;  but  immediately  desisted  as  the  latter  clubbed  his 
fusee,  and  gave  an  impressive  motion  with  its  breech,  of  an  import 
not  to  be  misunderstood;  whereupon  the  major  stepped  back,  and 
there  the  matter  ended.1  The  officer  bearing  the  flag,  having  been 
thus  a  third  time  repulsed,  Sir  John  convened  a  council  of  war,  and 
after  a  brief  consultation,  abandoned  the  siege,  and  proceeded  on  his 
vandal  march  down  the  valley.  The  reason  of  his  hasty  change  of 
purpose  has  never  been  known.  Some  have  asserted  that  a  pretended 
loyalist  gave  the  Baronet  an  exaggerated  account  of  the  strength  of 
the  garrison  and  its  means  of  resistance.2  Others  have  said  that 
rumors  of  approaching  reinforcements  induced  him  to  hasten  for- 
ward, lest  his  projected  march  of  desolation  should  be  interrupted. 
But  it  is  likely  that  the  repeated  violations  of  the  flag  had  created 
an  impression  that  such  an  indomitable  garrison  might  not  prudently 
be  engaged  steel  to  steel  and  hand  to  hand,  by  assailants  not  to  be 
relied  upon  with  much  confidence  in  such  emergencies. 

The  march  of  the  invaders  was  rapid  in  the  direction  of  Fort 
Hunter,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Schohariekill  with  the  Mohawk 
river,  in  the  course  of  which  they  destroyed  the  buildings  and  pro- 
duce of  every  agricultural  description.3     On  arriving  in  the  vicinity 

1  The  Sexagenary. 

2  Campbell. 

3  The  destruction  of  grain  was  so  great  as  to  threaten  the  most  alarming 
consequences,  in  respect  to  the  forming  of  magazines  for  the  public  service 
at  the  north.  But  for  that  event,  the  settlement  of  Schoharie,  alone,  would 
have  delivered  eighty  thousand  bushels  of  grain. — Letter  of  Washington  to 
the  President  of  Congress^  Nov.  7,  1780. 


518  LIFE    OF   SIR    WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

of  the  lower  fort  at  Old  Schoharie,  Sir  John  divided  his  forces  — 
the  regulars  continuing  down  on  the  bank  of  the  creek  to  the  left 
of  the  fort,  while  the  Indians  skirted  the   meadows  half  a  mile  dis- 
tant on  the  right.     Having  thus  gained  the  north  side  of  the   fort, 
they  made  a  stand  for  a  brief  space  of  time,   and  a  few  shots  were 
interchanged.     Some    sharp  shooters  having  been  stationed  in  the 
tower  of  the  church,  the_enemy  brought  one  of  their  field-pieces  to 
bear  upon  it.     A  single  shot  only  struck,  which  lodged  in  the  cor- 
nice, and  a  discharge  of  grape  from  the  fort  drove  the    invaders 
back,1  whereupon  their  march  was  resumed  and  continued  to  Fort 
Hunter,  at  which  place  they  arrived  in  the  night  without  interrup- 
tion.    In  their  course  the  whole   valley  was  laid  in    ruins.     The 
houses  and  barns  were  burnt,  the  horses  and  cattle  killed  or  taken, 
and  those  of  the  inhabitants  who  were  not   safely  within  the  walls 
of  their  little  fortifications,  were  either   killed  or  carried  into  cap- 
tivity.    Not  a  building,  known  by  the  Indians  and  Tories  to  belong 
to  a  Whig,  was  saved.     Sir  John  had  ordered  his  forces  to  spare  the 
church  at  the  upper  fort,  but  his  mandate  was   disobeyed,  and  the 
structure  was  laid  in  ashes.     The  houses  of  the  loyalists  were  passed 
unmolested,  but  exasperated  by  the  destruction  of  their  own  habita- 
tions, the  Whigs  soon  caused  these  to  be  numbered  in  the  common 
lot.2     Thus  was  the  whole  valley  of  the  Schohariekill  made  desolate. 
The  loss  of  the  Americans  at  the  forts  was  very  trifling.      Only 
two  were  killed,  and  one  wounded,  at  the  middle  fort,  and  none  at 
the  lower.     But  of  the  unprotected  inhabitants,  numbers  —  accord- 
ing to  some  accounts,  one  hundred  —  were  killed.     There  were  some 
individual  occurrences  during  the  day,  moreover,  which  are  worthy 
of  being  specially  noted.     It  happened  early  in  the  morning,  that 
John  Vrooman  and  two  of  his  neighbors  were  upon  a  scout  in  the 
woods,  about  eight  miles  from  the   fort,  when   they  discovered  an 
Indian.     Vrooman  fired,  and  the  Indian  fell.     At  the  same  instant, 
another  Indian   was  discovered  through  the  bushes,  who  was  also 
brought  down  by  one  of  Vrooman's  companions.     A  third  savage 
was  now  seen,  but  as  Vrooman's  third  companion  hesitated   about 
firing,  Vrooman  himself  snatched  his  rifle  from  him,  and  brought 
the  warrior  also  to  the  ground.     At  the  same  instant — for  it  was 
all  the  work  of  a  moment  —  up  rose  from  the  ground  a  group  of 

1  The  Indians  spared  one  house,  from  the  consideration  that  it  had    for" 
merly  been  occupied  at  one  of  their  treaties. 
3  Campbell's  Annals. 


APPENDIX.  519 

Indians  and  Tories,  who  set  upon  them  with  a  terrible  yell.  Vroo- 
man  and  his  companions  fled  in  different  directions  at  the  top  of 
their  speed,  and  succeeded,  by  reason  of  their  wind  and  bottom,  and 
their  zig  zag  flights,  in  making  their  escape.  It  was  noon  when  the 
former  reached  his  own  home, —  only  to  behold  his  house  in  flames. 
His  wife  and  her  mother  were  made  captives  by  an  Indian  named 
Seth  Hendrick,  who  had  formerly  resided  in  Schoharie;  but  they 
were  released  and  sent  back  on  the  following  day,  by  Captain  Brant, 
together  with  a  letter  written  upon  birch  bark,  explaining  his  rea- 
son for  allowing  their  return.1 

One  of  the  farmers,  on  that  day,  while  engaged  with  his  boys  in 
unloading  a  wagon  of  grain  at  the  barn,  hearing  a  shriek,  looked 
about,  and  saw  a  party  of  Indians  and  Tories  between  himself  and 
the  house.  "  The  enemy,  my  boys  I"  said  the  father,  and  sprang 
from  the  wagon,  but  in  attempting  to  leap  the  fence,  a  rifle  ball 
brought  him  dead  upon  the  spot.  The  shriek  had  proceeded  from 
his  wife,  who,  in  coming  from  the  garden,  had  discovered  the  sav- 
ages, and  screamed  to  give  the  alarm.  She  was  struck  down  by  a 
tomahawk.  Her  little  son.  five  years  old,  who  had  been  playing 
about  the  wagon,  ran  up  to  his  mother,  in  an  agony  of  grief,  as  she 
lay  weltering  in  blood,  and  was  knocked  on  the  head,  and  left  dead 
by  the  side  of  his  parent.  The  two  other  boys  were  carried  away 
into  Canada,  and  did  not  return  until  after  the  war.2 

1  The  Sexagenary.  The  Vroomans  were  an  extensive  family  in  the  Scho- 
harie settlements,  and  were  severe  sufferers.  In  the  last  preceding  chapter 
but  one,  the  boastings  of  Becraft,  who  had  murdered  one  entire  family  of 
that  name,  have  been  noted.  During  the  present  expedition,  the  following 
persons,  among  others,  were  murdered,  viz :  Tunis  Vrooman,  his  wife  and 
son  ;  while  at  the  same  time  Ephraim  Vrooman  and  his  two  sons,  Bartholo- 
mew and  Josias,  John  Vrooman,  Martin  Vrooman,  Bartholomew  Vrooman, 
Jun.,  Simon  Vrooman,  his  wife  and  his  son  Jacob,  Were  taken  prisoners  and 
carried  to  Canada. — Giles  F.  Yates. 

2  The  Sexagenary.  "  Ephraim  Vrooman  himself  was  carried  away  by 
Seth  Hendrick,  who  treated  him  with  much  kindness  by  the  way.  There 
were  two  or  three  other  Indians  in  the  immediate  party  with  Seth.  These, 
before  they  arrived  at  their  place  of  destination,  grew  tired  of  their  prisoner, 
and  proposed  to  dispatch  him.  Mr.  Vrooman  overheard  the  conversation, 
which  was  conducted  in  a  whisper,  and  repeated  it  to  Hendrick.  Hendrick 
assured  him,  in  the  most  positive  manner,  that  '  not  a  hair  of  his  head 
should  be  touched,'  and  gave  his  companions  a  severe  reprimand  for  their 
ungenerous  conspiracy.  After  the  termination  of  the  revolutionary  con- 
test, Hendrick  paid  Mr.  Vrooman  a  visit,  and  apologized  for  his  conduct 
during  the  war,  in  the  strong  metaphorical   language  of  his   nation.     The 


520  LIFE    OF    SIB,   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

The  family  of  Ephraim  Vrooman  was  also  particularly  unfortu- 
nate. He  was  at  work  in  the  field  when  he  first  discovered  a  strag- 
gling party  of  the  enemy  approaching.  He  started  at  full  speed  for 
his  house,  in  order  to  obtain  his  arms,  and  sell  his  life  as  dearly  as 
possible.  But  in  climbing  a  fence  he  was  seized,  and  taken  prisoner. 
His  wife,  in  endeavoring  to  escape  by  flight,  was  shot  dead  before 
his  eyes.  As  she  fell,  her  little  daughter,  aged  eleven  years,  ran  up, 
and  cast  herself  down  by  the  side  of  her  dying  parent,  as  clinging 
to  her  for  protection,  when  an  Indian  came  up,  and  added  to  the 
agony  of  the  father  and  the  crimes  of  the  day,  by  crushing  her 
head  with  a  stone.1 

There  was  an  aged  man  in  the  middle  fort  who  performed  a  bold 
exploit.  He  was  the  owner  of  a  mill  about  two  miles  distant,  at 
which  his  son  had  passed  the  night.  Knowing  that  some  one  or 
more  of  the  enemy's  plundering  parties  would  assuredly  visit  the 
mill,  at  the  instant  Lieutenant  Spencer's  party  encountered  Sir 
John's  advance  guard  in  the  morning,  the  old  man  sallied  out  and 
hastened  to  the  rescue  of  his  son.  Mounting  each  a  horse  to 
return  to  the  fort,  they  found  it  already  invested  by  the  enemy  on 
their  arrival.  Nothing  daunted,  however,  they  passed  within  a 
hundred  yards  of  the  enemy  at  full  speed,  dashed  up  to  the  rear  of 
the  fort,  and  were   received  in  safety.2 

There  was  another  incident  transpiring  at  the  fort  which  stands 
in  happy  contrast  with  the  conduct  of  the  commanding  major.  The 
females  within  the  fortress  are  said  to  have  displayed  a  degree  of 
heroism  worthy  of  commendation  and  of  all  praise.  Being  well  pro- 
vided with  arms,  they  were  determined  to  use  them  in  case  of  an 
attempt  to  carry  the  works  by  storm.  One  of  them,  an  interesting 
young  woman,  whose  name  yet  lives  in  story  among  her  own  moun- 
tains, perceiving,  as  she  thought,  symptoms  of  fear  in  a  soldier  who 
had  heen  ordered  to  a  well  without  the  works,  and  within  range  of 
the  enemy's  fire,  for  water,  snatched  the  bucket  from  his  hands,  and 
ran  forth  for  it  herself.  Without  changing  color,  or  giving  the 
slightest  evidence  of  fear,  she  drew  and  brought  bucket  after  bucket 
to  the  thirsty  soldiers,  and  providentially  escaped  without  injury.3 

tomahawk,  said  he,  is  used  only  in  war ;  in  time  of  peaoe  it  is  buried  —  it 
cuts  down  the  sturdy  oak  as  well  as  the  tender  vine  ;  but  I  (laying  his  hand 
on  Mr.  V's  shoulder,)   saved  the  oak."— Giles  F.  Yates. 

1  The  Sexagenary. 

2  The  Sexagenary. 

3  Idem. 


APPENDIX.  521 

Sir  John  remained  iu  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Hunter  on  the 
seventeenth,  continuing  the  work  of  destruction  in  every  possible 
direction.  On  the  evening  of  that  day  Captain  Duncan  crossed  the 
river  with  three  companies  of  the  Greens  and  some  Indians.  On  the 
morning  of  the  eighteenth,  all  that  had  been  left  standing  of 
Caughnawaga  at  the  time  of  the  irruption  of  Sir  John  in  the  pre- 
ceding spring,  and  all  that  had  been  rebuilt,  was  ruthlessly  destroyed 
by  fire.  A  simultaneous  and  most  desolating  march  up  the  river 
was  then  commenced  by  Sir  John  and  the  main  body  of  his  forces 
on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  and  by  Captain  Duncan's  division  on 
the  north.  As  at  Schoharie,  the  march  of  both  was  one  of  entire 
devastation.  Rapine  and  plunder  were  the  order  of  the  day,  and 
both  shores  of  the  Mohawk  were  lighted  up  by  the  conflagration 
of  every  thing  combustible;  while  the  panic-stricken  inhabitants 
only  escaped  slaughter  or  captivity  by  flight — they  knew  not 
whither.1  Conspicuous  among  the  sufferers  was  Major  Jelles  Fonda, 
a  faithful  and  confidential  officer  under  the  father  of  Sir  John;  but 
who,  having  turned  his  back  upon  the  royal  cause,  was  singled  out 
as  a  special  and  signal  mark  of  vengeance.  His  mansion  at  The 
Nose,  in  the  town  of  Palatine,  was  destroyed,  together  with  pro- 
perty to  the  amount  of  sixty  thousand  dollars.  The  major  was  him- 
self absent.2  His  wife  escaped  under  the  curtain  of  a  thick  fog, 
and  made  her  way  on  foot,  twenty-six  miles,  to  Schenectady.3  Sir 
John  encamped  with  his  forces  on  the  night  of  the  eighteenth 
nearly  opposite,  or  rather  above,  the  Nose.  On  the  following  morn- 
ing he  crossed  the  river  to  the  north  side,  at  Keeder's  rifts.  The 
greater  part  of  the  motley  army  continued  its  progress  directly  up 
the  river,  laying  waste  the  country  as  before.  A  detachment  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men  was,  however,  dispatched  from  Keeder's 
rifts  against  the  small  stockade  called  Fort  Paris,  in  Stone  Arabia, 
some  two  or  three  miles  back  from  the  river,  north  of  Palatine. 
But,  after  marching  about  two  miles,  the  main  body  also  wheeled 
off  to  the  right,  to  assist  in  attacking  the  fort.  The  work  of  devas- 
tation was  continued,  also,  in  this  direction,  as  at  other  places. 

The  small  fort  just  mentioned  was  at  this  time  in  command  of 
Colonel  Brown,  with  a  garrison  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  men. 
An  unfortunate  occurrence  induced  him  to  leave  his  defences,  and 
resulted    in  his    discomfiture  and    fall.     The   circumstances,    were 

1  Manuscript  of  Major  Thomas  Sammons. 

2  In  the  State  Senate,  the  legislature  being  then  in  session  at  Poughkeepsie 
'  Antiquarian  researches,  by  Giles  F.  Yates. 


522  LIFE    OF    SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

these; — the  moment  tidings  that  Sir  John  had  broken  into  the 
settlements  of  the  Schoharie  reached  Albany,  General  Robert  Van 
Rensselaer,  of  Claverack,  at  the  head  of  the  Claverack,  Albany, 
and  Schenectady  militia,  pushed  on  by  forced  marches  to  encounter 
him,  accompanied  by  Governor  Clinton.  Having  arrived  at  Cangh- 
nawaga  on  the  eighteenth,  and  having  likewise  ascertained  that 
Fort  Paris  was  to  be  assaulted  on  the  morning  of  the  nineteenth. 
Van  Rensselaer  dispatched  orders  to  Colonel  Brown  to  march  out 
and  check  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  while  at  the  same  time  he 
would  be  ready  to  fall  upon  his  rear.  Brown,  faithful  to  the  hour 
designated,  sallied  forth,  and  gave  Sir  John  battle  near  the  site  of 
a  former  work,  called  Fort  Keyser.  But  General  Van  Rensselaer's 
advance  had  been  impeded,  so  that  no  diversion  was  created  in 
Brown's  favor;  and  his  forces  were  too  feeble  to  withstand  the  enemy, 
or  even  to  check  his  progress.  Colonel  Brown  fell  gallantly  at  the 
head  of  his  little  division,  of  which  from  forty  to  forty-five  were 
also  slain.     The  remainder  of  his  troops  sought  safety  in  flight. 

After  the  fall  of  Colonel  Brown,  and  the  defeat  of  his  troops, 
Sir  John  dispersed  his  forces  in  small  bands,  to  the  distance  of 
five  or  six  miles  in  all  directions,  to  pillage  and  destroy.  Late 
in  the  afternoon  he  reunited  his  troops,  and  leaving  Stone  Arabia  ' 
a  desert,  marched  back  to  the  river  road,  east  of  Caroga  creek.  The 
detachment  of  Captain  Duncan  having  come  up,  Sir  John  again 
moved  toward  the  west.  There  was  a  small  defence  not  far  from  the 
mouth  of  the  creek,  called  Fox's  fort.  Avoiding  this  work  by 
diverging  from  the  road  to  the  margin  of  the  river  on  the  left,  Sir 
John  continued  his  course  three  miles  farther,  to  a  place  called 
Klock's  fiield,  where,  from  the  fatigue  of  his  troops,  and,  the  over- 
burthens  of  provisions  and  plunder  with  which  they  were  laden,  it 
became  necessary  to  halt. 

General  Van  Rensselaer  was  now  close  in  pursuit  of  Sir  John, 
with  a  strong  force.  Indeed,  he  ought  to  have  overtaken  him  in 
the  early  part  of  the  day,  since  he  had  encamped  the  night  before 
on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  at  Van  Epp's,  nearly  opposite  Caugh- 
nawaga,  while  Sir  John  himself  was  encamped  opposite  the  Nose, 
only  two  or  three  miles  farther  up  the  river.  Sir  John's  troops, 
moreover,  were  exhausted  by  forced  marches,  active  service  and 
heavy  knapsacks,  while  those  of  Van  Rensselaer  were  fresh  in  the 
field.  On  the  morning  of  the  same  day,  while  continuing  his  march 
on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  Van  Rensselaer  was  joined  by  Cap- 
tain M'Kean,  with  some  eighty  volunteers,  together  with  a  strong 


APPENDIX.  523 

body  of  Oneida  warriors,  led  by  their  principal  chief,  Louis  Ataya- 
taronghta,  who,  as  stated  in  a  former  chapter,  had  been  commis- 
sioned a  lieutenant  colonel  by  congress.  With  these  additions,  the 
command  of  General  Van  Rensselaer  numbered  about  fifteen  hun- 
dred —  a  force  in  every  way  superior  to  that  of  the  enemy. 

Sir  John  had  stationed  a  guard  of  forty  men  at  the  ford  to  dis- 
pute its  passage.     On  approaching  this   point,  General  Van  Rens- 
selaer halted,  and  did  not  again  advance  until  the  guard  of  the  enemy 
had  been  withdrawn.     Continuing  his  march,  still  upon  the  south 
side  of  the  river,  while  the  enemy  was  actively  engaged   in  the 
work  of  death  and  destruction  on  the  north,  Van  Rensselaer  arrived 
opposite  the  battle  ground  where  Brown  had  fallen,  before  the  firing 
had  ceased,  and  while  the  savage  war-whoop  was  yet  resounding. 
This  was  at  11  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  the  Americans  came  to 
a  halt  about  three  miles  below  Caroga  creek,  still  on  the  south  side. 
While  there,  some  of  the  fugitives  from  Colonel  Brown's  regiment 
came  running  down,  and  jumping  into  the  river,  forded  it.without 
difficulty.     As  they  came  to  the   south  bank,  the  general  inquired 
whence  they  came.     One  of  them,  a  militia  officer  named  Van  Allen, 
replied  that  they  had  escaped  from  Brown's  battle.     "  How  has  it 
gone  ?"     "  Colonel  Brown  is  killed  with  many  of  his  men.     Are 
you  not  going  there  ?"     "  I  am  not  acquainted  with  the  fording-place," 
said  the  general.     He  was  answered  that  there  was  no  difficulty  in 
the  case.     The  general    then  inquired  of  Van  Allen  if  he  would 
return  as  a  pilot,  and  the  reply  was  promptly  in  the   affirmative. 
Hereupon  Captain  M'Kean  and  the  Oneida  chief  led  their  respec- 
tive commands  through  the  river  to  the  north  side,   expecting  the 
main  army  immediately  to  follow.     At  this  moment  Colonel  Dubois, 
of  the  State  levies,  rode  up  to  the  general,  who  immediately  mounted 
his  horse,  and  instead  of  crossing  the  river,  accompanied  the  colonel 
to  Fort  Plain,  some  distance  above,  to  dinner,  as  it  was  understood. 
Meantime  the  baggage  wagons  were  driven  into  the  river,  to  serve 
in  part  as  a  bridge  for  the  main  body  of  Van  Rensselaer's  forces, 
and  they  commenced  crossing  the  stream  in  single  files.     The  pas- 
sage in  this  way  was  not  effected  until  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
at  which  time  the  general  returned  and  joined  them,  just  as  the  last 
man  had  crossed  over.     Governor  Clinton  remained  at  the  fort.     As 
the  general  arrived  at  the  water's  edge,  Colonel  Louis,  as  the  Oneida 
chieftain  was  called,  shook  his  sword  at  him,  and  denounced  him  as 
a  Tory.     Arrived  on  the  north  side,  Colonel  William  Harper  took 


524  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

the  liberty  of  remonstrating  with  the  general  at  what  he  conceived 
to  be  a  great  and  unnecessary  delay,  attended  with  a  needless  loss 
of  life  and  property,  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants  who  had  been 
suffered  thus  long  to  remain  unprotected.  From  that  moment  Yan 
Rensselaer  moved  with  due  expedition.  The  troops  were  set  in 
motion,  and  marched  in  regular  order,  in  three  divisions,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Oneida  warriors  and  the  volunteers  under  M'Kean, 
who  regulated  their  own  movements  as  they  pleased — showing  no 
disposition,  however,  to  lag  behind.  The  advance  was  led  by  Col- 
onel Morgan  Lewis. 

Anticipating  that  he  should  be  compelled  to  receive  an  attack, 
Sir  John  had  made  his  dispositions  accordingly.  His  regular  troops, 
Butler's  rangers,  and  the  Tories  less  regularly  organized,  were 
posted  on  a  small  alluvial  plain,  partly  encompassed  by  a  sweeping 
bend  of  the  river.  A  slight  breast-work  had  been  hastily  thrown 
across  the  neck  of  the  little  peninsula  thus  formed,  for  the  protec- 
tion of  his  troops,  and  the  Indians,  under  Thayendanegea,  were 
secreted  among  the  thick  scrub  oaks  covering  the  table  land  of  a 
few  feet  elevation  yet  farther  north.  A  detachment  of  General 
Yagers  supported  the  Indians.1 

It  was  near  the  close  of  the  day  when  Yan  Rensselaer  arrived, 
and  the  battle  was  immediately  commenced  in  the  open  field.  Two 
of  the  advancing  divisions  of  state  troops,  forming  the  left,  were 
directed  against  the  regular  forces  of  Sir  John  on  the  flats,  com- 
mencing their  firing  from  a  great  distance,  with  small  arms  only  — 
the  field  pieces  not  having  been  taken  across  the  river.  Colonel 
Dubois  commanded  the  extreme  right,  which  was  so  far  extended 
that  be  had  no  enemies  to  encounter.  Next  to  him  were  M'Kean's 
volunteers  and  the  Oneida  Indians,  whose  duty  it  was  to  attack 
Thayendanegea's  Indians  and  the  Yagers.  They  were  supported  by 
a  small  corps  of  infantry,  commanded  by  Colonel  Morgan  Lewis. 
The  American  left  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Cuyler,  of  Albany. 
Sir  John's  right  was  formed  of  a  company  of  regular  troops.  His 
own  regiment  of  Greens  composed  the  centre,  its  left  resting  upon 
the  ambuscading  Indians.  The  latter  first  sounded  the  war-whoop, 
which  was  promptly  answered  by  the  Oneidas.  Both  parties  eagerly 
rushed  forward,  and  the  attack,  for  the  instant,  was  mutually 
impetuous.  Dubois,  though  too  far  extended,  brought  his  regiment 
speedily  to  the  support  of  M'Kean's  volunteers,  who  were  following 

1  These  Yagers  were  a  sort  of  rifle  corps  —  using  short  rifles. 


APPENDIX.  525 

up  the  attack  of  the  Oneidas.  The  hostile  Indians  manifested  a 
disposition  to  stand  for  a  few  moments  j  but  Dubois  had  no  sooner 
charged  closely  upon  them  than  they  fled  with  precipitation  to  the 
fording  place  near  the  upper  Indian  castle,  about  two  miles  above  — 
crossing  the  road  in  their  flight,  and  throwing  themselves  in  the 
rear  of  the  Greens  as  a  cover.  The  Mohawk  chief  was  wounded  in 
the  heel,  but  not  so  badly  as  to  prevent  his  escape. 

The  enemy's  regular  troops  and  rangers,  however,  fought  with 
spirit,  although  Sir  John  himself  was  reported  by  some  to  have  fled 
with  the  Indians.1  On  the  flight  of  the  Indians,  Major  Van  Ben- 
schoten,  of  Dubois's  regiment,  hastened  to  the  general  for  permission 
to  pursue  the  flying  enemy.  It  was  just  twilight;  and  the  indica- 
tions were  not  to  be  mistaken  that  the  best  portion  of  the  enemy's 
forces  were  in  confusion,  and  on  the  point  of  being  conquered.  The 
disappointment  was  therefore  great,  when,  instead  of  allowing  a  pur- 
suit of  the  Indians,  or  charging  upon  the  feeble  breast-work  on  the 
flats  and  thus  finishing  the  battle,  General  Van  Rensselaer  ordered 
his  forces  to  retire  for  the  night.  His  object  was  to  obtain  abetter 
position  for  a  bivouac,  and  to  renew  and  complete  the  battle  in  the 
morning  —  for  which  purpose  he  fell  back  nearly  three  miles,  to 
Eox's  fort.  His  troops  were  not  only  disappointed,  but  highly 
incensed  at  this  order,  believing  that  the  contest  might  have  been 
victoriously  ended  in  a  very  few  minutes.  Indeed,  the  brave  Col- 
onel Louis,  of  the  Oneidas,  together  with  Colonel  Clyde  and  Cap- 
tain M'Kean,  refused  to  retreat,  but  sheltered  themselves  in  the 
adjacent  buildings  —  hanging  upon  the  enemy's  lines  several  hours, 
and  making  some  prisoners.  In  the  course  of  the  evening,  Clyde, 
with  a  handful  of  Schoharie  militia,  succeeded  in  capturing  one  of 
the  enemy's  field-pieces.  The  Americans  were  still  more  chagrined 
on  learning  from  one  of  the  prisoners  that  the  troops  of  Sir  John 
were  on  the  point  of  capitulating  at  the  very  moment  of  Van  Rens- 
selrer's  order  to  retreat.  And  from  the  fact  that  the  river  was  alike 
too  rapid  and  too  deep,  where  it  curved  round  the  battle  field,  to 
admit  of  an  escape  in  that  direction,  no  doubt  can  be  entertained 
that  the  enemy  had  been  entirely  within  their  power.     But  it  was 

1  Major  Thomas  Sammons,  from  whose  manuscripts  the  author  has  chiefly- 
drawn  the  facts  of  this  portion  of  the  narrative  — i.  e.  after  the  arrival  of 
General  Van  Rensselaer  at  VanEpps's  —  is  positive  in  his  declarations  that 
the  British  commander  was  among  the  first  to  flee.  Other  accounts  speak 
differently.  Major  Simmons  was  in  the  battle,  among  the  volunteers  of 
M'Kean. 


526 

now  too  late.  The  golden  opportunity  had  been  lost.  On  the 
morrow's  dawn  there  was  no  enemy  in  the  field  to  encounter.  Under 
cover  of  darkness  the  Royal  Greens  and  Butler's  Rangers  had  fol- 
lowed the  example  of  the  Indians  and  made  good  their  escape. 

Louis,  with  his  warriors,  and  M'Kean  with  his  volunteers,  crossed 
the  river  early  in  the  morning,  in  pursuit.  General  Van  Ilensselaer 
also  arrived  on  the  battle  ground  between  8  and  9  o'clock,  for  the 
purpose  of  completing  the  work  of  the  preceding  day.  While  he 
was  crossing  the  river  and  preparing  to  follow  on,  some  of  M'Kean's 
volunteers,  who  were  waiting  for  the  main  army,  in  strolling  about 
came  upon  a  little  block  house,  in  which  they  found  nine  of  the 
enemy  who  had  been  made  prisoners  during  the  night.  One  of  the 
party  making  the  discovery  was  Thomas  Sammons,  and  among  the 
prisoners  was  a  Tory  who  had  been  his  near  neighbor  in  Johnstown. 
On  being  asked  how  they  came  there,  this  man,  whose  name  was 
Peter  Cass,  replied  —  "Why,  I  am  ashamed  to  tell.  Last  night, 
after  the  battle,  we  crossed  the  river.  It  was  dark.  We  heard  the 
word,  l  lay  down  your  arms.'  Some  of  us  did  so.  We  were  taken, 
nine  of  us,  and  marched  into  this  little  fort  by  seven  militia  men. 
We  formed  the  rear  of  three  hundred*  of  Johnson's  Greens,  who 
were  running  promiscuously  through  and  over  one  another.  I 
thought  General  Van  Rensselaer's  whole  army  was  upon  us.  Why 
did  you  not  take  us  prisoners  yesterday,  after  Sir  John  ran  off  with 
the  Indians  and  left  us  ?     We  wanted  to  surrender." 

When  Sir  John  fled  from  the  field  with  the  Indians  and  Yagers, 
he  doubtless  supposed  all  was  lost.  He  laid  his  course  direct  for 
the  Onondaga  lake,  where  his  boats  had  been  concealed,  pursuing 
the  main  road,  and  making  only  a  slight  deviation  to  the  south  of 
the  German  Flats,  to  avoid  the  forts  at  that  place.  His  Greens 
and  Hangers  followed  closely  upon  his  heels,  and  overtook  him  at 
Oneida  Van  Rensselaer  pressed  forward  in  pursuit,  with  all  his 
forces,  as  far  as  Fort  Herkimer,  where  he  was  overtaken  by  Governor 
Clinton,  who  did  not,  however,  interfere  with  the  command.  Louis 
and  M'Kean  were  now  pushed  forward  in  advance,  with  orders  to 
overtake  the  fugitive  army,  if  possible,  and  engage  them  —  Van 
Rensselaer  promising  to  continue  his  march  with  all  possible  rapidity, 
and  be  at  hand  to  support  them  in  the  event  of  an  engagement.  On 
the  next  morning  the  advance  struck  the  trail  of  Sir  John,  and  took 
one  of  his  Indians  prisoner.  Halting  for  a  short  time,  Colonel 
Dubois  came  up,  and  urged  them  forward,  repeating  the  assurances 
of  the  General's  near  approach  and  sure  support.     The  march  of  the 


APPENDIX.  527 

advance  was  then  resumed,  but  they  had  nut  proceeded  far  before 
they  came  upon  the  enemy's  deserted  encampment  —  the  fires  yet 
burning.  The  Oneida  chief  now  shook  his  head,  and  refused  to 
proceed  another  step  until  General  Van  Rensselaer  should  make  his 
appearance.  There  was  accordingly  a  halt  for  some  time,  during 
which  a  Doctor  Allen  arrived  from  the  main  army,  informing  the 
officers  that  the  pursuit  had  already  been  abandoned  by  the  General, 
who  was  four  miles  distant  on  his  return  march ! 

The  expedition  was  of  course  at  an  end.  But  fortune  had  yet 
another  favor  in  store  for  Sir  John  Johnson  —  to  be  won  without 
the  bloodshed  that  had  attended  his  desolating  course  through  the 
Mohawk  Valley.  Having  ascertained  where  Sir  John's  boats  were 
concealed,  General  Van  Rensselaer  had  despatched  an  express  to 
Fort  Schuyler,  ordering  Captain  Vrooman,  with  a  strong  detachment, 
to  hasten  forward  in  advance  of  the  enemy,  and  destroy  them. 
Vrooman  lost  no  time  in  attempting  the  execution  of  his  orders; 
but  one  of  his  men  falling  sick,  or  feigning  himself  to  be  so,  at 
Oneida,  was  left  behind.  Sir  John  soon  afterward  came  up ;  and 
being  informed  by  the  treacherous  invalid  of  Vrooman's  movement, 
Brant  and  his  Indians,  with  a  detachment  of  Butler's  rangers,  were 
hastened  forward  in  pursuit.  They  came  suddenly  upon  Vrooman 
and  his  troops  while  they  were  engaged  at  dinner,  and  every  man 
was  captured  without  firing  a  gun.1 

The  last  obstacle  to  his  escape  having  thus  been  removed,  Sir 
John  reached  Oswego  without  molestation.  By  this  third  and  most 
formidable  irruption  into  the  Mohawk  country  during  the  season, 
Sir  John  had  completed  its  entire  destruction  above  Schenectady  — 
the  principal  settlement  above  the  Little  Falls  having  been  sacked 
and  burnt  two  years  before.  General  Van  Rensselaer  has  always 
been  censured  for  his  conduct  in  this  expedition.  Indeed  his 
behavior  was  most  extraordinary  throughout.  On  the  night  before 
the  battle  of  Klock's  field,  Sir  John  was  not  more  than  six  miles 
in  advance  —  having  left  Van  Epps's  just  before  dark,  where  Van 
Rensselaer  arrived  and  encamped  early  in  the  evening ;  and  it  was 
obvious  to  all  that  no  extraordinary  share  of  energy  was  required  to 

1  Major  Samnions  ;  also  statement  of  John  More,  yet  living,  who  was  one 
of  Sir  John's  soldiers.  According  to  the  official  returns  of  Sir  John  John- 
son, this  affair  of  the  capture  of  Captain  Vrooman  and  his  detachment  took 
place  on  the  23d  of  October,  at  a  place  called  Canaghsioraga.  Two  captains 
and  one  lieutenant  were  taken,  together  with  eight  non-commissioned  offi- 
cers and  forty-five  privates.     Three  privates  and  one  lieutenant  were  killed, 


528  LIFE    OF   SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON,    BART. 

bring  the  enemy  to  an  engagement,  even  before  the  encounter  with 
Colonel  Brown.  Major  Sammons,  at  the  close  of  his  account  of  the 
expedition,  remarks  with  emphasis  —  "When  my  father's  buildings 
were  burnt,  and  my  brothers  taken  prisoners,  the  pain  I  felt  was  not 
as  great  as  at  the  conduct  of  General  Robert  Van  Rensselaer. "  l 

But  Sir  John's  escape,  after  all,  was  rather  a  flight  than  a  retreat ) 
and  had  it  not  been  for  the  capture  of  Vrooman's  detachment — a 
most  unexpected  conquest  —  the  visible  trophies  of  his  expedition 
would  have  been  few  and  dearly  purchased.  Indubitable  evidences 
were  discovered  by  the  pursuers  that  he  was  reduced  to  a  most 
uncomfortable  situation  j  and  from  the  Baronet's  own  letter  to  Gen- 
eral Haldimand  it  appears  that  there  were  many  missing  who  it 
was  hoped  would  find  their  way  to  Oswego  or  Niagara.  General 
Haldimand  wrote  to  his  government  that  Sir  John  M  had  destroyed 
the  settlements  of  Schoharie  and  Stone  Arabia,  and  laid  waste  a 
great  extent  of  country,"  which  was  most  true.  It  was  added : — 
"  He  had  several  engagements  with  the  enemy,  in  which  he  came  off 
victorious.  In  one  of  them,  near  Stone  Arabia,  he  killed  a  Colonel 
Brown,  a  notorious  and  active  rebel,  with  about  one  hundred  officers 
and  men."  "  I  cannot  finish  without  expressing  to  your  lordship 
the  perfect  satisfaction  which  I  have  from  the  zeal,  spirit,  and 
activity  with  which  Sir  John  Johnson  has  conducted  this  arduous 
enterprise."2 

At  the  close  of  the  revolution,  Sir  John,  whose  estates  had  been 
confiscated  and  sold  by  the  Provincial  congress,  retired  into  Canada, 
receiving  from  the  crown  the  appointment  of  "  Superintendent  and 
Inspector  General  of  Indian    affairs  in  British    North    America." 

lii  With  regard  to  the  battle  on  Klock's  farm,  and  the  facts  stated  in  these 
papers,  I  would  say  that  I  joined  with  Captain  M'Kean  as  a  volunteer,  and 
met  General  Yan  Rensselaer  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  opposite  Caugh- 
nawaga,  early  in  the  morning  ;  and  of  my  own  knowledge  I  know  most,  of 
the  facts  to  be  as  they  are  stated.  I  staid  with  the  volunteers  after  the 
battle,  and  held  the  conversation  with  the  prisoners  found  in  the  little  block 
house  the  next  morning,  as  stated.  I  was  with  Captain  Kean  when  he  had 
orders  to  advance  and  overtake  Sir  John,  and  a  short  time  after  saw  Doctor 
Allen,  who  came  to  inform  us  that  Van  Rensselaer  was  returning.  With 
regard  to  the  route  of  Sir  John,  I  received  my  account  from  those  of  his 
own  party  who  are  now  living,  and  men  Of  undoubted  veracity." — Note  of 
Major  Sammons — 1836. 

2  Letter  of  Sir  Frederic  Haldimand  to  Lord  George  Germaine,  New  Annual 
Register,  1781. 


APPENDIX.        ;  529 

WTiile  holding  this  office,  considerable  dissatisfaction  arose  between  the 
Indian  tribes  and  the  government  of  the  United  States  upon  a  ques- 
tion of  boundary  —  the  former  maintaining  that  the  Ohio  river  was 
not  to  be  crossed  by  the  people  of  the  latter.  Great  Britain,  if  she 
did  not  indeed  secretly  encourage  this  feeling,  looked  on  with  grim 
satisfaction  at  the  prospect  of  a  rupture  between  the  Aborigines  and 
the  United  States.  Accordingly,  Sir  John  wrote,  in  1787^  a  letter 
to  Joseph  Brant,  the  tendency  of  which  was  to  fan  anew  the  embers 
of  controversy,  and  plunge  the  Indians  into  another  general  war  — 
an  object  which  was  despicable  in  itself,  and  unworthy  alike  of  his 
position  as  a  public  officer,  and  of  his  character  as  a  man.  Brant, 
however,  was  too  shrewd  to  commit  himself  irrevocably;  and  the 
troubles  being  finally  adjusted,  the  great  war  captain  of  the  Six 
Nations  devoted  the  remainder  of  his  life  to  the  amelioration  of  his 
people. 

Sir  John  was  for  a  time  a  member  of  the  legislative  council  in 
Canada.  He  was  never  governor  of  Canada,  as  has  been  incorrectly 
stated ;  nor  did  he  even  hold  the  office  of  administrator  of  the  gov- 
ernment, which,  in  the  absence  of  the  governor,  was  often  tempo- 
rarily held  by  leading  men  in  the  council.  He  visited  England 
shortly  before  his  death,  which  occurred  at  his  residence  in  Montreal 
on  the  fourth  of  January  1830.  He  was  succeeded  in  his  title  by  his 
eldest  surviving  son,  Adam  Gordon.  Sir  John  was  the  last  Provin- 
cial grandmaster  for  the  upper  district  of  the  colony  of  New  York. 

No.  X 
Disinterment  and  Reburial  of  the  Remains  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 
The  remains  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  as  stated  in  the  text, 
were  placed  in  his  own  private  tomb  under  the  altar  of  the  stone 
church  erected  by  himself.  In  1836  this  church  was  destroyed  by 
fire  j  and  when  in  1838  it  was  rebuilt,  its  site  was  changed  several 
feet,  leaving  the  place  originally  occupied  by  the  altar  in  the  open 
churchyard.  The  precise  location  of  the  tomb  was  thus  lost  for 
several  years.  In  the  early  summer  of  1862,  however,  Rev.  Mr. 
Kellogg,  the  rector  of  the  Episcopal  church  in  Johnstown,  with 
praiseworthy  zeal,  set  about  discovering  the  tomb;  and  after  taking 
measurements  was  so  fortunate  as  to  light  upon  the  tomb  by  the 
first  shaft  sunk.  The  tomb  was  found,  in  a  measure,  well  preserved, 
although  a  few  of  the  bricks  composing  the  top  had  fallen  in.  A 
few  peices  of  the  mahogany  coffin  were  found  together  with  some- 
wrought  nails.  A  plain  gold  ring  (probably  the  wedding  ring  of 
67 


530  LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON,    BART. 

Lady  Johnson,  worn  by  her  husband  after  her  decease,)  was  also 

discovered  among  the  remains,  marked  on  the  inside, —  "  June  1739. 

16."     The  skull  and  the  bones  of  the  legs  and  arms  were  in  a  good 

state  of  preservation,  which,  with  the  other  portions  of  the  skeleton 

filled  a  peck  measure.     Mr.  Kellogg  had  the  remains   placed  in  a 

hollow  block  of  granite  and  hermetically  sealed ;  and  on  the  seventh 

of  June,  1862,  they  were  replaced  in  the  tomb  with  appropriate 

services — the  lit.  Rev.  Bishop  Alonzo  Potter,  of  the  state  of  New 

York,  officiating. 

i      &L 
No.  XI. 

To  the  Hon.  Sir  John  Johnson,  Baronet. 

"  The  address  of  the  field  officers,  captains  and  subalterns  of  the 
militia  regiment,  comprehending  the  inhabitants  of  Kinderhook  and 
King's  districts. 

"bir : 

It  is  with  infinite  concern  that  we  reflect  on  the  melancholy  event 
which  calls  upon  us  to  pay  you  the  tribute  ^)f  our  respect,  in  con. 
doling  with  you  on  the  death  of  your  amiable  father. 

"A  retrospect  on  the  many  eminent  services  of  Sir  William 
Johnson  to  this  country,  as  well  in  the  field  as  in  his  other  very 
important  departments,  cannot  fail  of  eliciting  the  gratitude  of 
every  friend  to  the  British  Empire.  But  in  a  more  especial  man- 
ner must  the  sensibility  of  these  frontiers  be  awakened  when  they 
contemplate  these  abilities  by  which  they  have  been  so  often  and  so 
long  protected  from  the  ravages  of  a  merciless  foe,  by  which  the 
arts  and  even  refinements  of  civil  society  have  been  extended  into  a 
rude  and  inhospitable  wilderness,  and  the  unprincipled  savage  been 
taught  to  cultivate  the  blessings  of  peace. 

Impressed  as  we  are  by  these  sentiments,  we  cannot  help  deplor- 
ing this  event  as  a  public  calamity,  the  more  so  as  it  has  happened 
at  a  juncture  when  we  should  despair  of  avoiding  the  dangers 
which  threaten  the  safety  of  a  great  part  of  this  country,  if  we  did 
not  derive  sanguine  hopes  from  the  known  abilities  and  influence  of 
the  different  branches  of  his  very  reputable  family. 

"  Nor  can  we,  Sir,  help  reflecting  on  those  many  private  virtues 
which  distinguished  the  character  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  By  his 
death  the  poor  and  indigent  have  lost  their  munificent  benefactor ; 
and  most  sincerely  do  we  sympathise  with  those  many  unfortunate 

i  This  document  was  found  among  the  Johnson  Manuscript. 


APPENDIX. 


531 


persons,  whose  merit  attracted  his  notice  even  amidst  the  frowns  of 
adversity. 

"Permit  us,  Sir,  now  to  declare  the  grateful  sense  we  entertain  of 
the  marks  of  favor  with  which  we  have  been  honored  by  your 
exalted  father.  His  memory  will  ever  be  held  in  the  highest  ven- 
eration among  us,  and  it  will  be  no  small  alleviation  to  that  undis- 
sembled  sorrow  we  feel  on  this  occasion,  if  you,  Sir,  would  extend 
the  patronage  toward  us  which  we  have  so  long  received  from  him. 

"Kinderhook  23d  July,  1774. 
Cornelius  Van  Schaack, 


H.  V.  Schaack, 
Andrus  Witbeck, 
Mathews  Hardley, 
William  Warner  Jr., 
Isaac  Harlow, 
Herbert  Baldwin, 
Daniel  Breck, 
Aaron  Kellogg, 
Asa  Douglass, 
David  Wright, 
Abraham  Vanderpool, 
Melgert  Vanderpool, 
Elisha  Pratt  Jr., 
John  Beebe  Jr., 
Philip  Loisler, 
John  Davis, 
Martin  Beebe, 
Samuel  Waterman, 
Lambert  Bungat, 
John  D.  Goes, 


Peter  Vosburgh, 
Johannis  L.  Van  Alen, 
Abr'm  J.  Van  Vleck, 
Ephraim  Van  Buren, 

DlRCK  GaRDENIER, 

Peter  Van  Slyck  Jun. 
John  D.  Vosburgh, 
John  T.  Vosburgh, 
Stephen  Van  Alen, 
William  Powers, 
James  Skinner, 
Lucas  T.  Goes, 
Myndert  Vosburgh, 
Cruger  Huyk  Jun. 
Isaac  Vanderpool, 
Peter  Van  Alstyne, 
John  W.  Van  Alstyne, 
John  Pruyne, 
Elijah  Skinner, 
Lucas  Van  Alen  Jr., 
Lawrence  Goes, 


Barent  Vanderpool." 


v 


INDEX 


Aaron,  I,  210. 

Abercrombie,  Major  General  James, 

II,  4,  33,  56,  60,  62. 
Abenakis,  II,  111,  515,  578. 
Abraham  Sachem,  I,  159,  456,  509 ; 

II,  389,  415. 
Acadia,  I,  491. 
Acadians,  I,  199,  492. 
Ackland,  Lady  Harriet,  II,  244. 
Adams,  Samuel,  II,  310. 
Adams,  Robert,  II,  499. 
Adariaghta,  chief  warrior  of  the  Hu- 

rons,  II,  275,  461. 
Adems,  William,  11,501. 
Adirondacks,  I,  10,  402. 
^Esopus,  I,  177,  207. 
Aguiotta,   Sachem  of  the  Oneidas,  I, 

518. 
Aix  la  Chapelle,  Treaty   of,  I,  150, 

158,  346,  369,  386,  436. 
Albany  county,  II,  320,  348. 
Albermarle,  Earl  of,  II,  169. 
Allegany  river,  I,  440. 
Alexander,  William  (Lord  Stirling) 

II,  177. 
Alexander,  James,  I,  393,  413. 
Alexandria,  I,  446,  483. 
Algonquins  (Adirondacks)  I,  10. 
Allen,  President,  I,  328. 
Allen,  Ethan,  II,  234. 
Amherst,  General  Jeffrey,  I,  328,  II, 

27,  88,  107,  169,  199. 
Annapolis  Royal,  I,  110,  123,  199. 
Andiatarocte     (Iroquois     name    of 

Lake  George)  I,  507. 
Andros,  Governor  Edmund,  I,  11,  41. 
Andre,  Major  John,  I,  58. 
Andrews  Rev.  William,    Missionary 

at  Canajohorie,  II,  342. 
Ann  Fort,  I,  506,  519. 
Anne  Queen,  I,  57,  309. 
Anson,  Admiral,  I,  275. 
Arundel,  Earl  of,  I,  460. 
Aparagoa,  name  given  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia  by  the  Five 

Nations,  I,  95,  99,  105,  108. 
Atkinson,  Theodore,  I,  457,  465. 
Aughstaghiegi.  Sachem  of  the  Hu- 

rons,  II,  275. 


Aylmer,  Captain  Edward,  I,  86. 

Baker,  Sir  William,  I,  81,  555. 

Baker,  Captain,  I,  222. 

Bald  Eagle,  a  Delaware  chief,  II,  372. 

Ballard,  Rev.  Henry,  I,  552. 

Baltimore,  Lord,  I,  104. 

Bancroft,  Hon.    George,  I,    519 ;  II, 

132. 
Banyar,  Goldsbrow,  I,  192  ;  II,    57, 

379. 
Barclay,  Rev.  Henry,  I,  47,  476  ;  II, 

175,  292. 
Barnes,  Benjamin,  I,  457. 
Barre,  M.  de  la,  I,  16, 17,        4 
Bayard,  Stephen,  1,  194. 
Beauchamp,  Lord,  II,  327 
Beauharnois,    Charles,  Marquis  de, 

I,  40. 
Beausejour,  Fort,  I,  491. 
Beckford,  Alderman,  II,  327. 
Becker,  Lieutenant,  II,  412. 
Bedford,  II,  201. 

Beekman,  Colonel    Henry,    I,    303, 

344. 
Beekman,  John,  I,  416. 
Bellamont,  Earl  of  I,  24,  27,  54. 
Belleisle,  Marshal  de,  I,  347. 
Belle  Isle,  II,  149. 
Belletre,  Picote"  de,  II,  457. 
Benton's   History  of  Schoharie  Co. 

II,  57. 
Bernardstown,  I,  222, 
Berry,  Thomas,  I,  163. 
Beverly,  Colonel  William,  I,  92. 
Bienville,  Celeron  de,  I,  388. 
Big  mountain,  people  of,  I,  97. 
Black  Kettle,  Sachem  of  Onondaga, 

I,  20. 

Blanchard,  Colonel  Joshua,  I,  501, 
512,  532. 

Bleecker,  Nicholas,  I,  114. 

Bleecker,  Hendrick,  I,  414, 

Bleecker,  Jan  Janse,  an  Indian  inter- 
preter, I,  76,  329. 

Bloody  Pond,  massacre  at,  I,  514. 

Bloody  Run,  Battle  of,  II,  199. 

Bollan,  Mr.,  agent  for  Massachusetts, 
I,  151. 


534 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 


Boone,  Daniel,  II,  309. 

Boscawen,  Admiral  Edward,  I,  369, 

480;  II,  61. 
Boston  massacre,  II,  332. 
Botetourt,  Governor,  II,  326. 
Boquet,  Colonel  Henry,  II,  200,  226, 

234. 
Bourlamarque,  Colonel,  II,  120. 
Boyd,  Colonel,  II,  210. 
Braddock,  Major   General   Edward, 

I,  479,  483,  489,  494,  586,    538  ; 

II,  7. 

Bradstreet,  Colonel  John,  1, 146, 155, 

490 :  II,  5,  17,  75,  216,  224. 
Brant,  Joseph,  I,  327,  409,  505,  515, 

541  ;  II,  173,  352,  503. 
Brant,  Old,  I,  159. 
Brant,  Molly,  I,  327 ;  II,  244,  382, 

414,  492,  503. 
Brant,  Young,  alias   Keghneghtada, 

II,  493. 
Breton,  Cape,  I,  110,  129,  186,   212, 

232,  380,  387 :  II,  190. 
Brewer,  Captain,  II,  131. 
Brewerton,  Fort,  II,  475. 
Brimfield,  I,  517. 
Brisbee,  I,  517. 
Brook,  Lord,  I,  460. 
Brookes,  an  officer,  I,  141. 
Bruyas,  Rev.  Jacques,  I,  25. 
Buchanan,  Captain,  I,  73. 
Buckingham,  Duke  of,  I,  460. 
Bull,  Captain,  son   of  Teedyuscung, 

II,  214. 
Bull,  William,  I,  393,  397. 
Bull,  Fort,  II,  1. 

Bunt,  a  chief  of  Oneida,  II.  6,  417. 
Burgoyne,  Lieutenant  General  John, 

II,  244. 
Burnet,  Governor  William,  I,  30,  267. 
Burnet's  field,  (Herkimer)    I,   279 ; 

II,  32,  354. 
Burt,  Jonathan,  I,  517. 
Burton,  Rev.  Dr.  II,  342. 
Burton,  Colonel,  II,  112. 
Burton,  Mary,  I,  353. 
Butler,  Captain  Walter,  I,  114,  257. 
Butler,  Captain  Thomas,  I,  117,  257 ; 

II,  27,  76,  389. 
Butler,  Captain  John,  11,27,  274. 
Bushy  Run,  battle  of,  II,  202. 
Bute,  Lord,  II,  254,  258. 
Bute,  M.  la,  II,  141. 
Byrne,  William,  II,  499. 

Cadaracqui,  I,  17,  22,  91,  117,  212. 

333 ,  II,  143. 
Caffiniere,  Admiral,  1, 17. 
Caldwell  village,  (Lake  George),  II, 

46. 


Callieres,  M.  de,  I,  19. 

Calvil,  Thomas,  I,  92. 

Camden,  Lord,  II,  285. 

Campbell,  Major  John,  II,  132,  140, 

462. 
Campbell,  Hon.  William,  I,  551. 
Canajoharie,  I,  118. 
Canajoharie,  II,  176. 
Canassatego,  an  Onondaga  sachem,  I, 

67,  93,  100,  109,  114  ;  II,  15. 
Canestogoes,  I,  67,  71,  99, 
Canning,  E.  W.  B.,  I,  547. 
Canseau,  Island  of,  I,  110,  120. 
Caraccas,  I,  83. 

Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  I,  58 ;  II,  281. 
Carthagena,  I,  84. 
Carrying  Place    (Hudson  river),   I, 

116,  178,  262. 
Catawbas,   I,  28,  35,    94,  102,  392, 

425,  498. 
Cathcart,  Lord  Charles,  I,  84. 
Catherwood,    Captain   John,  I,  245, 

333. 
Catherwood,  secretary  to  Governor 

Clinton,  I,  311,  381. 
Cavendish,  Lord  John,  II,  327. 
Caughnawagas,  I,  30,  64,  170,   206, 

218,  232,  338,  393,  489;  II,  121. 
Cayenguiragoa,  a  Mohawk   speaker, 

II,  179. 
Chagre,  Fortress  of,  I,  84. 
Chambers,   John,  I,  303,   405,  450, 

483. 
Champlain,  Lake,   I,  10,  19,  34,  40, 

194,  203,  506. 
Chandler,  John,  I,  457. 
Chapeaurouge,  I,  132. 
Charles,  I.  I,  308. 
Chapin,  Captain,  I,  468. 
Charles  II.  I,  11. 
Charles,    Robert,  I,    331,    343,  415 

433;  II,  233,254,  319. 
Charlestown,  I,  258. 
Charlemont,  valley  of,  I,  469. 
Chartres,  Fort,  II,  251,  269,  303. 
Chaudiere  river,  I,  537. 
Cherokees,  I,  28,  35,  103,  498. 
Cherry  Valley  settlement,  II,  55. 
Chew,   Captain  Joseph,  I,  280 ;   II, 

499. 
Chickasaws,  I,  35,  177,  208. 
Chiegnecto,  I,  379. 
Choate,  John,  I,  163. 
Chogage  river,  II,  132,  469. 
Christie,  Major,  II,  489. 
Clarendon,  Lord,  I,  36. 
Clark,  Captain,  I,  370. 
Clarke,  Lieutenant   Governor,  I,  36, 

42,  49,  73,  82,  92,  100. 
Clarkson,  David,  I,  267,  303,  330, 401. 


INDEX. 


535 


Claus,  Colonel  Daniel,  II,  10,  126, 
169,  175,  245,  305,  381,  389. 

Claverack,  I,  182. 

Clerk,  Mathew,  Abercrombie's  chief 
engineer,  II,  71. 

Clinton,  Governor  George,  I,  77,  87, 
111,  122,  157,  163,  177,  186, 
201,  211,  224,  235,  247,  252, 266, 
579,  288,  300,  310,326,  341,  366, 
376,  891,  413,  424,  433,  534. 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  I,  58. 

Clinton,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  II,  75. 

Cobus,  a  Mohawk  runner,  II,  180. 

Coeur,  Jean,  (Joncaire,)  I,  38,  165, 
183,  251,  833,  349,  351,  890;  II, 
441. 

Coick  village,  I,  468. 

Colaer,  Indian  name  of  the  governors 
of  New  York,  I,  20,  25,  49,  393. 

Colden,  Lieutenant  Governor  Cad- 
wallader,  I,  114,  178,  201,  211, 
240,  244,  272,  319,  348,  393, 
408,  413,  541  ;  II,  217. 

Cole,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Edward,  I, 
514,  II,  427. 

Coleraine,  I,  222. 

College  controversy,  (Columbia  col- 
lege), I,  473. 

Collins,  John,  II,  176. 

Colesford,  William.  I,  551. 

Conflours,  Admiral,  I,  232. 

Congreve,  Lieutenant  Charles,  I,  403. 

Connecticut,  charter  of,  1,460. 

Conoghquieson,  an  Oneida  sachem, 
II,  379. 

Contoocook  river,  I,  223. 

Contrecceur,  Pierre  Claude,  I,  447. 

Conway,  Lord,  II,  285. 

Cooper,  Rev.  Dr.,  II,  356. 

Cooper,  Fenimore,  I,  507. 

Copper  mines  of  Lake  Superior. 

Corbiere,  Lieutenant  de,  II,  44. 

Cornbury,  Lord,  governor  of  New 
York,  I,  25,  473 ;  II,  299. 

Cornstalk,  II,  373. 

Corry,  William,  II,  24. 

Cosby,  Governor  William,  I,  35,  42, 
60. 

Cotton,  John,  II,  256. 

Couagne,  M.  de,  French  interpreter, 
II,  250,  419. 

Couercelles,  M.  de,  I,  13. 

Craddock,  Rev.  Mr.  I,  92, 

Crane  mountain,  (Warren  county), 
II,  609. 

Craven,  Major,  I,  536. 

Crawford,  Hugh,  II,  273,  277. 

Cresap,  Captain  Michael,  II,  371. 

Cresap's  war,  II,  370. 

Croghan,    George,   deputy   superin- 


tendent, II,  17,  55,  78,  85,  269, 

305,  309,  389. 
Crowley,  Theodore,  I,  555. 
Crown  Point,  (Lake   Champlain),  I, 

111,   231,   250,   280,    297,    343, 

374,   405,   443,    484,    501,   510, 

522;  11,5,88. 
Cruger,  Henry,  I,  158,  290,  303,  419. 
Cruger,  John,  II,  318. 
Culloden,  battle  of,  1, 196. 
Cumberland,  Duke  of,  I,  347,  479. 
Cumberland  river,  I,  35. 
Cumberland  Castle,  country   seat  of 

Sir  William  Johnson,  II,  163. 
Curtis,  Jasper,  II,  281. 
Cushenoc,  I,  467. 
Cuyahoga  river,  II,  132,  467. 
Cuyler,  Lieutenant,  II,  198. 
Cuyler,  John,  I,  243,  415. 
Cuyler,  Abram,  I,  114. 
Cuyler,  Cornelius,  I,  114,  415. 

Dalyell,  Captain  James,  II,  199. 

Danford,  Professor,  II,  315. 

D'Anville,  Admiral,  I,  199,  232,  248, 
347. 

Dartmouth,  William  Earl  of,  II,  357. 

D' Aubrey,  Captain,  II,  97. 

Davis,  Sir  Robert,  I,  328. 

David,  a  Schoharie  chief,  II,  29. 

Dease,  Dr.  John,  501. 

Debeline,  M.,  I,  258. 

Deerfield,  I,  225. 

D'Estournelle,  Vice  Admiral,  I,  234. 

De  Kay,  Colonel,  I,  178. 

De  Lancey,  Governor  James,  1, 52, 62, 
78,  87,  114,  116,  124,  158,  181, 
187,  196,  202,  236,  246,  272, 
291,  301,  320,  330,  342,  393, 
412,  424,  429,  441,  451,  457, 
465,  471,  475,  481,  490,  530 ;  II, 
60,  86,  117,  119. 

DeLancey,  Oliver,  I,  413,  532 ;  II,  24. 

Delawares,  I,  71,  498. 

Delaware  company,  I,  464, 

Denny,  Governor  William,  II,  14, 
58,  78. 

Denonville,  Marquis  de,  I,  17. 

De  Peyster,  John,  I,  114,  416, 

De  Queque,  II,  103. 

Detroit,  I,  111  ;  II,  140,  196,  457. 

Dettingen,  Battle  of,  I,  100. 

Devil's  Hole,  massacre  at,  II,  207, 

Dick,  Captain,  a  Mohawk,  II,  28. 

Diego,  Fort,  I,  85. 

Dieskau,  Baron  de,  I,  479,  511,  516, 
II,  22,  290. 

Dimpler,  Mr.,  an  engineer,  II,  393. 

Dinwiddie,  Governor  Robert,  I,  440. 
445. 


536 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 


Dongan.  Governor  Thomas,  I,  13,  29. 

Doreil,  M.,  I,  511. 

Drunkard,  the  chief  man  of  the  Sen- 

ecas,  II,  426. 
Duane,  Anthony,  I,  256. 
Duchambon,  Governor,  I,  141,  144. 
Dudley,  Joseph,  I,  20. 
Dummer,  Fort,  I,  223,  362,  469,  535, 

II,  108. 
Dunbar,  Colonel,  I,  495,  536. 
Dunbar,  Lieutenant  Bassey,  II,  429. 
Duncan,  John,  II,  180. 
Duncan,  Captain  Richard,  II,  513. 
Dunmore,  Governor  John  Murray,  II, 

338,  346. 
Du  Quesne,  Governor,  I,  110. 
Du  Quesne,  Colonel,  II,  458. 
Du  Quesne,  Fort,  I,  447,  495,  II,  77, 

85. 
Dutchess  County,  II,  280. 
Dutch  Conquest,  I,  10. 
Du  Vivier,  M.,  I,  155. 
Dwight  Doctor,  I,  59,  550. 
Dwight  Hon.  Joseph,  I,  409. 
Dyer,  Colonel  Eliphalet,  II,  185, 
Dyiondarogon  (Fort  Hunter)  I,  64. 

Eastman,  I,  418. 

Easton,  Council  at,  I,  13,  85, 

East  India  Co.,  II,  363. 

Ecils,  Hannis,  II,  153. 

Edward,  Charles,  The  Pretender,  I, 

196. 
Edward,  Fort,  I,  356,  501,  512,  520, 

II,  5. 
Edwards,  Jonathan,  I,  407,  409. 
Egremont,  Earl  of,  II,  157. 
Erie,  Lake,  I,  13. 
Erskine,  Captain,  I,  324. 
Eseras,  a  Mohawk,  II,  28. 
Etchmims,  I,  111. 

Etherington,  Captain  Thomas,  I,  328. 
Eyre,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  I,  523,  II, 

31,  142,  201. 

Farquahar,  Colonel,  II,  100,  392. 
Fauquiere,      Lieutenant     Governor 

Francis,  II,  289. 
Fiatio  river,  II,  452. 
Fish  House  (Sacondaga)  II,  164. 
Fish  Creek  (Saratoga  Lake)  I,  280. 
Fish  Creek  (Oswego)  II,  424. 
Fitch,  Governor  Thomas,  I,  290,  II, 

187. 
Flat  Heads,  I,  284,  349. 
Fletcher,  Governor  Benjamin,  I,  20, 

27,  42,  382,  473. 
Fonda,  Gelles,  II,  27,  90,  178. 
Fontainbleau,      articles      of     peace 

signed  at,  II,  189. 


Forbes,  Brigadier  General  John,  II, 

77. 
Forte,  Marquis  de  la  Maison,  I,  142, 

145. 
Fox,  Secretary,  I,  540. 
Fox,  Stephen  first  Earl  of  Ilchester, 

II,  243. 
Fox,  Commodore  Thomas,  I,  347. 
Franklin,  Dr.  Benjamin,  I,  407,  458, 

465,  II,  212,  355. 
Franklin,  Governor  William,  II,  303, 

305. 
Francis,  Lieutenant,  II,  102,  396. 
Frazier,  (Fraser)  Lieutenant,  II,  247. 
Frederick  the  Great,  I,  370. 
French,  arrival  of  in  America,  I,  10. 
French  Creek,  I,  440. 
Frey,  Colonel  Hendrick,  II,  358. 
Frontenac,  Count,  I,  17,  19,  24,  27. 
Frontenac,  Fort,  I,  249,  536,  II,  131. 
Fry,  Colonel  Joshua,  I,  446,  448. 

Gachradodow,  a  Cayuga  Sachem,  I, 

103. 
Gage,  Major  General  Thomas,  I,  390, 

495 ;  II,  32,  100,  163,  206,  216, 

257,  295. 
Gaine,  Hugh,  II,  315. 
Galissioniere,  Count  de  la,  I,  354,  372, 

374,  379,  388,  405. 
Gambling,  Mr.,  a  trader,  II,  149. 
Gansevoort,  Colonel,  II,  508. 
Ganughsadeagah,       an      Onondaga 

Sachem,  I,  335. 
Ganughsharagey  Indians,  II,  421. 
Gaspereau,  Fort,  I,  492. 
Gates,  General  Horatio,  I,  479. 
Gaugoo,  a  Seneca  Chief,  I,  545. 
Gaustarax,  a  Seneca  Chief,  II,  345. 
Genesee  Valley,  I,  16. 
George,  Lake,  I,  194,  507 ;  II,  44. 
George,  Lake,  Battle  of,  I,  514. 
German  Flats,  II,  27,  62,  193,    336, 

354. 
Gingegoe,  a  warrior  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions, I,  257. 
Gist,  Christopher,  I,  438. 
Gist's  Settlement,  I,  496. 
Gladwin,  Major  Henry,  II,  196,  227. 
Glen,  Govenor  James,  I,  391,  498. 
Glen,  Jacob,  I,  351. 
Glen,  Johann,  I,  415. 
Godfrey,  Theodore,  I,  407. 
Golden  Hill,  Battle  of,  II,  331, 
Goldthwaite,  Tristam,  I,  552. 
Gooch,  Governor  William,  I,  73,  198. 

229,  235. 
Gordon,  Lord  Adam,  II,  253,  285. 
Grafton  frigate,  I,  57. 
Graham,  Colonel,  II,  103. 


INDEX. 


53T 


Graham,  Major,  II,  403. 

Grant,  Major,  II„78. 

Grant,  Colonel,  II,  149. 

Grant  Mrs.,  I,  328. 

Graves,  Rev.  Dr.,  II,  175. 

Great  Meadows,  I,  447. 

Great  Meadows,  Fort  at,  I,  173. 

Great  Warrior,  a  Cherokee  Chieftain, 

II,  294. 
Great  Turtle,  Chief  of  the  Spirits,  II, 

219. 
Greathouse,  Daniel,  II,  372. 
Green  Mountain  Boys,  II,  234. 
Green  Bay,  Post  at,  II,  131,  228. 
Grenville,  Lord,  II,  253,  285. 
Gridley,  Jeremiah,  II,  157. 
Groesbeck,  Gerardus,  II,  415. 

Haddock,  Admiral,  I,  86. 
Hadyanodo,  a  Seneca  Indian,  I,  545. 
Haines,  Hon.  William  P.,  I,  552. 
Hair,  Lieutenant,  II,  412. 
Haldimand,  Sir  Frederick,  K.  B.,  II, 

96,  101,  366,  395. 
Hale,  Robert,  I,  290. 
Half  King,  I,  447,  488,  497. 
Halfway  brook,  Battle  at,  II,  75, 
Halifax,  Earl  of,  II,  156. 
Halifax,  Fort  I,  467. 
Hall,  Benjamin,  I,  290. 
Hamden,  John,  I,  320. 
Hamilton,   Governor  James,  I,  193, 

463,  II,  138,  210. 
Hance,  Little,  a  Mohawk  Indian,  II, 

30. 
Hanson,  Hans,  I,  414. 
Hardwicke,  Lord,  II,  190. 
Hardwick,  Dominie,  II,  422. 
Hardy,    Governor  Charles,    I,    517, 

530,  533,  II,  2,  5,  10,  38. 
Harris,  Doctor,  Bishop  of  York,  I, 

201. 
Harrington,  Mical,  I,  517. 
Hartford,  Council  held  at,  II,  187. 
Havana,  II,  169. 
Harvey,  Major,  II,  98. 
Haviland,  Colonel  I.,  I,  54b,  II,  127. 
Hawks,  Colonel,  I,  174. 
Hawks,  Sergeant  John,  I,  225. 
Hawley,  General,  I,  196. 
Hawley,  Rev.  Mr.,  I,  409. 
Hawley,  Lieutenant,  I,  364. 
Hay,  John,  Commissary  at  Detroit, 

II,  277. 
Hayden,  Mical,  I,  91. 
Heckewelder,  I,  72. 
Hendrick,    King,    I,  164,    257,   393, 

398,  421, 422,  451,  454,  464,  505, 

512,  526,  549. 
Henry  V.,  I,  321. 

68 


Henry  Alexander,  II,  137,  218.  224. 

Herkimer,  Nicholas,  II,  504. 

Herkimer   Fort,  II,  56. 

Hicks,  Whitehead,  II,  365. 

Hillsbo»ough,  Lord,  II,  310,  353. 

Hinesdale,  II,  223,  248. 

High  Rock    Spring,  (Saratoga)    II, 

290,  346. 
Hobbs,    Captain  Humphrey   I,  361, 

363. 
Hocquart,  Commodore  Giles,  I,  480. 
Holbourne,  Admiral  Francis,  II,  43. 
Holdernesse,  Earl  of,  I,  442,  450. 
Holland,  First  Lord,  II,  244. 
Holland,  Henry,  I,  438. 
Holland,  Edward,  I,  188,  194,  381, 

393,  422. 
Holland,  Lieutenant,  I,  419. 
Hoosic  Village,  I,  174,  182,  354. 
Hoosic  Mountain,  I,  224. 
Hoosic,  Dutch,  I,  468. 
Hopkins,  Stephen,  I,  451,  465. 
Horsmanden,    Hon.    Daniel,    I,    44, 

160,  180,  194,  246,  263,  291,  819, 

331. 
Houghson  Mr.  I,  54. 
Howard,  Lord,  I,  15,  101. 
Howard,  Captain  II,  228. 
Howard,  John,  I,  437. 
Howard,  Martin,  I,  461. 
Howe,  Viscount,  I,  480,  II,  68 
Howe,  Sir  William,  K.  B.,  I,  58. 
Hunter,  Brigadier  General,  I,  27,  29. 
Hunter  Fort,  I,  37,  45,  63,  II,  33,  63. 
Hurons,  I,  10. 
Hutchinson,   Governor    Thomas,   I, 

163,  451,  465,  II,  138,  167. 

Ibbit,  Moses,  II,  501. 
Independent  Reflector,  I,  473. 
Indian  trade,  I,  31. 
Inglis,  Rev.  Charles,  II,  357. 
Ingoldsby,  Governor  Richard,  I,  20. 
Irondequat,  I,  40,  49,  II,  422,  473. 
Iroquois,  I,  10,  15,  24,  28. 
Irving,  Washington,  II,  541. 
Isle  aux  Neix,  II,  127. 
Isle  Bois  Blanc,  II,  466. 
Isle  Galot,  II,  417. 
Isle  Royale,  II,  128. 

Jackson,  Abraham,  I,  647. 
Jadaghque  Creek,  II,  469. 
Jamaica,  I,  85. 
James,  I.,  I,  460. 
James,  G.  P.  R.,  I,  57. 
Jauncey,  James,  II,  318. 
Jennings,  Edmund,  I,  92. 
Jesuits,  I,  11,  12,  14,  61. 
Jogues,  Father  Isaac,  I,  607. 


538 


LIFE   OF   SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


Johnson,  Christopher  I,  57. 

Johnson,  Sir  John,  I,  189 ;  II,  142, 
224,  316,  362,  381,  502. 

Johnson,  Lady  John,  II,  507. 

Johnson,  Nancy,  I,  189,  II,  169,  414. 

Johnson,  Mary,  I,  189,  II,  500. 

Johnson,  Guy,  II,  142,  179,  187,  305, 
359,  381,  503. 

Johnson,  Warren,  I,  247,  277. 

Johnson,  Adam  Gordon,  II,  529. 

Johnson,  James,  I,  468. 

Johnson,  Joseph,  II,  314. 

Johnson,  Charles,  I,  57. 

Johnson,  Rev.  Samuel,  I,  474,  475. 

Johnson  Fort,  I,  65,  81,  279,  409, 
425,  521,  II,  9,  13,  32,  142,  294. 

Johnson  Hall,  II,  173,  204,  243,  267, 
279,  295,  478. 

Johnstown,  II,  103,  354. 

Joncaire,  Chevalier,  I,  29,  82. 

Jones,  David,  Speaker  of  the  Assem- 
bly, I,  157,  303,  327,  419,  424. 

Jones,  Captain  of  Militia,  II,  149. 

Jonquiere,  Marquis  de  la,  I,  233, 
275,  379,  439. 

Jumonville,  M.  de,  I,  448. 

Juniata  river,  II,  16. 

Kaiaghshota,   a  Seneca  chief,  II, 

152,  461. 
Kalm,  Peter,  the  Swedish  naturalist, 

I,  378. 

Kanawha  river,  I,  438 ;  II,  307. 

Kayaderosseras  patent,  II,  166,  299. 

Kean,  Edmund,  I,  541. 

Keith,  Sir  William,  I,  31. 

Keith,  Maria,  I,  354. 

Kellogg,  Rev.  Mr.,  II,  529. 

Kempe,   Attorney    General,    I,  413 ; 

II,  177,  301. 
Kenebeck  river,  I,  458. 
Kensington  palace,  II,  62. 
Kinderhook,  I,  182. 
King,  Colonel  Robert,  I,  92. 
King's   (Columbia)   College,    I,  245, 

408,  473. 
Kingsbury,  town  of,  I,  512. 
Kingsley,  John,  I,  164. 
Kirkland,  Rev.  Samuel,  1, 118,    460; 

II,  173,  343. 
Kittaning  river,  II,  307. 
Kittochtining  hills,  I,  66. 
Klock,  George,  II,  178,  352. 
Knowles,  Governor  Charles,  I,  151, 

235,  261,  322,  369. 
Knox,  Captain,  I,  546. 

La  Bat,  II,  459,  472. 

La  Boeuf,  Fort,  I,  441  ;  II,  97,  192, 

417. 


La  Bute,  M.  de,  II,  459. 

La  Chine,  II,  131. 

La  Come,  M.  de,  I,  379;  II,  45,  96. 

Lacose,  M.  I,  280. 

La  Mott,  Major,  II,  458. 

Laffeldt,  Battle  of,  I,  347. 

La  Galette,  II,  96,  101,  404. 

Lamb,  John,  II,  329,  365.. 

Lancaster,  Treaty  of,  I,  91,  437. 

Lansing,  Johannis,  I,  114. 

Lansing,  Johannis,  Jr.,  I,  415. 

Lansing,  Jeremiah,  I,  550. 

Lansingh,  Johannis  Janse,  I,  414. 

La  Presentation,    I,  388,  405  ;  II,  1, 

26. 
Laquel,  M.  I,  280. 
La  Salle,  Robert,  cavalier,  1, 12,  436. 
Lawrence,  Lieutenant   Governor,  I, 

164,  483. 
Lawrence,  Major,  I,  380. 
Lawrence,  a  Mohawk  chief,  II,  29 
Lebanon,  Mission,  School  at,  I,  409. 
Lee,  Richard  Henry,  286. 
Lee,  Thomas,  I,  92,  99. 
Lee,  Arthur,  II,  344. 
Lee,  Captain,  II,  422. 
Lefferty,  Bryan,  II,  501. 
Leisler,  Governor,  Jacob,  I,  19,  41. 
Lenox,  Duke  of,  I,  460. 
Lestock,  Admiral,  I,  275. 
Letendeur,  Admiral,  I,  347. 
"  Letter  to  a  nobleman,"  I,  505,  524. 
Levy  Francois  de,  II,  45,  48,  71,  120. 
Levy,  Fort,  II,  128. 
Liberwood,  John  George,  I,  408. 
Ligoniere,  Sir  John,  I,  347. 
Ligoniere,  Fort,  II,  202. 
Lincoln,  Earl  of,  I,  77. 
Lindsay,    Lieutenant  John,   .'.; 

403. 
Little  Carpenter,  a  Cherokee  chief- 
tain, II,  294. 
Little  Sodus,  II,  411. 
Livingston,  Philip,  I,  163,  180,  196, 

246,  290,  381  ;  II,  87,  176. 
Livingston,  William,  I,  402,  473  477 ; 

II,  87,  159,  176. 
Livingston,  James,  I,  477. 
Livingston,  Robert,  I,  477. 
Livingston,  Robert,  R.,  II,  117. 
Livingston  Manor,  II,  39. 
Logan,  James,  I,  67  ;  II,  370. 
Logan,  II,  370. 
Logstown,  I,  437. 
Loftus,  Major  Arthur,  II,  246. 
Longueil,  Baron  de,  I,  32. 
Lott,  Abraham  2. 

Lottridge,  Captain,  I,  44,  199 ;  II,  12. 
Loudoun,    Lord,    I,  540;  II,  4,    21, 

37,  43,  57,  60. 


INDEX. 


539 


Louisburg,  Seige  of,  I,  119,  126;  II, 

37,  43. 
Louis  XV,  I,  110. 
Louth,  Doctor,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  II, 

356. 
Lovelace,  Governor   John,  I,  11,  28, 

41. 
Low,  Governor,  I,  162,  177. 
Low,  Isaac,  II,  335. 
Lower  Ashuelot,  I,  222.        t 
Lowers,  Mr.,  an  engineer,  II,  101. 
Loyal  Hanna,  II,  79. 
Loyola,  Ignatius,  I,  14. 
Lydius,  John   Henry,    I,    159,   272, 

289,  291,  464,  502,  504 ;  II,  187. 
Lyman,  Major    General  Phineas,  I, 

501,  506,  517,  522 ;  II,  162. 

McDonald,  Michael,  II,  290. 
McDonald,  Captain,  I,  73. 
McDonald,  Flag  officer,  I,  145. 
McDougal,    Captain    Alexander,    II, 

332. 
McEvers  James,  Stamp  distributer, 

II,  259. 
McKee,  Alexander,  II,  356. 
McLeod,  Norman,  Commissary  at  Ni- 
agara, II,  274. 
McMichael,  Mr.,  a  trader,  II,  92. 
Maginis,  Captain,  I,  517. 
Manitoes,  I,  545. 
Man-na-hatch-ta-ninck,  Indian  name 

for  New  York,  I,  542. 
Maria  Theresa,  I,  370. 
Marie  M.  Francis,  I,  372. 
Marin,  M.,  I,  420. 
Marin,  Lieutenant,  II,  44. 
Marlborough,  Duke  of,  I,  130. 
Marquette,  Father  Jacques,  I,  436. 
Marshe,  Witham,  I,  92  ,105;  II,  167. 
Marshall,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  I,  244. 
Martinique,  I,  124,  135 ;  II,  162. 
Massachusetts    Bay,  Charter   of,   I, 

460. 
Massachusetts,  Fort,  1, 225,  261,  364, 

468. 
Massey,  Colonel,  II,  103. 
Maurepas,  Lake,  II,  190. 
Mayer,  Brantz,  II,  371. 
Mayhew,  Jonathan,  II,  254. 
Melvin,  Captain,  I,  362. 
Memphremagog,  Lake,  I,  535. 
Mercer,  Colonel  George,  II,  304. 
Miami,  Indians,  I,  420. 
Miami,  Fort,  II,  192. 
Miantonomoh,  I,  349. 
Michaux,  Mr.,  I.  401. 
Michilimackinac,     ( Mackinaw ),     I, 

111  ;  II,  192. 
Michilimackinac  Indians,  I,  393. 


Micmacs,  I,  111. 

Middletown,  I,  298. 

Minas  (Nova  Scotia),  I,  379. 

Milborne,  Jacob,  I,  41. 

Milet,  Rev.,  Pierre,  I,  22. 

Minisinck,  I,  177, 

Minivavana,  a  Chippeway  chief,  II, 

137. 
Missesageys,  I,  214. 
Mobile,  I,  28. 
Mohawk  Flats,  II,  166. 
Monckton,   Colonel  Robert,   I,  491, 

493  ;  II,  131,  138,  156,  162. 
Monongahela  river,  I,  438  495. 
Monro,  Lieutenant  Colonel  George, 

II,  46. 
Montcalm,  Louis  Joseph  de  St.  Ver- 

ran,  Marquis  de,  II,  22,  44,  113. 
Montour,  Catherine,  I,  94,  439. 
Montour,  Captain  Henry,  I,  439. 
Montour,  Captain  John,  I,  94. 
Montour,   Captain   Andrew,    II,  10, 

132,  214. 
Montgomery,  Governor  John,  I,  33, 

413. 
Montgomery,  Major    General  Rich- 
ard, II,  162. 
Montmorency,  II,  109. 
Montague,  Captain,  I,  148,  276. 
Montreal,  I,  14,  17,  18,  30;  II,  69. 
Moor  Charity  School,  II,  173. 
Moore,  Governor  Henry,  II,  260,  270, 

281,  302,  311,  325. 
Moore,  Colonel  Samuel,  I,  129,  381. 
Mora,  Fortress,  II,  170. 
Moravians,  II,  213. 
Mores,  a  Mohawk  Indian,  II,  29. 
Morris,  Govenor  Robert  Hunter,  I, 

413,  415 ;  II,  8,  118. 
Morris,  Colonel  Lewis,  i;  238,  267. 
Morris,  Captain,  II,  227. 
Morris,  Colonel,  II,  332. 
Morris,  Captain  Staats,  I,  537. 
Morse,  Rev.  Jeddediah,  I,  97. 
Morstede,  John,  I,  321. 
Monroe,  Rev.  Harry,  II,  315. 
Murray,  General  James,  II,  109, 120, 

127. 
Murray,  Lord  John,  II,  69. 
Murray,    Joseph,  I,    114,    116,  180, 

246,  290,  450. 
Muuk-kun-kan-eok,  (River  Indians), 

I,  216. 

Nahantics,  II,  287. 

Necessity,  Fort,  I,  448. 

Negro  Plot,  I,  52. 

Nelson,  Captain,  I,  62. 

New   Castle,  Duke  of,  II,  128,  190, 

247,  274,  290,  310,  341,  69. 


540 


LIFE   OF   SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON,    BART. 


Newcastle  administration,  II,  3. 
New  Hamshire  Grants,  II,  231. 
New  Hopkington,  I,  221. 
New  Netherlands,  People  of,  I,  462. 
New  York  Hospital,  founding  of,  II, 

348. 
Neyon,  M.  II,  208. 
Niagara,  I,  13,  117,  405 ;  II,  88,  140, 

207. 
Niagara  garrison,  II,  394. 
Nicholl,  William,  I,  180,  290,  477. 
Nicholls,  Governor  Richard,    I,  11, 

41. 
Nicholson,  Colonel,  I,  26. 
Nicolls,  William,  II,  261. 
Nimdynock,  I,  467. 
Ninigret,  Sachem  of  the  Nahantics, 

II,  287. 

Noble,  Captain  Arthur,  I,  248. 
Norris,  Sir  John,  I,  58. 
Norris,  Isaac,  I,  164,  451. 
North,  Lord,  II,  253,  326. 
Noyelles,  John  de,  II,  361.    • 
Number,  Four,  (Charlestown),  I,  221, 
361,  468. 

O'Brien,  Lady  Susan,  II,  243. 

Ogden,  Lieutenant,  II,  149. 

Oghkuaga  (Oghwago)  I,  64,  65,  216. 

Ogle  Admiral  Chaloner,  I,  86,  135. 

Oglethorpe,  Major  General  James,  I, 
85. 

Ohio  Valley,  I,  420,  436,  483. 

Ohio  Company,  I,  437,  440. 

Ojibwas,  II,  218. 

Old  belt,  II,  448. 

Old  Nicholas(Brant)  II,  85. 

Onas,  Iroquois  name  for  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Pennsylvania,  I,  66,  98. 

Oneida  Lake,  I,  37. 

Oneida  carrying-place,  II,  62. 

Onondaga,    I,  18, 160,  192,  335,  420. 

Onondaga  Lake,  I,  405. 

Ontario,  Lake,  I,  20, 

Ontario,  Fort,  II,  22. 

Orange  County,  II,  2. 

Orange  Town  of,  I,  177. 

Oriskany,  II,  42,  508. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  I,  110. 

Orleans  Isle  of,  II,  190. 

Osborne,  Governor  Danvers,  I,  428, 
530 ;  II,  8. 

Oswego,  I,  23,  31,  38,  47,  52,  81,  89, 

III,  116,  126,  161,  245,  253, 
279,  293,  303,  330,  368,  382,  402, 
414,  420,  443,  459,  482,  503  ;  II, 
144. 

Oswego  Falls,  II,  12. 
Oswego  trade,  I,  40. 
Oswego  duties,  I,  416. 


Oswegatchie  (Ogdensburgh)  I,  328, 
453. 

Otis,  James,  II,  157,  159,  254. 

Otqueandageghte,  an  Onondaga  war- 
rior, II,  63. 

Ottawa  Confederacy,  II,  150,  192, 
429. 

Ottanannio,  a  Cayuga  Indian,  II,  92. 

Ottawana,  a  Cayuga  Sachem,  II,  411. 

Owataum,  II,  251. 

Palatine  village,  II,  55. 
Palmer,  Colonel,  II,  44,  49. 
Paris,  Treaty  at,  II,  189. 
Parker,  James,  Printer  to  the  New 

York  Assembly,  I,  311. 
Parker,  Captain,  II,  412. 
Parkman,  Francis,  II,  132,  217. 
Partridge,  Oliver,  I,  290,  451. 
Paulding,  J.  K.,  I,  57. 
Paxton  men,  II,  284,  314. 
Paxton  riots,  II,  210. 
Pelham,  Thomas,  I,  290. 
Penacook,  I,  223. 

Penn,  William,  I,  67,  98,  462 ;  II,  370. 
Penn,  Lieutenant  Governor  John,  I, 

451 ;  II,  212,  287,  305. 
Pepperell,  Sir  William,  I,  130,  143, 

185,  191. 
Pepperell's  regiment,  II,  23. 
Percy,  Lord,  I,  541. 
Perrine,  M.  W.,  I,  548. 
Peter,    French,     (French   Peter),  a 

Mohawk  Indian,  II,  28. 
Peters,  Richard,  Secretary  of  Penn* 

sylvania,  I,  451. 
Petite  Marie,  II,  471. 
Philip,  King,  I,  349. 
Philip,  Don,  I,  86. 
Philipse,  Adolphe,  I,  39,  238. 
Philipse,  Frederick,  I,  267,  303,  401. 
Phipps,    Lieutenant   Governor   Wil- 
liam, I,  163,  532. 
Pickering,  Colonel  Timothy,  I,  461, 

465. 
Picquet,  Rev.  Abbe,  I,  388. 
Pitkin,  William,  I,  451,  465. 
Pitt,  Secretary,  II,  77,  85. 
Pitt,  Fort,  II,  140,  200,  356. 
Pittsburgh,  II,  79. 
Placentia,  a   French  settlement,    I, 

110. 
Pocoke,  Admiral,  II,  169. 
Pomeroy,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Seth, 

I,  516. 
Pomeroy,  Rev.  Dr.,  II,  175. 
Ponchartrain,  Lake,  II,  190. 
Pontiac,   I,  349;    II,    133,  192,  190, 

208,  273,  277. 
Popish  Pretender,  The,  I,  87,  113 


INDEX. 


541 


Poquaig,  I,  223. 

Porto  Bello,  I,  84. 

Porter,  Colonel  Peter  B.,  I,  541. 

Post,  Christian  Frederick,  1, 118  ;  II, 

80. 
Pottawatamy  village,  II,  447. 
Pouchot,  Captain,  II,  98,  394. 
Pownal,  Thomas,  II,  482,  155,  326. 
Pownal,  John,  I,  554. 
Pratt,  Chief  Justice  Benjamin,  II, 

156,  160. 
Prevost,  General,  II,  118. 
Presqu'  Isle,  I,  440,  II,  97,  192. 
Price,  Commodore,  I,  85. 
Prideaux,  Brigadier  General,  II,  96, 

100,  395. 
Prideaux's  Bay,  II,  473. 
Prince  George,  Fort,  I,  498. 
Puntal,  Fort,  II,  170. 
Putnam,  Israel,  II,  217. 
Putnam,  Lodowick,  II,  509. 

Quebec,  I,  11,  17, 117,  298,  374;  II, 
88,  108. 

Queensbury,  Town  of,  I,  512. 

Queens'  College  (Rutgers)  II,  352. 

Quider  (Indian  name  of  Peter  Schuy- 
ler) I,  21,  22. 

Ramboert,  Pierre,  I,  326. 
Ramsay,  Chevalier.  I,  199,  248 ;  II, 

113. 
Raven  King,  a  Cherokee  chieftain, 
Red  Head,  an  Onondaga  sachem,  I, 

426,  485 ;  II,  9,  76,  219,  409. 
Reggio,  Admiral,  I,  369. 
Reid,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  II,  251. 
Richard,  Paul,  I,  267,  419. 
Riedesel,  Madame,  II,  244. 
Rittenhouse,  David,  I,  407. 
River  Indians,  I,  348,  352,  354,  379, 

460. 
Roberts,  Colonel,  I,  238,  244,  262, 

267,  294. 
Roberts,  Lieutenant,  II,  269. 
Roberts,  Ensign,  II,  417. 
Rochester,  ft  223. 
Rocky  Brook,  I,  617. 
Rogers,   Major  Robert,  the  famous 

ranger,  I,  621 ;  II,  1,  5,  19,  78, 

107,  131,  141,  199. 
Rosekrans,  Hon.  E.  H.  I,  648. 
Ross,  Captain,  I,  414. 
Royal  Grant,  II,  323,  496. 
Ruggles,    Colonel   Timothy,  I,  615, 

II,  256. 
Rushel,  Daniel,  a  tenant  of  Sir  Wm. 

Johnson,  II,  386. 
Rutherford,  Major  John,  I,  163,  184, 

201,  244,  246,  696,  637. 


Ryswick,  Peace  of,  I,  24. 

Sac  and  ag  a  river,  II,  164. 
Sackett,  a  half  breed,  I,  363. 
Sadekanaghtie,  an  Onondaga  sachem, 

I,  18,  20. 

St.  Ange  de  Belrive,  Captain  Louis, 

II,  249,  251. 

St.  Clair,  Sir  John,  I,  191,  192,  636. 

St.  Clair,  Lake,  II,  221. 

St.  Francis  Indians,  I,  249,  356,  418, 

458,  535. 
St.  Francis  Village,  II,  107. 
St.  Frederick  (Crown  Point),  I,  34, 

173,  202,  387,  521. 
St.  George,  Chevalier,  de,  I,  87. 
St.  George,  M.  de,  I,  276. 
St.  Germain  M.  Indian  Interpreter, 

II,  141. 
St.  lago,  Fort,  II,  170. 
St.  John  Indians,  I,  379. 
St.  Joseph,  Fort,  II,  192. 
St.  Louis,  Sault,  II,  194. 
St.  Marie  Sault,  II,  131,  228. 
St.  Martin,  Huron    Interpreter,  II, 

150. 
St.  Patrick's  day,  I,  253,  II,  31. 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  II,  62. 
St.  Pierre,  Le   Gardeur  de,  I,   440, 

511,  516. 
St.  Sacrament  (Lake  George),  I,  607. 
Sahdegeoyes,   a  Seneca  Sachem,   I, 

545. 
Sammons  family,  I,  59 
Sammons,  Thomas,  I,  64. 
Sammons,  Sampson,  II,  510. 
Sandusky,  Fort,  II,  192,  227. 
Sandusky,  Lake,  II,  466. 
Sanders,  Robert,  I,  174. 
Saratoga,  I,  110,  173,  175,  182,  185, 

250,  265,  267,  279, 286,  292,  293, 

303,  305. 
Saratoga  Springs,  visited  by  Sir  Wm. 

Johnson,  II,  291. 
Saratoga,  Lake,  II,  290,  300. 
Saxe,  Count  Maurice  (Marshal),  I, 

347,  516. 
Say,  Viscount,  I,  460 
Sayayenguaraghta,  chief  Sachem  of 

Onondaga,  II,  187. 
Schaghticoke,  I,  357. 
Schaghticoke  Indians,  I,  459. 
Schenectady,  People  of,  I,  22. 
Schlosser,  Fort,  II,  207,  222. 
Schoolcraft,  Henry  R.,  I,  550. 
Schuyler,  Major  Peter  (Quider),   I, 

19,  20,  26,  29. 
Schuyler,  Colonel  Philip,  1, 174,  176, 

207,  283,  280,  294,  414,  333  ;  II, 

294,  348,  361,  605. 


542 


LIFE   OF  SIR   WILLIAM  JOHNSON,   BART. 


Schuyler,  Captain,  brother  of  Philip, 

killed  at  Saratoga,  I,  174. 
Schuyler,  Colonel  Peter,  I,  292,  536. 
Schuyler,  Peter  Jr.,  I,  416. 
Schuyler  Myndert,  I,  114,  414. 
Schuyler,  David,  I,  414 ;  II,  176. 
Schuyler,  Captain,  II,  103. 
Schuyler,  Fort,  II,  171. 
Scott,  I.  Morise,  I,  202,  303 ;  II,  159. 
Seal,  Viscount,  I,  460. 
Seamen,  Colonel  Edmund,  II,  359, 
Sears,  Isaac,  II,  269,  283. 
Seeker,  Thomas,  I,  474. 
Seisberger,  David,  I,  118. 
Senhouane,  a  Seneca  chief,  II,  375. 
Sergeant,  Rev.  John,  I,  216,  409. 
Seth,  a  Tuscarora  Indian,  II,  343. 
Shamokin  I,  732 
Sharpe,    Lieutenant     Governor,    I, 

536;  11,287 
Shawanese,  I,  67,  498 ;  II,  373,  376. 
Sheauga  river,  II,  132, 
Shehaes  a  chief  of  the  Conestogoes, 

II,  211. 
Shelburne,  Earl  of,  II,  279,  304. 
Sherburne,  Henry,  I,  451. 
Shicolamy,  (Shikellimus)  father  of 

Logan,  1,  67 ;  II,  370. 
Shipston,  I.,  I,  355. 
Shirley,  Governor  William,  I,  115, 
120,  129,  185,  190,  198,  229,  243, 
249,  262,  281,  303,  324,  334.  341, 
450,  467,  482,  489,  501,  518,  535, 
538 ;  II,  5,  384. 
Shuckburgh  Doctor  Richard,  I,  408. 
Sidney,  Algernon,  I,  320. 
Silver  Heels,  a  Shawanese  chief,  II, 

373,  413. 
Sinclair,  Sir  John,  I,  230. 
Skanorady,  a  Cayuga  chief,  II,  92. 
Skawendadeys,  II,  121. 
Sloughter,  Governor   Henry,  I,  19, 

41. 
Smith,  William,  I,  202,  450,  465 ;  II, 

159. 
Smith,  William,  Jr.,  II,  177. 
Smith,  William  Nicholl,  I,  267. 
Smith,  Tom,  a  trader,  II,  36. 
Sodus  (Lake  Ontario),  II,  473. 
Solebay  frigate,  I,  57. 
Sons  of  Liberty,  II,  258,  266,  269, 

282,  329. 
South  Bay  (Lake  Champlain),  II,  20. 
;Spottswood,  Governor  Alexander,  I, 

.81,  101. 
Squash;  Gutter,  Chief  warrior  of  the 

Delaw.ares,  II,  222. 
-Stanley,  Colour  I,  164. 
jStanwix,  Brigadier  General,  II,  99, 
392. 


Stanwix,  Fort,  II,  142,  476. 

Stark,  General  John,  I,  501 ;  II,  31. 

Statts,  Captain,  I,  216,  218. 

Stevens,  Captain  Phineas,  I,  222, 
258,  361. 

Stevens,  Arent,  an  Indian  Interpre- 
ter, I,  329 ;  II,  32,  389. 

Stewart,  Rev.  Dr.,  I,  515. 

Stirling,  Captain,  II,  251. 

Stirling,  Mr.  a  trader,  II,  146. 

Stockbridge  Mission  School,  I,  409. 

Stockbridge  Indians,  1,  14. 

Stoddard,  Colonel  John,  I,  163,  165, 
291,  361. 

Stoddard,  Captain,  I,  366,  402,  419. 

Stone,  Colonel  William  L.,  I,  541. 

Stone  Arabia,  II,  55. 

Stringer,  Samuel,  II,  378,  501. 

Stuart,  Rev.  John,  Missionary  at 
Fort  Hunter,  II,  342. 

Sutton,  Samuel,  II,  501. 

Tacarihoga,    alias  Nickus    Hance, 

II,  29. 
Tachanoontia,  an  Onondaga  Speaker, 

I,  93,  100. 
Tacconet  Falls,  I,  467. 
Tasker,  Benjamin,  I,  457,  465. 
Taylor,  Jeremy,  II,  114. 

Taylor,  Lieutenant  Governor  John, 

II,  507. 

Tea    Island,     formerly     Horse-shoe 

(Lake  George),  I,  554. 
Teedyuscung,  the  Delaware  king,  II, 

14,  85,  121,  164. 
Ten  Broeck,  Dirck,  I,  114,  243. 
Ten  Eyck,  Jacob,  I,  415,  II,  349. 
Teughsaragarat,  a  Cayuga  chief,  II, 

92. 
Thackeray,  William  Makepeace,  II, 

112. 
Thatcher,  Rev.  Dr.,  I,  409. 
Thecotherick,  Alderman,  II,  326. 
Thomas,  Lieutenant  Governor  Geo., 

I,  67,  69,  73,  91,  95,  109. 
Thomas,  Philip,  I,  92. 
Thomas,  John,  I,  267,  303,  419. 
Three  Rivers,  I,  117. 
Tice,  Gilbert,  I,  501. 
Ticonderoga,  I,  510,  522,  537;  II,  71, 

88. 
Tiebout,  Captain,  I,  268. 
Tierondequat,  see  Irondequat. 
Titcomb,  Colonel  Moses,  I,  516. 
Tocarryhogon,  Indian  name  of  Gov- 
ernor Thomas,  I,  105. 
Toronto,  II,  636,  96. 
Touche,  M.  de  la,  II,  163. 
Touhannock  river,  I,  355. 
Townsend,  Admiral  Isaac,  I,  232 


INDEX. 


543 


Townsend,  Brigadier  General  George, 

II,  109,  120. 
Townsend,  Charles,  II,  285. 
Traders,  unscrupulous  English,    II, 

13a 
Traders,  French,  II,  303. 
Trent,  Captain  William,  I,  446 ;  II, 

309. 
Trepezee,  Captain  de,  II,  71. 
Tribe's  Hill,  II,  509. 
Trinity  Church,  (New  York  City,)  I, 

476. 
Tryon,  Governor  William,    II,    234, 

346,  348,  352 
Tullekins  Major  John,  II,  126,  417. 
Tuscaroras,  I,  28. 

Twightwees,  (Miamis)  I,  68;  II,  83. 
Tyng,  Captain  Edward,  I,  134. 
Tyrrell,  Captain,  I,  412. 

. 
Ulster  County,  II,  2. 
Uncas,  I,  349. 

Upper  Ashuelot,  (Keene)  I,  221,  261. 
Ury,  John,  I,  54. 

Van  Antwerp,  I,  357. 

Van  Courtlandt,  I,  194. 

Van  Dam,  Rip,  I,  34,  36. 

Van  Eps,  Cobus,  II,  422. 

Van  Home,  Gerret,  I,  39. 

Van  Home,  Cornelius,  I,  267. 

Van  Patten,  Philip,  I,  165. 

Van  Rensselaer,  General,  II,  522. 

Van  Rensselaer  Johannes,  I,  415. 

Van  Rensselaer,  Rev.  Courtlandt,  II, 

507,  526,  547. 
Van  Schaack,  Sybrant,  I,  357. 
Van  Schaack,  Henry,  II,  267,  388. 
Van  Schaack,  Peter,  II,  388. 
Van  Slyck,  Captain  Jacob,  I,  470. 
Van  Slyck,  Albert,  I,  350. 
Van  Slyck,  Adrian,  I,  350. 
Van  Slyck,  Angus,  I,  350. 
Van  Slyck,  Daniel,  I,  350. 
Vaudreuil,  Governor  de,  I,  479,  411 ; 

II,  27,  33,  36,  120. 
Vaudreuil,  Rigaud  de,  I,  173,  225. 
Vaughan,    Colonel   William,  I,  121, 

130,  138,  156. 
Venango,  Fort,  I,  447 ;  II,  27,  33,  36, 

120,  417. 
Verger,  M.  D.  I,  491. 
Vernon,  Admiral  Edward,  II,  83  . 
Verplanck,  Philip,  I,  180,  290. 
Vesey,  Mrs.  Daniel,  I,  292. 
Visscher,  Lieutenant,  I,  281. 
Villiers,  M.  de,  I,  449 ;  II,  18. 
Vrooman,  Captain  Jacob,  I,  216. 

Waqeb,  Sir  Charles,  I,  57,  60. 


Waggoner,  Peter,  II,  176. 
Wakahela,  a  Delaware  Chief,  II,  14. 
Walcott,  Roger,  I,  130,  132, 164,  290, 

451,  463. 
Waldo,  Brigadier  General  Samuel  I, 

130,  230. 
Wallace,  Hugh,  II,  218. 
Walters,  Major,  II,  441. 
Walters,  Sir  George,  I,  57. 
Walton,  William,  II,  419,  478. 
Walton,  Jacob,  II,  818. 
Walton,  Captain  Joseph,  II,  393. 
Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  I,  83,  110. 
Walpole  Company,  II,  308. 
Wampum,  I,  426. 
Warren,  Sir  Peter,  I,  52,  57,  59,  63, 

^82,  85,   120,  128,  135,  142,  176, 

185,  191,  198,  243,  275,  289,  303, 

409. 
Warren,  Lady,  I,  412. 
Warren,  Anne,  I,  57. 
Warren,  Oliver,  I,  57. 
Warren,  John,  I,  412. 
Warren,  Joseph,  II,  333. 
Warrensbush,  I,  60,  64. 
Warrentown,  I,  57. 
Washington,  George,  I,  437,  440,  446, 

494,  496  ;  II,  78. 
Washington,  Laurence,  I,  437. 
Washington,  Augustine,  I,  437. 
Watts,  John,  I,  419. 
Watts,  Miss  Mary,  II,  362,  502. 
Warwick,  Earl  of,  I,  460. 
Weare,  Meshec,  I,  451. 
Webb,  Major  General  Daniel,  I,  519; 

II,  23,  43,  46,  50. 
Weisenberg,  Catherine,  wife  of  Sir 

Wm.  Johnson,  I,  66,  327  ;  II,  492. 
Weiser,  Conrad,  I,  67,  160,  437,  458. 
Welles,  Samuel,  I,  211,  290,  451. 
Wemps,  John,  II,  390. 
Wendell,  Colonel  Jacob,  I,  163, -211. 
Wendworth,  Govenor,  Benning,  I,  84, 

121,  131,  532  ;  II,  232,  294. 
Western,  Fort,  I,  467. 
West  river,  I,  362. 
Westfield,  I,  549. 
Westminister  Abbey,  II,  113. 
Wheelock,  Rev.  Eleazer,  I,  328,  409 ; 

II,  173,  175,  294. 
White  Mingo,  Chief  of  the  Ohio  In- 
dians, II,  152,  295,  461. 
White  Joseph,  I,  549. 
Whitefield,  Rev.  George,  I,  181. 
Whiting,  Lieutenant,  I,  513. 
Wibird,  Richard,  I,  451. 
Williams,  Colonel  Ephraim,  I,  224, 

361,  364,  469,  513,  547. 
Williams,   Surgeon  Thomas,  I,  225, 

618,  520. 


544 


LIFE   OF  SIR  WILLIAM   JOHNSON,   BART. 


Williams,  Colonel  Israel,  I,  361,  468. 
Williams,  Elisha,  I,  451. 
Williams,  Rev  Stephen,  I,  508. 
Williams,  William,  I,  547. 
Williams,  Dr.  William  H.,  I,  647. 
Williams'  College,  I,  648. 
Williamsburgh,  I,  440. 
William  Henry,  Fort,  I,  520,  II,  30, 

45. 
William  Augustus,  Fort,  II,  473. 
William,  Fort,  I,  185,  324. 
Wilkins,  Major  John,  II,  208. 
Willard,  Professor,  II,  315. 
Wills  Creek,  I,  440,  494. 
Wilmot,  Colonel,  II,  207. 
Wilson,  James,  I,  189. 
Winchester,  I,  223,  261. 
Winslow,  Colonel  John,  I,  490,  II,  5, 

21. 
Winthrop,  John,  I,  407. 
Wolfe,  General  James,  II,  61, 88, 108. 


Wood  Creek  (Lake   Champlain),   I, 

39,  506,  519. 
Wood  Creek,  (Oswego)  II,  3. 
Woodbridge,  Mr.,  Commissioner  for 

Susquehanna  Company,  II,  185. 
Wormwood,  William,  II,  176. 
Worthington,  John,  I,  451. 
Wraxall,  Captain  Peter,  II,  36,  63, 

167. 
Wyalusing  (Mahaclusing)  II,  212. 
Wyandots,  I,  28. 
Wyandot  village,  II,  147. 
Wyoming  Valley  (Wajomick)  I,  67, 

463. 
Wyoming  lands,  I,  460. 

YOUGHIOGKNT  RIVER.    I,  447,  495. 

Zacharias,  a  Mohawk  Indian,  II,  30. 
Zinzendorf,  Nicolas   Lewis,  Count, 
II,  370. 


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